[
{"source_document": "", "creation_year": 1375, "culture": " French\n", "content": "Produced by Laurent Vogel and the Online Distributed\nProofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was\nproduced from images generously made available by the\nBiblioth\u00e8que nationale de France (BnF/Gallica) at\n(Page 1)\nSi sensuit le viandier pour appareiller toutes manieres de viandes que\ntailleuant queux du roy nostre sire fist pour appareiller Boully /\nRousty Poisson de mer et deaue doulce / saulces / espices / & autres\nchoses a ce conuenables et necessaires comme cy apres sera dit.\n\u00b6 Et premierement. Brouet Blanc de chapons. Blanc mengier a poisson.\nBlanc brouet dalemaigne. Salamine. Brouet georget. Graue de poisson.\nBrouet de canelle a chair. Autre brouet a chair. Cretonnee a poix\nnouueaux ou a feues maigre potaige. Cretonnee despaigne. Cretonnee a\npoisson. Brouet vert a veau ou a poulaille. Brouet vert de grain a\npoisson. Brouet housse a veau & poullaille. Ciue de lieure. Graues\ndalouettes et descreuisses Chaudume a anguille & brochet. Souppe a\nmoustarde. Trimolette de perdris. Semee a connins. Gibeleth doyseaulx de\nriuiere. Boully larde a connins et a poulailles. Brouet rappe a veau /\npoulaille venoison aux souppes. Venoison cheureux aux souppes. Venoison\nsanglier aux souppes. Soruige danguilles. faulx grenon. Froide saulce\nrousse a poissons ou a veau viole. A poussins & veau gelee. A char\nvinaigrette. Bousac de lieures. Oyes a la traison & ris arbeleste de\npoisson. Brochetz / anguilles a la galantine. Lait larde morterel.\nSabourot de petis poussins. Brouet de cailles / cresme frite / haricoq\nbrun. Fromaiges de teste de sanglier. Espaulle farcye de mouton\nmouleaulx poussins farsis. Esturgon a poisson & a char Faisans & paons\narmez fayennez telle potee de langues de beuf. & tetine de vache franche\na poisson. leaue benoite. Poulaitz farcis / Irson damandes / Oeufz\nfraitz roustis en la broche. Vinee de char. (Page 2) Beurre frais frit a\nla paelle. Coulis de chappons. Aultre coulis pour malades. Coulis de\npoisson orge mondee pastez en pot galimafree friquassee pastez de boeuf\na saulce chaulde pastez de veau chappons en paste pastez de hallebrans\nde chappons. Pastez de poulaille a la saulce robert pastez de pyions\npastez de moton a la ciboule pastez de merles et mauuis pastez de\npassereaulx pastez de cannes sauluages pastez de cheuereau pastez doison\npastez de coulon ramier pastez de perdris pastez de connins pastez de\nlieures pastez de venoison de cerf pastez de sanglier pastez de lorais\npastez de moille pastez de mullet pastez de bresme pastez de truyte\npastez danguilles pastez de congre de mer pastez de turbot pastez de\nrougetz pastez de gornault pastez daloses pastez de saulmon lamproye en\npaste pastez de vache pastez de gigos de mouton tartes couuertes\ncommunes tartes descouuertes tartes a deux visages. Daulphins fleurs de\nliz estoille de cresmes tous sucres faiz Belons en facon dung con farciz\nTartre iacopine couuerte de orengez par dessus tartes bourbonnaise\ntartes couuertes talemouse tartre iacopine bien farcie tartres de pommes\npastez de poyres crues. Dariolles de cresme damande. Saulce cameline\nsaulce madame saulce poicteuine iaune saulce daulx aillee rousse aillee\na la moustarde saulce rappee. Saupiquet sur connins ou aultre rost\nchaudume saulce a lalose saulce au moust. Poree feues fraisees\nporreaux / souppes a loygnon. Pommes de choux congordez. Pour dessaller\ntous potaiges. Pour oster larsure de tous potaiges boillanteures haricoq\nde mouton bouly larde cheureau sauuaige sanglier fraiz cuyt en eaue\nchappons & veau aux herbes. Ciue de veau rousty tout cuyt.\nPotaiges lyans\n\u00b6 Chaudun de porc cretonnee de poix nouueaux cretonnee de feues\nnouuelles comme de poix (Page 3) cretonnee de poulaille cretonnee\ndamandes / graues de menus oyseaulx. Blanc brouet de chappons. bousac de\nlieure ou de connins. houdet de chapons. ciue de lieure. ciue de\nconnins.\nChapitre de rost.\n\u00b6 Porc rosty au vert ius. veau rosty. fraise de veau. pyions. menus\noyseaulx. perdris. plouiers. turturelles. paon. sigoigne. faisans.\nbutors. cormorans. hairons. malars de riuiere. porcelet farcy. polaille\nfarcie pour le dorer. faulx grenon. gelee a poisson. saulce chaude.\npouletz hochez. fromantee. gelee a poisson. lamproye fresche. froide\nsaulce a chair. ris en goule viandes & potaiges de cresme. Et\npremierement de poisson cuit en eaue. ciue doistres. brochetz rostiz\nflans & tartres.\n\u00b6 Pour malade. chandeau flamant. coulis de perche. blanc mengier de\npoisson. poisson deaue doulce. lux. brochetz. dars barbillons. carpes.\nanguille freche. lemproye a la sauce chaulde. bresme. porc de mer.\ngornault. dodine de laict sur oyseaux de riuiere. saulce. most iehan.\nboulier de sanglier. moton rosti. cheureaulx & aigneaulx. oyes.\npoulailles. rougez. maquereaulx fraiz. plyes. soles. rayes. turbot.\nlimandes. molue fresche & seiche. haran.\n\u00b6 Saulces non boulies. Cameline. saulce verde. aulz camelins. aulz\nblanc. aulz vers aux harans fraiz. saulce boulies. poiure noir. poiure\niausne. saule poiteuine. iance. saulce verde. vert ius vert.\nClare ypocras.\n\u00b6 Cy finist la table & commence le traictie de ce liure\nPour faire brouet blanc de chapons & de poulaille ou de veau il conuient\nle boulir & prendre le bouillon quant ils ont cuitz & mettez appart le\nbouillon & plumes des amandes & les broyez & destrampez du bouillon de\nla poulaille des chappons ou de veau et puis coulez les amandes (Page 4)\npar vne estamine. Et prenez pouldre de gingembre blanc par raison & le\ndeffaictes de vert ius & de vin blanc Et mettes foison sucre au bouillir\n& quil soit de bon sel quant il sera bouilly mettes le bouillon en vng\nbeau pot appart & aussi le grain soit la poulaille / le chappon / ou le\nveau / et au dressier mettes vostre grain en plat & vostre bouillon.\n\u00b6 Pour faire blanc mengier a poisson de brochet de perche ou dautre\npoisson auquel appartient blanc mengier et faictes escailles & frire a\nluille ou au beurre. & prenez amandes & les deffaictes comme dessus est\ndit. & de puree de poix mettes du vin blanc a les deffaire & du\ngingembre blanc / & deffaictes de vert ius & sucre tant quil en ayt\nassez & mettes appart ainsi comme en celuy de chair.\n\u00b6 Pour faire blanc brouet dalemaigne. prenez veau ou polaille et\nreffaire / et puis despeces par pieces / et mettes souffrire a beau\nbouillon de beuf & de sain de lart & mettes de loignon taille menu\ndedans au souffrire / et prenez des amandes & les broyes a tout lescorce\n& deffaictes en bouillon de beuf & coulez & au couler metter des foyes\nde poulaille et mettez auecques les amandes. & quant le bouillon sera\ncoule soit gette dedans le pot. quant le grain sera souffrit & du sucre\npar raison mettes dedans le pot au souffrire & les espices qui\nappartiennent / cestassauoir canelle gingembre / menues espices.\ncestadire clou graine & saffran pour luy donner couler deffaite de vert\nius de vin blanc ou vin vermeil / & puis dressier quant il sera heure en\nplatz ou escouelles.\n\u00b6 Pour faire salemme. Soit prins brochetz carpes & autres poisson qui y\nappartient & les faitz escaillier & le frire et broyes amandes a tout\nlescorce & deffaictes de puree de poix / & puis prenez semblablement\nespices comme au brouet dalemaigne et les deffaictes de vert ius / et\nfaictes (Page 5) bouillir vostre bouillon & mettes apart tant quil soit\ntemps de dressier.\n\u00b6 Pour faire brouet georget. prenez veau poulaille ou connin despeces\npar pieces & mettes reffaire & quant sera refait mettes la souffrire en\nvng peu de sain de lart du boulon de beuf et mettes de loigon maince\nmenu tout creu / et mettes souffrire auec le grain & du percil effueille\nparmy / & mettes haller du pain & quant il sera halle mettes le tramper\npour faire le bouillon / en bouillon de beuf & mettes des foyes de\npoulaille pour couler avec le grain les espices qui sont auec / cest\ncanelle / gingembre / clou / et graine tout batu broyez et dessaictes de\nvertius & du saffran dedans pour donner couleur & mettes tout en vng pot\net quant il sera temps le dressier en platz ou escuelles.\n\u00b6 Pour faire graue de poisson de brochet / de carpe / ou autre poisson /\nescailles et frises le poisson. et puis faictes haller du pain et le\ntremper en puree de poix & le coules: et y mettez de loignon frit maince\nassez gros & mettes bouillir tout ensemble gingembre canelle & menues\nespices: et les deffaictes de vin aigre et mettez vng petit de saffran\npour coulourer.\n\u00b6 Pour faire brouet de canelle a chair. prenez veau / et poulaille et\ndespeces par pieces et faictes reffaire / & puis souffrises & vng peu de\nsain de lart au frire et mettes aussi du bouillon de beuf & puis prenez\ndes amandes broyes a toute lescorce et les deffaictes a tout le bouillon\nde beuf. & prenez des foyes de poulaille & les mettes couler auecques\nles amandes. & puis prenez des espisses cestassauoir grant foison\ncanelle: gingembre: clou de girofle et graine de paradis / et soyent\nbroyees les espices & destrampees de vin vermeil / et mettes sucre a\nfoison dedans / et lassaisonnes de sel ainsi quil appartiendra pour\nceluy iour de poisson prenez carpe broche ou autre poisson & lescaillez\n& frisez & faictes (Page 6) le bouillon pareillement comme celluy de\nchair excepte quil soit de puree de poix & mettez pareilles espices\ncomme a celluy de chair & sucre comme a lautre & raisonnez comme lautre\n& bouillez vostre bouillon appart & le grain dauter.\n\u00b6 Pour faire vne cretonnee a poix nouueaux / ou feues nouuelles ou le\ngrain apres ce qui y veult mettre veau ou cheureau despece par pieces &\npoussins. Cest le grain qui y appartient & puis frire a sain de lart ou\nautre sain doulx lequel vous aurez laisement du quel bouillon a mettre\ndessus comme auoir du laict le bouillir en vng pot ou en vne paelle &\nauoir moyeulx doeufz alliez & quant il sera lie auoir du gingembre & le\nreffaire / & bouter dedans & le gouter de sel ainsi quil appartient.\n\u00b6 Pour faire le maigre potaige. prenez poix nouueaulx ou feues\nnouuelles / & pareil bouillon a celuy de chair. Et pour faire lieure aux\noeufz pothes faictes la pareille come celuy mesmes fors que on ny mette\npoint a ce lieure de gingembre & laissonnes ainsi quil appartient.\n\u00b6 Pour faire cretonnee despaigne. prenez veau ou poulaille mis par\npieces & coules le grain & frises au lart ou au sain doux du quel que\nvous pourres finer. prenez amandes & lez coules & en faictes du laict\ncome lect damandes. & prenez percil & mariolaine se en pouez trouuer &\nen faictes a foison entregettez coulez auec la verdure & quant le laict\nbouldra vous le lieres comme vne lieure doeufz. Et mettez du gingembre &\nmenues espices batues et deffaictes de vert ius / & de vin blanc & quant\nvostre potaige sera prest & lye vous le mettres en vng pot & quant\nviendra au dressier es platz prenez des oeufz qui soient cuitz & qui\nsoient durs & les plumeres & fendes par le millieu / & puis les frises\nauec sain quant le bouillon sera dedans voz platz si mettez voz oeufz\ndessus ou des totees doree se voulles elles y seront belles\n(Page 7) \u00b6 Pour la cretonnee a poisson prenes carpe brochet escaile &\nfrises quant il sera par pieces & faites vostre bouillon pareil a celluy\nde chair fors quil soit fait de puree de poix et lautre est fait de\nbouillon de chair & tout le demourant soit fait comme celluy de chair.\n\u00b6 Pour faire brouet vert prenez veau poulaille despecez par piece mettez\nreffaire & souffrire en sain de lart & bouillon de boeuf & prenes percil\na faison & le coulez auec moyaulx deufz & entregettes pain trampe\nensemble pour lyer auec le boullon de boeuf & les espices gingembre batu\n& vng peu de menues espices assemblez de vert ius.\n\u00b6 Pour faire brouet a poisson prenez anguilles et les tronsonnez &\nbrochetons escailles & tronsonnes & boulles en eaue & puree de poix &\nmettes pareillement herbes espices & vert ius comme au chapitre\nprecedent est dit & moyeulx deulx & faitte boullon appert.\n\u00b6 Pour brouet housse prenez veau ou poulaille despeces par pieces &\nsouffrisez en vng pot a sain de lart & bouillon de boeuf & prenez du\npain & mettes tremper en boullon de boeuf & des foyes de poulaille &\nmettez cuire en vng pot appart du percil du coq de la mariolayne de la\ntoute bonne de moyeulx deufz cuytz & coules tout ensemble & prenez du\npercil tout creu foison & broyes & le coules auec le boullon & puis les\nespices au boullir cestadire canelle gingembre grayne de paradis & clou\nde girofle deffaictes de vert ius & mettes boullir tout ensemble.\n\u00b6 Pour faire ciue de lieure soit prins vne liure veau ou pourchaille en\nla broche ou sur le gril despecez par pieces & mettes en vng pot. Et la\nsouffrissez en sain de lart et en boullon de boeuf en vng pot & prenez\ndu pain & des foyes & coules & frises de loygnon en sain de lart & le\ngettes dedens le pot auec le grain / & gettes le boullon quant sera\n(Page 8) coule le pain & mettez tout ensemble vng pot & les espices qui\nsensuiuent. Cest assauoir canelle / gingembre / graine de paradis / clou\nde girofle / & noix de muguette qui laura & deffaictes de vin aigre &\nmettes tout ensemble.\n\u00b6 Pour graue dalouettes. prenes alouettes & les faites souffrire &\nmettes veau en pot auec pour en auoir meilleur brouet / prenez du pain &\nle halez & le mettez tremper en bouillon de beuf & trempez de foyes auec\nle pain pour passer & quant il sera passe vous mettrez tout ensemble\ndedens le pot. & prenez canelle / gingembre / & menuez espices / &\ndeffaictes de vert ius\n\u00b6 Pour graue descreuisses. prenez escreuisses & les cuysez. et quant\nseront cuites & salees ainsi quil appartient vous les plumeres & mettres\nles colz appart & les frisez non pas trop fort / & broyes les corps ou\nmortier et des amandes auec toute lescorse / & coulez les amandes tout\nensemble. Et mettez canelle / gingembre / & menues espices et les\ndeffaictes de vert ius / & les mettez boullir ensemble & du sucre assez\nraisonnablement. Et se vous nauez assez grain / prenez brochet & le\nmettez en lieu descreuisses.\n\u00b6 Pour faire chaudume. prenez anguilles / brochet halle sur le gril /\ntronsonnes et mis en vne paelle ou en vng pot et quant il sera halle\nprenez de la puree & le mettez bouillir et prenez des foyes de brochet a\ncouler auec & mettes gingembre dedens & du saffram pour donner couleur\nau chaudume & prenez du vert ius et du vin pour mettre auec le chaudume\net tout faire boulir ensemble & gouter du sel.\n\u00b6 Pour faire soupe a moustarde pour iour de poisson prenez oeufz fris a\nluylle ou au beurre & puis ayez puree moustarde / canelle / gingembre /\nmenues espices comme cloux & grayne & sucre raisonnablement coule tout\nensemble & bouillir en vng pot / & deffaict de vert ius & gouter de sel\nainsi quil appartient & mettes le bouillon a part.\n(Page 9) \u00b6 Pour la rimolette de perdris. prenez perdris & les mettes\nroustir. & quant seront rousties souffrises les en vng pot a sain de\nlart & bouillon de beuf & puis de loignon frit bien menu / & soit mis\nauecques les autres espices & graine de paradis & du sucre par raison. &\nprenez du pain halle et des foyes de poulaille se en pouez finer & les\nmettes tramper en bouillon de beuf & coules parmy lestamine & le boutes\ndedans le pot auec les perdris. & mettes ce quil appartient / il\nconuient canelle gingembre / menues espices clou graine deffaictes de\nvert ius & de sel ainsi quil appartient.\n\u00b6 Pour semee mettez des connins haller en broche ou sur le gril &\ndespeces par pieces & mettez souffrire en vng pot / & du sain de lart &\ndu bouillon de beuf pour faire le bouillon prenes du pain & des foyes se\nvous en poues finer & mettez tramper en bouillon de beuf & puis coulez\nle pain & les foyes / & puis mettes dedans le pot & prenez gingembre /\ncanelle / & menues espices / & les deffaictes de vert ius / et mettez\nbouillir tout ensemble & gouter de sel ainsi quil appartient\n\u00b6 Pour gibelet doyseaulx de riuiere / il fault haller des oyseaulx en la\nbroche ou sur le gril faictes pareil bouillon comme a la semee & vert\nius / & espices pareillement.\n\u00b6 Pour boullir larde a connin ou a poullailles despeces par pieces & les\nlardes chascun vng lardon ou deux / & mettez bouillir en vng pot dedens\ndu bouillon de beuf a le faire cuire / puis prenes gingembre / canelle /\n& menues espices & de vert ius / & de sel comme il appartient.\n\u00b6 Pour brouet rappe / prenes veau poulaille despeces par pieces & mettes\nsouffrire en vng pot en sain de lart & du bouillon de beuf & mettes du\npain tramper dedans coules & soit mis du grain / & gingembre sans autres\nespices assez competamment. Et quant le potaige sera prest / prenes vert\nius de grain ou grouselles pour mettre dessus.\n(Page 10) \u00b6 Pour faire venoison aux soupes / prenez la venoison despecee\npar belles pieces & honnestes & faites boullir et chascun son lardon &\nfaictes boullir en vng pot auecques du bouillon de boeuf qui en pourra\nfiner ou de son boullon mesme & mettez du vin vermeil du meilleur que\nvous pourres finer & les espices clou & graine & les broies & destrampez\nde vert ius & dung peu de vin aigre & mettes boullir tout ensemble &\ngoutes de sel ainsi quil appartient.\n\u00b6 Venoison de cheureul pour mettre en souppez tout ainsi comme lautre\npredit.\n\u00b6 Venoison de sanglier pour mettre en souppes au potaige vous le mettres\naussi pour boullir mettes la en vng pot & le mettes cuire en vin / & en\nboullon de boeuf / & en autre bouillon & prenez du pain halle et\ndestrampe de vng peu de bouillon non guiere. Et de ces espices il y\nfault canelle / graine / clou / gingembre foison & broyes & mettes\ndedens le pot de la venoison.\n\u00b6 Pour faire vng soruige danguilles prenes les anguilles eschaudees\nnettoyeez & tronsonnees & frises loignon & du percil & quil soit tranche\npar roelles & le souffrises & mettez dedens vostre pot & prenez du pain\n& le hallez & mettez tramper en puree de poix & conuient la couler &\nbouter en vng pot & des espices cestassauoir gingembre / canelle &\nmenuez espices boutez au pot & du saffran pour luy donner couleur &\ndeffaictes de vin aigre.\n\u00b6 Pour vng fault grenon prenez de la fesse dung porc / & la mettez\ncuyre / & quant sera cuite sur le vert non pas trop trenches ainsi comme\ngros doigz & prenes des menus droitz de poulaille comme foyes de iusier\n& les mettez cuire & quant seront cuytz tranchez les perdris & les\nfrises au bouillon que il appartient vous prendres du pain blanc & le\nmettes tramper au boullon ou aura este cuit le porc se vous ne auez du\n(Page 11) bouillon de beuf & aures des moyeulx doeulx entregettes ce que\nvous meterez auec vostre pain. Et mettes du gingembre & vng pou de\nsaffran du vin blanc & du vert ius & le mettes coulourer. Et apres le\ncouleres par lestamine & bouillir tout ensemble et ne le laisseres pas\nlonguement au feu & puis mectes le bouillon en vng pot & le assaisonnes\ndu sel.\n\u00b6 Pour faire froide sauce prenes poussins fendus par le doz & menus\ndroitz de poulaille cest iusiers & foyes trenchez les menus droitz &\npoulaille quant ilz seront cuitz & appareillez trenches les au long et\nles dressiez en platz ou escuelles et la saulce qui appartient. il fault\ncomme saulce vert / et ny a difference si non quil y a de sauge et au\ndresser mettes oeufz fort cuys sur les platz par moyties.\n\u00b6 Pour faire rouge. prenez poussins et veau & les faictes bouillir &\nfrire quant ilz seront cuytz en sain prenez des amandes plumes broyez &\naffines & prenez du boullon de la poulaille & mettes destramper de voz\namandes. Et puis prenez eaue rouse assez raisonnablement et coules auec\nles amandes le bouillon & mettes en vng pot et du vert ius / et vng peu\nde vin blanc et non guieres & prenes du ris batu en pouldre et les\ndeffaictes deaue rose pource que quant vostre potaige sera sur le feu et\nil bouldra le lies & y mettes sucre assez largement. Et pour donner\ncouleur a la rouse prenes de lorcanette / et faictes chauffer en sain\ndoulx le meilleur sain que vous porres finer et le coules pour bouter ou\npot pour luy bouter sa couleur & quant le grain sera dressie par platz\nvous mectrez le bouillon dessus et des autres dorees deux ou troys a\nchascun plat ou de dragee blanche si en auez.\n\u00b6 Pour faire vng viole prenes veau & poussins entiers & les mettez cuire\net les souffrises apres du bouillon de vostre (Page 12) veau & de voz\npoussins. prenez amandes plumez et broies & les coulez & quant seront\ncoulees mettes les dedans vng pot & les faictes bouillir et mettez du\nsucre foyson par rayson. Et puis prenez du vin blanc & vert ius &\ndeffaictes de la fleur de ris batu & du bouillon & le couleres & du\ntoressot de viole pour donner couleur au potaige & boutez dedans a leure\nque vous les le faictes bouillir & gouster de sel ainsi quil appartient\n& dressez prenez & gettes le bouillon dessus & par dessus la dragee.\n\u00b6 Pour gelee prenez gigotz ou piez de veau ce que pourres finer & les\nmettez bouillir en vin blanc & du grain qui y appartient. Apres quant\nles gigots ou piedz de veau seront comme demy cuitz. Prenez cochons par\npieces et poussins par moities & bien nettoyes & laues ieunes lappereaux\nqui en pourra finer. puis prenes gingembre / & gaine vng peu mastix &\nfoison saffran & vin aigre par raison. Et quant le grain sera cuit vous\nprendres le bouillon & mettres en vng pot sur le feu de charbon se la\ngelee est trop grasse. prenez aubins doeufs et les mettez au bouillon\nquant il vouldra boullir & quant il bouldra ayez taoille toute preste\npour faire couler tandis quelle coulera vous mettres le grain en platz\ncestadire le cochon le lappereau & la poulaille. & puis quant le grain\nsera mis en platz vous les mettres en vne caue / et gettez le bouillon\nsur le grain en chascun plat.\n\u00b6 Pour faire vinaigrette. prenez hastes menues de pourchailles en la\nbroche ou sur le gril & les despeces par petis morceaulx et les mettes\nen vng pot. et prenez de loignon bien menu trenche & le mettez cuyre / &\nquant il sera cuyt le mettes auecques le grain & ayez de la canelle & du\ngingembre & des menues espices et vng petit de saffran et luy donnes\ncouleur & deffaictes les espices de vng peu vin aigre / (Page 13) &\nmettez boullir tout ensemble & gouter de sel bien apoint.\nBousac.\n\u00b6 Bousac de lierre qui sera reffait pour boulir et despece par pieces &\npuis le mettez en vng pot & le souffrises ayes du bouillon de beuf et le\nsouffrises dedans le pot. & prenes du pain & le halles & quant il sera\nhalle vous le mettres tramper et des foyes de poulaille & couleres et\nmettres de la canelle du gingembre & des menuez espices cest clou et\ngraine & mettes auec le pain & faictes les espices de vin aigre / &\nmettes boullir tout ensemble et de vert ius & de bon vin vermeil et\nfaictes tout bouillir ensemble.\nOyes a la trayson\n\u00b6 Pour faire oyes a la trayson mettes les oyes haller en la broche et\nquant elles seront hallees mettes les souffrire en vng pot & mettes en\nsain de lart & en bouillon de beuf & prenez / canelle / graine / et clou\nde girofle / & broyes se les espices ne sont bien batues & mectes les\nespices dedans le pot au souffrire et du sucre assez raisonnablement. et\nprenes vng pou de pain & des foyes de poulaille & les mettes tramper en\nbouillon de beuf et de la moustarde assez raisonnablement & coulez et\nmettez au pot & bouillez tout ensemble et goutez de sel ainsi quil\nappartiendra.\nRis\n\u00b6 Pour ris. prenes du ris et le laues. et prenez du layt de vache ou\ndamandes plumees & le lait de vache faictes boulir qui soit cuit et\nmettes vng bien peu de saffran pour luy donner couleur et du sel pour\ngouter.\nArbeleste de poisson\n\u00b6 Pour arbeleste de poisson de tripes de brochetz & tripes de carpes\ncuites puis laissez refroidir. prenez dune carpe ou deux ou du brochet &\nles appareilles & ostes les arestes le plus que vous pourres et que le\npoisson soit bien escaille & le tranchez par (Page 14) gros lopins comme\nles trippes & les frises et les trippes du poisson cestassauoir les\nfoyez les mulettes de brochetz & le bouillon qui y appartient & prenes\ndu pain halle tresbien sans brusler & les mettes tremper en puree de\npoix & en vin vermeil le meilleur que vous pourres finer & prenez\ncanelle / gingembre / menues espices / & clou de girofle / foyson &\ncoulez pain & les espices ensemble & les deffaictes de vin aigre & puis\nles mettes boullir / & puis quant il sera boully mettez le boullon en\nvng pot & mettez le grain qui est frit dedans le pot & lassaisonnez de\nsel.\nLa galentine\n\u00b6 Pour brochetz & anguilles a la galentine / prenez brochetz & les\nappareiles & les tronsonnes & les anguilles vous eschauderes & apres\ntronsonneres & osteres la teste de languille & les lieres tout entour\nquant elles seront maincees mettez les cuyre en vng pot ou en vne paelle\ntout en vin & mettez au cuire vng peu de vin aigre. Et quant languille\nsera sur le point de cuire mettez le brochet dedans auec qui sera\ntronsonne. Et quant il sera cuyt / prenez le boullon & le mettez en pot\nde terre ou autre vaisseau de boys affin quil ne sente point larain. &\nprenez du pain & les trenchez par rouelles & le halles le plus brun que\nvous pourres sans brusler / & les mectez tramper dedans le boullon qui\naures puree de poisson & puis coulez & quant il sera coule prenes\nespices / cestassauoir canelle / gingembre / graine de paradis / clou de\ngirofle & garinga batu & aussi toutes les autres espices & au bouillir\nmettez les espices dedans tout ensemble auecques le boullon & les\nbouillez le plus longuement que faire se pourra sans ardoir que vous\npuisses & mectez du sel ce quil en appartient & quant sera boullu mectes\nle en vaisseau de terre ou de boys pour refroidir & coules encores vne\nfois et mectes du sucre dedans & quant il sera coule mectes le brochet &\nlanguille par tronsons & le mectes dedans.\n(Page 15) \u00b6 Pour faire laict larde. prenes du laict & le bouylles sur le\nfeu. & prenez des oeufz & les bates tres bien & mettes du gingembre\nblanc / & debates auecques voz oeufz et vng peu de saffran pour luy\ndonner couleur. Et prenez du lart gras & le trenches bien menu et les\nfaictes cuyre en vng pot ou en vne paelle & les pures qui ny ayt point\ndeaue / et le gettez auecques les oeufz et auecques le lait tout\nensemble / & goutez de sel quant vous aurez mis tout ensemble & quant\nsera bouillu vous le mettres en presse le plus que vous pourres et quant\nil sera presse vne nuyt entiere lendemain vous le trencheres par lesches\net quant il sera trenche vous le frires en sain de lart ou en sain\ndoulx.\n\u00b6 Pour faire vng morterel il conuient a ce la chair de faisant ou de\nperdris ou de chappons ou de fraises de cheureau & des cuisses de\ncheureau & de toutes ces quatre choses / & mettes bouillir & prenez de\nleur bouillon / & hacheres la cher le plus menu que vous pourres et\nmettes en vng pot & faictes bouillir auec & quant il sera sur le fait de\nestre cuit prenes de la mye de pain pour mettre auecques le bouillon et\nmesles vng bien peu de fromaige / et quil soit bon et le maincez le plus\nmenu que vous pourres et mettres ou pot et prenez espices / gingembre\nblanc batu deffait de vert ius & non guieres & des oeufz entregettez &\nles lieres en vostre morterel quant sera cuyt & le osteres du feu.\nSabourot de poussins.\n\u00b6 Pour faire sabourot de poussins. prenez poussins ou poulaille et\ndespeces par menus morceaulx et les souffrises en vne paelle en sain de\nlart & mettes vng peu doignon au souffrire. & prenez des foyes de\npoulailles & mettez tramper en bouillon de beuf & vng peu de pain pour\nlyer et coules (Page 16) & mettes du gingembre blanc batu & vng peu de\nvert ius & gouter de sel ainsi quil appartient.\nBrouet de cailles.\n\u00b6 Pour brouet de cailles. prenes chappons appareillez / ou grosse\npoulaille & mettes bouillir en vng pot & quant le grain sera cuyt &\nassaisonne auec vng peu de lart que mettes au cuire & du saffran dedans\ntires le grain & prenez moyeulx doeufz entregettes coules par lestamine\nou tresbien batus & en lyes le bouillon & mettez ou vert ius au lyer &\ngingembre blanc batu & mettez du percil effueille & le boutes / et quant\nil sera prest mettrez le grain en platz / & au seruir du bouillon.\n\u00b6 Pour cresme frite. prenez cresme & la mettes bouillir / et puis du\npain blanc esmye bien delye & le boutes dedans la cresme ou des oublyes\nesmyes foyson & les mettes auec cresme. & puis des moyeufz doeufz\nentreiectez dedans auec le layt & cresme & faictes boulir tout ensemble\n& mettes du sucre foison auec & goutes de sel non pas trop.\nPour haricoq.\n\u00b6 Pour faire haricoq. prenez poictrines de mouton & les mettes haller\nsur le gril & quant seront halles despeces les par morceaulx & mettez en\nvng pot. & prenez des oignons plumez & les maincez bien menus & mettes\ndedans le pot auec le grain prenez du gingembre blanc canelle / et\nmenues espices cestassauoir clou graine & les deffaictes de vert ius &\nboutes au pot & le assaisonnez de sel.\nFromage de sanglier\n\u00b6 Pour faire fromage de teste de sanglier. prenes la teste quant elle se\ntire en cuyt & les fendes & nectoyes et faites bouillir en vin & en\nvinaigre & quelle soit comme toute pourrie de cuyre / & puis le tires\nhors du feu et la mettes (Page 17) sur vne table ostez toute la chair\ndes os / et mettez la peau dung coste & halles la chair et mettez\nespices dedans la char canelle batue gingembre menues espices foyson\nclou & noix muguette bien batus & mettes tout ensemble & puis prenez la\npeau & remettes la chair dedans / & mettez vne piece de toille dedans\ncomme vng couurechief & mettes presser entre deux aiz & des pierres\ndessus pour bien presser / & le laisses tant quil soit froit.\nEspaule de mouton.\n\u00b6 Pour farcir espaule de mouton soit lespaule roustie en broche & non\npoint fort cuyte & la tires & ostes toutes les peaulx par dessus &\nhaches le plus menu que faire se pourra auec du lart cuyt & vng foye de\ncochon & du percil largement ysope poulieux & mariolaine crue que tout\nsoit hache auec lespaule & huyt moyeux doeufz a la farce & qui veult on\ny mect du gingembre du sucre & du sel & dois garder los de lespaule tout\ngarny de chair sain & entier / & puis aye vne taie de veau ou de mouton\nla plus maigre que vous trouueres & lestandes sur vng aiz bien net &\nmettes la moitie de la farce sur la taie de veau ou de mouton & puis\nprenez los de lespaule & le frappes dessus tant quil entre dedans / &\napres prenez le sur le plus de la farce & le faictes en facon de\nlespaule & puis remettes les hors de la taie sur lautre a deux ou trois\nbrochettes de boys pour les tenir & puis mettes la sur le gril a petit\nfeu longuement & ce fait la dores de moyeux doeufz dung coste & dautre\ndune plume quant ce sera fait la mettez en vng plat & en serues au\ndernier.\nPour moyaulx\n\u00b6 Pour faire les moyeulx de la farce. prenez du foye de poulaille ou du\nlart tout cuyt ensemble percil ysope & mariolayne crue & auoir et\nfaictes tout cuire ensemble a boullon de (Page 18) chair et quant sera\ncuyt purez qui ny demeure point deaue et haches bien menu et y mettes du\ngingembre et des moyeulx doeufz et puis prenez vne taye de veau ou de\ncheureau & mettes la farce dedans & la faictes de demy pie de long et de\nrondeur de plain poing et enuelopez la taye & mettes sur le gril & dores\nde moyeux doeufz & lespaule se espaule y a car cest tout vng seruice.\nPoussins farcis.\n\u00b6 Pour faire poussins farcis / il conuient les eschauder sur le trible\nsans leur couper piedz esles ne col & quant seront eschaudes fendez les\npar dessus les espaules / & tires tout ce qui est dedans os & chair quil\nny demeure que la peau excepte que la teste et les cuysses iusques au\ndernier genoil. Et puis prenes chair de poussins foye de cochon ou de\npoulaille du lart percil largement ysope polieux et coq et faictes tout\ncuyre ensemble & puis pures quil ny demeure point deaue & apres les\nhaches le plus menu que vous pourres et y mettes vng peu de gingembre &\nvng peu de saffran. Et puis remettes la farce dedans la peau du poussin\ndune esguille par la fante et ne lemplisses pas trop quil ne creue car\nil le conuient mettre en eaue bouillant et non pas guieres affin quil se\nroidisse et puis embrochez par le cul et par la teste en vne petite\nbroche. et quant il sera roide le dorez de moyeux doeufs en tournant &\ngardes bien quil ne se brule & au dressies sucres les poussins.\nEsturgon\n\u00b6 Pour faire esturgon. prenez trenches danguilles & mettez bouillir en\nvin blanc pur & quant il seront bien cuytz ostez les arestes de toute la\nchair du poisson. prenez du saffran pour luy donner couleur gingembre &\nmenues espices mettes auec la chair. & prenez la peau du poisson & en\ncouures toute (Page 19) la char & la mectez dedans vne estamine & le\npresser en vng mortier & puis le tranches par lesches & le mectes au\npercil & au vin aigre.\n\u00b6 Esturgon de chair.\n\u00b6 Pour faire esturgon de chair / soit prinse vne teste de veau et les\npiez qui soyent eschaudes et tresbien plumes et nectoyes et apres soient\nmis cuyre en vin & y soit mis de vin aigre & fort & ce fait soit leuee\nla peau de la teste & des piedz de veau & goutes de sel & puis soit\nprins la char de veau trenchee par lesches renueloppee en la peau de la\nteste de veau & puis soit presse lestugon & mis par belles lesches au\npercil & au vinaigre.\n\u00b6 Pour faire faisans & paons tous armes.\n\u00b6 Pour faire faisans & paons armes lardez tous prestz a metre en la\nbroche & quant il seront a demy cuitz lardes de clou de girofle / & pour\ndeux platz vne once de pouldre / & menues espices graine clou de girofle\npoiure long noix muscade / et deux onces de cynamome batue en pouldre et\npuis prenes vne choppine deaue rose & vne chopine de vinaigre & mectez\ndessoubz le rost & assembles toutes les espices ensemble & passez par\nlestamine & dedans la saulce / soit mis vng quarteron de sucre / & puis\nprenes demie liure de cynamome & faictes de loignon dune pongnee &\nfaictes confire en sucre comme autres espices de chambre & quant le rost\nsera tire hors de la broche mectes les en platz & les lardes de la\ncynamome ainsi confite / & mectez du boullon dessoubz sans toucher a la\nconfiture & est ladicte saulce bonne en tous rost.\n\u00b6 Pour faire la fayenne prenes vng cochon et le mectes cuire en vin tout\npur comme pour faire gellee & lassembles de toutes espices comme pour\ngellee prenes des foyes de coechon et de poulaille et les faictes\nboullir et puis prenes (Page 20) vne liure damandes & aussi des moyeux\ndoeufz et ausy les foyes & amandes & passez tout ensemble par lestamine\n& mettes pour six platz vne liure de succre et mettes vostre graine plus\nne moins que se voulies du brouet de la gelee dessus et bouilly vostre\nbouillon mettes sur le grain & le mettes refroidir en la canelle ou\nailleurs.\n\u00b6 Pour celle pour quatre platz prenes damandes deux liures et les broyes\ntoutes ensemble entiers. & prenez vostre bouillon de chappon ou de\npoulaille & passes les amandes & les escorces des escreuisses broyes les\ncomme les amandes & les passes des vostre brouet a lestamine & au iour\nde poisson a puree & les assembles de vng quarteron de cynamome & de\ndeux onces de gingembre et y mettes de vert ius vne chopine & demye\nliure de sucre.\n\u00b6 Pour faire vne potee de langue de beuf et tetine de vache soient cuyte\n& soit prins du bouillon ou seront cuites & soyent copees les langues &\ntetines par menus morceaulx comme feues & frises au lart & de loignon\nquil soit trenche menu & puis les souffrises. & prenez du gingembre en\npouldre & destrempes de vert ius & vng pou de pain tranpe & mectes vng\npeu de saffran pour le coulourer.\nPour fraize de poisson. prenez les testes des brochetz & les rotisses\nsur le gril. Prenes les mulettes & les foyes de poisson & les haches par\nmenus morceaulx comme des et les frises au beure ou a luille. & prenez\nles oeufues des brochetz & les passes par lestamine & mettes sucre &\ngingembre parmy & en mettes au frire auec les mulettes & foyes & en\ndores les testes sur le gril & au seruir a table soit mis pouldre de duc\ndessus.\n\u00b6 Leaue benoiste.\n\u00b6 Pour faire leaue benoiste sur brochet eschaudes le / et le frises &\napres le mettes en vng plat & prenez demy verre (Page 21) de eaue rose\net autant de vertius / vng peu de gingembre et de la mariolayne asses\nraisonnablement / et du foye du brochet et faictes bouillir tout\nensemble / puis passes par lestamine et y mettes comme demy quarteron de\nsucre pour vng plat mectes les brochetz sur le charbon estuuer.\nPour poussins a lestuuee\n\u00b6 Pouletz farcis a lestuuee. prenez vng pot neuf & les mettes dedans\nquant ilz seront farcys / et les couurez bien quil nen ysse point de\nfumee. Et quant ilz seront cuitz prenez chopine de vinaigre / vne once\nde menues espices / et mectes tout dedens le pot / et vng quarteron de\npouldre de duc et quant ilz seront bien cuitz les mettez en platz se\nvoiez que il ayt trop gresse ostez la.\nIrson damandes\n\u00b6 Pour faire Iron damandes pour quatre platz / broyez les amandes en vng\nmortier enuiron quatre liures et passes en estamine auec vng peu deaue\nchaulde et que lamande soit asses espes et y mettes vng quarteron sucre\net bouilles tout ensemble en vne paelle / et quant il sera bouilly le\nmettes en vne estamine ou sur toille neufue et le laisses refroidir et\nle mettez en platz en facon de coingz de beurre et puis prenez des plus\nbelles amandes / et les fendez par la moitie et chascune moytie fendez\nen trois parties du long et en iaunisses la moytie en saffran / et puis\nles plantes en belles ranges parmy le long / et puis prenez du lait\nquant vous vouldres seruir et qui ne touche point dedans les amandes\nquasi mis dedans.\nOeufz rostis en la broche\n\u00b6 Pour faire rostir des oeufz en la broche farcis. faictes de petis\npertuis au bout des oeufz et mettez ce qui est dedans dehors & puis\nprenez saulge mariolayne poulieu mente & toutes (Page 22) autres bonnes\nherbes & les haches bien menu & les faictes frire en beurre & les mettes\nsur vng ays & haches bien menu & y mectes du gingembre du saffran & du\nsucre parmy & puis mettes la farce dedans les coques des oeufz / puis\nprenes petites brochetes bien dongees / & mectes vne douzaine doeufz en\nchascune broche / & mettez dessus le gril a petit de feu.\n\u00b6 Vinee de chair.\n\u00b6 Pour demye douzaine de vinee de chair prenez du veau ou du porc &\nmectes bouillir en vng pot auec des herbes / & du lart & des oeufz en\nvng autre pot appart & quant la chair si sera demie cuite hache bien\nmenu & si y mectes demie douzaine doeufz parmy la chair & vne douzaine\ndecrus & prenes demye douzaine de cynamome vng quart donce menues\nespices vng peu de saffran parmy & prenes des pances de mouton &\nenueloppes les la farce dedans en facon de vne andoulle & mectes .iii.\nmoyeulx doeufz lardes de clou de girofle & au seruir mettes de la\npouldre de duc par dessus.\n\u00b6 Beure fraiz frit.\n\u00b6 Pour faire beure fraiz a la paelle prenes du pain blanc dur & esmie la\nmye bien menu. & prenes de la mydon deux onces succre parmy & mectes\nensemble parmy le beurre & soit destrempe la paste auec doeufz et du\nsucre sans y mectre point deaue & la faictes tendre comme vne aueille de\npapier & arouses la paste de moyeux doeufz & puis enueloppes le coing\ndedans / & puis le mectes en frire a la paelle auec autre beuf et apres\nmettes en platz & serues.\n\u00b6 Coulis.\n\u00b6 Pour faire coulis. prenez vng chapon & soit boully tant quil soit fort\ncuit. & prenes le blanc du chappon & lautre chair que pourres prendre du\nchappon & broyes au mortier & quant il sera bien broye le coules en vne\nestamine destrempes du bouillon du chappon / apres bouilles (Page 23) en\nvng petit pot & sera cuyt soit goute de sel raisonnablement qui nen ny\nait pas trop & ny soit mis vert ius ne vinaigre ne autre chose.\nPour faire coulis\n\u00b6 Pour faire autre coulis pour malade. prenez vng poussin ou deux / &\nles faictes par la maniere du deuant dudit chappon & au broyer si mettes\nvne douzaine damandes pour estre plus substancieux.\nCoulis a poisson\n\u00b6 Pour faire dautre coulis a poisson. prenez vne perche & la faire cuyre\nen eaue & quant sera cuyte soit plumee & les arestes ostees & apres\nbroyee & au broyer y mettez vne douzaine damandes plumees destrampes de\nchair & gouter de sel sans y mettre autre chose se le phisicien ne\ncommande y mettre du sucre.\n\u00b6 Autre coulis. prenez brochet cuit destrampes faicte par maniere de\ncelluy de perche.\nOrge monde\n\u00b6 Pour faire orge monde cestadire orge batu & espeaultre en vng mortier\n& apres ce qui sera nettoye soit laue et bouylly tresfort comme fromment\na faire la fromantee & quant il sera cuyt le broier au mortier & le\ndestremper de laict damandes & le mettes boulir en vng beau pot net & se\nle malade veult du sucre dedens y en soit mys & soit goute de sel & ne\nsoit guerre salle. Et se voulez faire orge monde entier sans broyer\nmettes du laict damandes qui soit assez espes: & mettes lorge entier\ndedans.\nPour paste en pot\n\u00b6 Pour paste en pot. prenez de la fesse de veau ou de beuf & haches bien\nmenu de la gresse come pour vng paste en pate & de loignon bien menu\nmaice & pour lassembler mettez menues espices / gingembre / canelle /\nsaffran / & du vert ius.\nGalimafree\n\u00b6 Pour galimafree soyent prinses poulailles ou chappons rons & tailles\npar pieces et apres fris a sain de lart / ou doye et quant sera frit y\nsoit mis vin & vert ius & pour (Page 24) espices mettes en la pouldre de\ngingembre & pour la lier cameline & du sel par raison.\nFriquassees\n\u00b6 Pour friquassees soient prinses poulailles crues despeces par pieces\nfrises a sain de lart / & au frire y soit mis de loignon bien menu\nhache. & apres du bouillon de beuf & pour espices pouldre de gingembre\ndestrempee de vert ius & bouylles tout ensemble.\n\u00b6 Pastes de beuf hachez la chair bien menue & y mettes en la facon dyuer\ny soit mis du fromaige du gingembre & saffran.\nPastes a la saulce chaulde\n\u00b6 Prenez de longue le noyau & soit taille par lesches tendres & gresse\nhachee par dessus & pour y faire la saulce soit bien brule du pain noir.\n& apres soit trempe en vertius & vin aigre & passes par vne estamine &\nles espices quil appartient soit gingembre clou de girofle poiure long\ngraine de paradis & de la noix muscade par egalle portion excepte que le\nclou surmonte les autres espices & soit la saulce faicte bouillir en vne\npaeille de fer / & quant le paste sere cuit prenez la gresse dedans le\npaste & ce faittes mettes y la saulce & faictes bouillir dedens la\nsaulce au four.\n\u00b6 Pastes de veau. prenez veau & gresse de beuf & haches tout ensemble\nbien menu & les espices qui appartinnent sont gingembre cynamome & en la\nfacon dyuer y soit mis fromage fin.\nPastes de chappons\n\u00b6 Pastes de chappons mettes du lart dessus & pour espices y mettes du\ngingembre / menues espices / & saffran.\n\u00b6 Pastes de halebrans de chappons. Mettes les chappons en paste & apres\nvous descharneres toute la chair des chappons et de la gresse de beuf et\nhaches tout ensemble & esditz pastes moelle de beuf des moyeux doeufz\ncuytz lardes de clou de girofle et pour espices mettes y vng peu de\ngingembre cynamome / saffran / et sucre desdictes espices mettes en\ncuire en pouldre dessusdicte et de sucre raisonnablement.\n(Page 25) Pastes de chappons.\n\u00b6 Soit mis esditz pastes du lart menu hache / & pour espices y mettez du\ngingembre / menues espices / & saffran.\nPastes de poules a la saulce robert. prenez du vert ius & des moyeulx\ndeufz & batez tout ensemble & de pouldre fine / & quant le paste sera\ncuyt mettez ensemble & fault que la poulaille soit despecee\nPastes de pyions.\n\u00b6 Mettez es pastes du lart menu hache / & pour espices du gingembre.\nPour coulons ramiers. prenez saulce chaulde comme pour beuf & apareilles\nespices excepte quil y conuient de loignon frit a sain.\nPastes de mouton a la ciboule. soit le paste menu hache en gresse de\nmouton & y mettez menues espices.\nPastes de merles prenez du fromage fin & mettez dedans les oyseaulx & de\nla mouelle de beuf & lart menu hache & gingembre.\n\u00b6 Pastes de passereaulx. prenez du beuf ou du veau & de la gresse de\nveau hachee & de fin fromage / menues espices & saffran.\nPastes de canes sauluaiges. prenez du lart / pour espices clou de\ngirofle & gingembre.\nPastes de cheureau soit pourbouilly apres despece par morceaulx & du\nlart auec menu hache & pour espices canelle & saffran.\n\u00b6 Pastes doyson. Loyson soit despece & prenez a la saison des feues\nnouuelles & les pourbouillez & les mettes ou paste & de lart hache &\npour espices menues espices & saffran\n\u00b6 Pastes de perdris mettez dessus les perdris du lart menu hache & pour\nespices gingembre & pouldre de clou\n\u00b6 Pastes de connis quant sont vieulx doiuent estre mys par pieces. & les\nieunes entiers & du lart menu hache dessus & pour espices clou /\ngingembre graine & poiure.\n\u00b6 Pastez de lieure. Le grant lieure despece par pieces Et les leuras\nentiers & du lart dessus hache bien menu & y soit mis menues espices.\nPastes de cerf\n\u00b6 Soit bouilly & larde et apres mys en paste / et soit mis (Page 26)\ngingembre & vng peu de poiure.\nPastes de sanglier\n\u00b6 Prenez des filetz de sanglier & les pourbouilles & apres les armes & y\nmettez menues espices.\nPastes lorais.\n\u00b6 Prenez blanc de chappon hache menu ou lance de poisson par raison &\nespices dedans / sucre / cynamome & conuient que ce soient petis pastes\nbien fais a boutes trois dois esleuez hault & quant ilz seront fais\nconuient frire en paelle au sain / & se cest poisson frises le tout en\nbeurre & se poitrissent de beurre sucre / & oeufz & ce abaisses tanures\ncomme couuerte de petis pastes & se playent lectues comme testes que lon\nfait doubles.\nPastes de mouelle\n\u00b6 Prenez mouelle sans autre chose auec espices / & sucre mesle\nensemble / & soit la mouelle pourboullie & boutee en vng peloton / &\nmise en vng petit paste a bouter les trois dois esleue en hault bien\nfait & frit en paelle au sain.\nPastes de mullet.\n\u00b6 Soit mis au ventre du mullet ver ius de grain pouldre fine & saffran.\nPastes de bresme. Soit mis pouldre fine & saffran dessus.\nPastes de truyte.\nPrenez saffran pouldre fine mise par dessus.\nPastes danguilles.\nPrenez saffran pouldre fine & vert ius en la facon & des groselles.\nPastes de congre.\nCongres de mer soient tronsonnes & soient mises menues espices /\ngingembre & saffran.\n\u00b6 En pastes de turbot ny soit mis que gingembre blanc.\nPastes de rougetz mettes y pouldre fine.\nPastes de gournaul ny soit mis que gingembre blanc.\n\u00b6 Pastes dalose au gingembre blanc & menues espices.\n\u00b6 Pastes de saumon au gingembre blanc.\nLemproye en paste ny soit mis que du sel & soit faicte la saulce appart\n& bien noire. prenez de lespice pouldre de lemproye et soit prins vne\npiece de pain brusle bien noir & destrempe de vert ius & vinaigre / &\nbien passe par lestamine / & soit boutee la pouldre dedans et apres\nbouillir / et mettes la saulce en (Page 27) vng petit pot bien net &\nquant le paste sera cuit mettes la saulce dedans puis le tenes vng peu\ndedans le four pour le faire boulir auec la lemproye.\nPaste de vache\n\u00b6 Soit prins fromage par lopins billete & faison sucre cynamome & vng\npeu de menues espices de loignon frit en beurre & que les pastes soient\nfais haultz & esleues & dung virelet & soient bien dores & puis mis au\nfour.\n\u00b6 Pastes de gigotz de mouton. prenez le gigotz & lardes bien de clou de\ngirofle / & mettes dessus & dessoubz des lesches de lart & que la\ncrouste soit forte & espesse affin que la substance nen ysse.\n\u00b6 Tartres couuertes communes soit broie le fromage & talemose fin\nfromage billete & mis les mistions deufz & pareillement les tartres\ndescouuertes.\nTartres a deux visages fromage fin billete & force de moieux doeufz & du\nsucre.\nDaulphins fleurs de lis estoille de cresmes fricte force sucre & moyeux\ndoeufz.\nFais belon\n\u00b6 Soient faitz en facon dung con farcy de cresme fritte qui en aura &\nqui ne trouuera cresme soit pris du fromage fin & mis par beaulx loppins\n& du sucre.\nTartre iacopine couuerte orengee par dessus soit de bon fromage fin par\nlesches & bonne cresme des oeufz les moyeux mistionnes parmy & anguille\nmise par troncons & bien bouillie & assise dedans la tartre auant que le\nfromage et la cresme y soit & a grant quantite de sucre.\nTartre bourbonnaise\n\u00b6 Tartre bourbonnaise fin fromage broye destrampe de cresme & moyeux\ndoeufz souffisamment & la crouste bien poitrie doeufz & soit couuerte de\ncouuercle entier & orengee dessus.\nTartres couuertes\n\u00b6 Tartres couuertes soit destrempe la crouste doeufz et de beurre la\nfarce destrempes de deux oeufz & deaue en chascune (Page 28) tartre &\nnon plus & beurre destrempe auec le fromage broye en vng mortier.\n\u00b6 Talemose fricte de fin fromage par morceaux coupez menu comme feues &\nparmy le fromage soit destrampe oeufz largement & mesle tout ensemble &\nla crouste destrempee doeufz & de beurre.\nTartres a deux visages\n\u00b6 Tartres a deux visages soit faicte de fromage fin par morceaulx carres\ncomme dez & les morceaulx destrampes de moyeux doeufz largement & apres\nprenez croustes de paste qui soit cuyte au four & quant elle y sera vng\npeu soit mise refroidir & mis des oublies & en soit couuerte toute la\ncrouste & prenez le fromage destrampe de moyeaux doeufz mis sur les\noublies estant sur la crouste a courre sur les oublies de lespesseur\ndung doy & puis mis cuyre au four comme dit est & quant sera cuite soit\ntiree & ainsy refroidir & apres y soit mis du sucre a grant foison &\npuis la crouste sur quoy est cuite / & mise sur la tartre soit renuersee\ndessus les oublies ou est le premier lit de fromage dessus comme de\nlautre couste de lespesseur dung doy & quant lon vouldra disner soit\nmise au four & fait cuire comme lautre couste & quant sera cuite soit\nprinse & portee en vng plat & ostee la crouste ou sera cuite.\nTartre iacopine\n\u00b6 Tartre iacopine bien farcie de fromage fin broye & bien farcie de deux\ndoys soient mises des anguilles de plain poing par troncons que les\ntroncons ne soient de deux doys de hault & les frire & cuire en beurre &\nnon pas trop & soient mises dedans la tartre acoutrees dessus & a\nchascune tartre huyt ou dix troncons sur bout & quelle soit bien farsye\nque le fromaige par les tronsons de languille quant elle bouldra ainsi\nse doit faire.\n\u00b6 Tartres de pommes despeces par pieces & mises figues (Page 29) &\nraisins bien nettoyes & mis parmy les pommes & figues & tout mesle\nensemble & y soit mis de loignon frit au beurre ou a luille & de vin &\nle par des pommes broyes & destrempes de vin & soient assemblees les\nautres pommes broyes mises auec le surplus & du saffran dedans vng peu\nde menues espices cynamome & gingembre blanc anys & pigurlat qui en aura\n& soient faicte deux grans abasses de paste & toutes les mistions mises\nensemble fort broyees a la main sur le paste bien espes de pommes &\nautres mistions & apres soit mis le couuercle dessus & bien couuerte &\ndoree de saffran & mise au four & fait cuyre.\n\u00b6 Pastes de poire crues mises sur bout & emplisses le creux de sucre a\ntrois grosses poires comme vng quarteron de sucre bien couuerte & doree\ndoeufz ou de saffran & mis au four & bien cuire.\n\u00b6 Tartre bourbonnaise broyes fin fromage destrempe de cresme & moyeux\ndoeufz souffisamment & la crouste bien poitrie doeufz & soit couuerte le\ncouuercle entier & orenges par dessus.\nDarioles de cresme soient broyees amandes & non gueires passees & la\ncresme fort fricte au beurre & largement sucre dedans.\n\u00b6 Pour faire vne quarte cameline halles du pain deuant le feu bien roux\n& quil ne soit point brusle & puis le mettes tramper en vin vermeil tout\npur en vng pot neuf ou vng plat / & puis quant il sera trempe le\npasseres par lestamine auec vin vermeil. Et puis prenez vne chopine de\nvinaigre & vng quarteron de cynamome vne once de gingembre vng quart\ndonce de menues espices & sallez de bonne sorte passes le pain / et\nespices par lestamins et mettes en vng beau pot.\nSaulce madame\n\u00b6 Pour faire saulce madame soit rostie vne oye & mettes (Page 30) en vne\npaelle dessoubz. & prenez le foye de loye ou dautres poulailles & le\nmettes rostir sur le gril & puis quant il sera cuyt halles vne tostee &\nla trempes en vng peu de bouillon & passes par lestamine & mettes\nbouillir vne douzaine deufz & en prenez les moyeux & les haches menu &\npuis quant loye sera cuyte les mettes par dessus & la saulce auec / & se\nvoules que sente le goust du laict mettes en vne goute ou deux au\nbouillir.\n\u00b6 Pour faire saulce poiteuine a chappons / ou poulaille mettes les\nrostir en la broche & en prenez les foyes. et prenez vng peu de pain\nhalle / & vng peu de bouillon & broyes au mortier espices & destrempez\nde vertius & de vin & faictes bouillir & mettes la poulaille.\nIance\n\u00b6 Pour faire iance plumes des amandes & les broyes en vng mortier. &\npuis les pastez auec vertius & vin blanc & puis prenez vne once\ngingembre pour vne pinte & passes & rapasses par lestamine & mettes\nbouillir en vne paelle & ne laisses guieres & incontinent mettes en vng\npot car elle sentiroit larain. & ne le bouilles point en paelle de fer /\ncar elle se noirsciroit.\nSaulce daulz au laict\n\u00b6 Pour faire saulce daulz au laict. Halles vne toutee de au feu & mettes\ntramper auec laict. prenez demy douzaine de grousses de aulz & escaichez\nen vne escuelle ou au mortier & passes tout par lestamine & mettes demy\nonce gingembre parmy & faictes bouillir en vne paelle & est bonne\nladicte saulce a loye ou autre rost.\nAillee rousse\n\u00b6 Pour faire aillee rousse sur rost ou sur bouilly. prenez des foyes de\npoulaille & halles vne tostee de pain au feu & le mettes tramper foye\ntout ensemble auecques vng peu de bouillon (Page 31) & apres vne once de\ncynamome / demye once gingembre vng quart donce menues espices &\nescailles demye douzaine de gousses daulz & passes par lestamine auec\nvin rouge & vinaigre & boutes bouillir en vne paille & puis mettes en\nvng beau pot.\nAillee a la moustarde\n\u00b6 Pour faire aillee a moustarde. prenez demye douzaine de gousses daulz\nou plus largement se vous voullez & les escailles & les passes par\nlestamine auec la moustarde & y mettes demye once de gingembre & ny\nmettes autre destrampe que vert ius & quant la feres bouillir mettes y\ndu beurre dedans & est ladicte saulce bonne sur merlus fritz & sur autre\npoisson.\nSaulce rappee\n\u00b6 Pour faire saulce rappee mettes mye de pain blanc destrempe de vin\nblanc chault & quant le pain sera trampe passes le par lestamine auec\nvert ius tout pur pour vne pinte mettes y vne once de gingembre & puis\nesgreuez du vert ius de grain & meslez le grain en eaue qui soit\nbouillant & ne luy laisses guieres & pures leaue & gettes le grain\ndedans la saulce.\nDodine\n\u00b6 Pour faire dodine de lait sur tous oyseaulx de riuiere prenez du laict\n& le mettes en vne paelle de fer pour receuoir la gresse des oyseaulx\nprenez demye once gingembre pour deux platz & passes par lestamine auec\ndeux ou trois moyeulx doeufz & faictes bouillir tout ensemble auec le\nlaict & y mettes du sucre si voulles quant les oyseaulx seront cuitz\nmettez la dodine dessus.\nDodine de vert ius\n\u00b6 Autre dodine de vertius sur oyseaulx de riuiere / chappon / ou autre\nvolatille de rost. mettez le vertius dessoubz le rost en vne paeille de\nfer / & puis prenez moyeux doeufz durs & demie douzaine de foyes de\npoulaille & que les foyes soient vng peu rotis sur le gril et les passes\npar lestamine (Page 32) auec le vert ius tout pur & mettez vng peu de\ngingembre & du percil effueille dedans & tout bouilly ensemble mettez\nsur le rost & de totee de pain halleez dessoudz le rost & pareillement\ndedans autre dodine.\nMostiehan\n\u00b6 Pour faire mostiehan mettez chappons de houlte gresse rostir en la\nbroche pour quatre platz mettes vne quarte de laict & mettez bouillir\ndessoubz les chappons & puis prenez de la mariolaine vng peu de percil /\nysope & de toutes autres bonnes herbes. & prenez vne once gingembre &\nmettre vng peu de saffran & le destrempes auec le layt & haches les\nherbee bien menues & faictes bouillir ensemble & mettes demye liure\nsucre quant il vous semblera que ladicte saulce sera assez espesse tires\nles chappons & les mettes en vng plat & des totees dessoubz & gettez la\nsaulce dessus.\nSaupiquet\n\u00b6 Pour faire saupiquet sur connins ou sur autre rost halles du pain\ncomme pour faire cameline & le mettes tramper auec du bouillon fondes du\nlart en vne paele & maincez de loignon bien menu le frisez pour quatre\nplatz. prenez deux onces de cynamome demye once de gingembre & vng quart\ndonce menues espices. prenez du vin rouge & vinaigre passes le pain &\ntoutes les espices ensemble & mettez bouillir en vne paelle ou en vng\npot & puis mettes dessus le rost.\nChaudume\n\u00b6 Pour faire chaume. prenez brothetz / & les eschaudes / et les mettez\npar pieces: ou tous entiers halles sur le gril & halles du pain & le\nmettez tramper auec puree de poix / et puis quant le pain sera trempe.\nprenez du vert ius / et du vin blanc et de la puree et passes vostre\npain tout ensemble / & quant il sera passe pour quattre platz /\ndestrempes (Page 33) vne once gingembre dedans le bouillon & vng peu de\nsaffran parmi & mettes le poisson auec le bouillon & mettez parmy du\nbeurre fraitz ou sale.\nSause a lalose\n\u00b6 Pour faire saulce a lalose mettes rostir lalose en vng plat casse ou\nen la broche. prenes pour vne alose demye once gingembre & vne chopine\nvert ius & quant lalose sera demye cuyte mettes le vert ius dessus\nlalose. prenez vne poignee de percil & de toutes bonnes herbes & mettes\ndedans la saulce.\nAutre saulce a lalose\n\u00b6 Pour autre saulce a lalose. prenez du vinaigre & du vin lung auec\nlautre. & prenez vne once cynamome demye once gingembre vng peu de\nmenues espices & passez tout ensemble par lestamine & faictes bouillir.\n& mettes sur lalose soit au four / ou rostye en la broche.\nSaulce au moust\n\u00b6 Pour faire saulce au moust. prenes des raisins hors de la grappe & les\neschaches en vne paelle & les mettes bouillir sur le feu demy quart\ndeure & y mettez vng peu de vin vermeil se naues assez raisins & le\nlaissez refroidir & apres passez parmy lestamine pour quatre platz.\nprenes deux onces de cynamome / deux onces de sucre & demye once\ngingembre & passes tout ensemble par lestamine excepte le sucre & est\nladicte saulce bonne sur herondeaulx chappons / ou autre rost sur oeufz\nfris sur poisson & sur toutes autres frictures & en deffaulte de raisins\nsoient prinses de moures.\nPoree\nPour faire poree soyent pourbouillir en eaue bouillant / & puis la\nmettes sur vng ays et haches menu et purez fort entre voz mains et puys\nbroyes au mortier & apres assembles en bouillon de beuf ou autre chair\nou en deffault dudit bouillon soit fendu lart & frit parlesches &\nassembles le sain de lart auec eaue chaude a iour de (Page 34) poisson\nauec beurre & puree de poix.\nFeues frasees.\nPour faire feues fraisees mettes les feues tramper au soir & en ostes\nles noires & les mettes bouillir en eaue de riuiere ou / de fontaine &\nquant seront demye cuytes pures les & les assembles de bouillon & y\nmettes du lart pour leur donner goust & quant ilz seront acheuez de\ncuyre mettes les en vne paelle refroidir & les passes par lestamine &\napres les mettes bouillir en vng pot & puis coules semblables.\nPoureaulx\n\u00b6 Pour faire poureaulx. prenez le blanc des pourreaulx & les maincies\nbien menu & les laues & mettes pourbouillir pures les & mettes de leaue\nfroide par dessus & les espreignes entre les mains & apres les mettes\nsur vng ays & les haches puis les broyes au mortier & ce fait les\nassembles auec bouillon de beuf. & en iour maigre de puree de pois &\nbeurre & laict damandes qui veult.\nSouppe a loignon.\n\u00b6 Pour faire souppe a loignon plumes les oignons et les mainces bien\nmenu ou par rouez & les souffrises en beurre asses longuement & y mettes\nvng peu deaue pour garder quil ne brule & assembles puree de pois ou\ndeaue & mettes du vert ius & du percil.\nPomme de choux.\n\u00b6 Pour faire pommes de choux. ostes les premieres fueilles de dessus &\ndespeces par quattre quartiers & les laues & mettes pourbouillir enuiron\ndemye heure pures leaue et mettes de leaue froide par dessus & les\nespreignez & apres les haches & les assembles auec bouillon de beuf ou\ndautre chair & au iour maigre auec puree de pois / beurre & huille.\nCongordes.\n\u00b6 Pour congordes peles les & decoppes par rouelles / & ostes la grayne\nde dedans sil en y a & les mettes pourbouillir en vne paelle / et puis\nles pures & mettes de leaue froide par dessus & les espreignes (Page 47)\n& hachez bien menu / & puis les assembles auec bouillon de beuf ou\ndautre chair / & y mettez du laict de vache & destrampez demye douzaine\nde moyeulx doeulx passez par lestamine parmy le bouillon auec le laict &\nau iour maigre de puree de pois ou de laict damandes & du beurre.\nPour dessaler potaige sans y mettre ne oster aucune chose\n\u00b6 Prenez toille blanche mouillee deaue bien froide & mettes sur vostre\npot & le tournez dung coste & dautre / & tires vostre pot en ce faisant\nhors du feu.\nPour oster arseure de tous potaige.\n\u00b6 Vuides premierement vostre pot en vng autre pot / puis mettes en\nvostre pot vng peu de leuain de pate crue enuelopee en vng blanc drappel\n& ne luy laisses gueires.\n\u00b6 Boulatures de grosse chair comme beuf / mouton porc. mettez cuire en\neaue & sel & se elle est fresche mettes y percil / sauge / ysope. mengez\naux aulx blanc ou reuerdis au vertius. La salee a la moustarde.\n\u00b6 Herison de mouton. despeces par pieces mettes tout cru souffrire en\nsain de lart auec de loignon menu maince / quant il sera bien cuyt sy le\nmettes en bouillon de beuf / vin / vertius / sauge mastic / & ysope / &\nvng peu de saffran. & faictes bouyllir tout ensemble.\n\u00b6 Bouilly larde. Prenez venoison & le lardes & mettes cuyre du mastic\nseulement & du saffran / puis venoison de cerf fresche pourbouillie &\nlardera au long par dessus la chair puis cuises en eaue & sel & du grain\nfoison menge en paste pourbouillie & lardee a pouldre fine.\n\u00b6 Cheureu sauuage appareille & menge comme cerf fraitz.\n\u00b6 Sanglier fraitz cuyt en eaue / et vin. a la cameline.\nChappons et veau aux herbes.\n\u00b6 Mettes cuyte en eaue et sel & du lart pour luy donner saueur auec du\npercil / sauge / & ysope.\nCiue de veau roussy.\n\u00b6 Ciue de veau roussy tout cuyt a la broche & sur le gril sans le\nlaisser cuyre frisez en sain de lart auecques oignons & pui prenez pain\nroussi (Page 48) destrampe en vin. Et de puree de pois & faictes\nbouillir vostre grain affines gingembre graine canelle girofle & saffran\npour donner couleur mettes du vertius & du vinaigre & fort despices.\nPotaiges lians.\n\u00b6 Chauldin de porc soit cuyt en eaue & sel. puis couppe par morceaulx\nsouffrit en sain de lart. & prenez gingembre: poiure long: saffran: pain\nhalle trempe en bouillon de beuf & en laict de vache / car son bouillon\nsent le fiens passes parmy lestamine. prenes vertius vinaigre & cuyt vng\npeu en eaue mettes en vostre potaige sur le point de seruir files les\nmoyeux doeufz dedans & faictes bouillir tout ensemble.\n\u00b6 Cretonnee de poys nouueaulx cuises iusques au purer puis les pures &\nfrises en sain de lart. & prenes du laict de vache & bouylles en vne\npaelle puis mettes tremper du pain blanc dedans le laict puis prenez\ngingembre & saffran deffaictes vostre laict mettes bouillir. & prenez\npoussins cuitz en eaue despeces par quartiers frises en sain de lart\nmettes bouillir tires arriere mettes grant foison doeufz.\nCretonnee de poys de feues nouuelles comme poys.\nCretonnee de poulaille cuises en vin en eaue despeces par quariers\nfrises en sain de lart. prenez vng peu de pain trempe en bouillon de\nbeuf coules faictes bouillir auec vostre viande affines gingembre &\ncommun deffaictes de vin & vertius. prenez moyeux doeufz grant foison\nfiletz en vostre pot tires arriere du feu & gardes quil ne tourne.\nCretonnee damandes\n\u00b6 Cretonnee damandes cuyses bien poulaille en eaue despece par quartiers\nfrises en sain de lart. prenez amandes deffaictes de bouillon & mettes\nbouillir sur vostre grain affines gingembre & commun deffaictes de vin &\nde vertius & tousiours le lye delle mesmes sans y mette fors vng peu de\npain blanc.\n(Page 35) \u00b6 Graue de petis oyseaulx. Graue de menus ou le grain que vous\nvouldres frises en sain de lart. prenez pain blanc deffaictes de\nbouillon de beuf & coules mettes bouillir en vostre viande affinis\ngingembre / canelle deffaictes de vertius mettes bouillir ensemble & ne\nsoit pas trop lyant.\nBlanc brouet de chappons\n\u00b6 Blanc brouet de chappons cuyses en eaue & vin & despeces par membres\nfrises en sain de lart broyes amandes & des broyons deffaictes vostre\nbouillon & mettes bouillir sur vostre viande. bates gingembre canelle\nclou graine de paradis garingal & poyure long mettes bouillir ensemble &\ny mettes moieux doeufz bien batus & soit bien lyant.\nBousacq de lieure\n\u00b6 Bousacq de lieure de connins halles en broches. sur le gril puis\ndecoppes par pieces & mettes souffrire en sain de lart. prenez pain brun\ndeffaictes de bouillon de beuf & de vin coules faictes de vertius soit\nbien noir & non pas lyant.\nHoudet de chappons\n\u00b6 Houdet de chappons cuises en vin & en eaue despeces par membre frises\nen sain de lart. prenez vng peu de pain brule deffaictes de vostre\nbouillon faictes bouillir auec vostre grain affines gingembre /\ncanelle / girofle / graine de paradis & saffran pour donner couleur.\nCiue\n\u00b6 Ciue soit hale en broche tout cru ou sur le gril sans laisser trop\ncuyre puis despeces par pieces & mettes souffrir en sain de lart auec\noignons menus mainces puis prenez pain halle sur le gril deffaictes de\nvin & de bouillon de beuf & de puree de poys faictes bouillir auec\nvostre grain puis affines gingembre / canelle / girofle / graine de\nparadis & saffran pour donner couleur deffaictes de vertius & de\nvinaigre & fort despices.\nCiue de lieure doit estre noir & soit fait pareillement mais ne fault\npoint lauer la chair.\nCiue (Page 36) de connins doit estre aigre fort & fait comme celluy de\nlieure.\nChapitre\n\u00b6 Porc rosty au vertius aucuns y mettent oignons en paste au vertius de\ngrain & pouldre fine.\nVeau rosty.\n\u00b6 Veau rosty soit pourbouilly & larde menges a la cameline en paste a\npouldre fine & saffran.\nFraise de veau\n\u00b6 Fraise de veau que len dit charpie decouppez bien menu vostre veau &\nquil soit cuyt frises en sain de lart. broyes gingembre saffran & oeufz\nbien broyez & fillez les oeufz dessus en frisant.\nMouton rosty au sel menu a la canelle ou au vertius.\n\u00b6 Cheureaux & aigneaulx boutes en eaue bouillant & les tires tantost\nmettez en la broche menges a la cameline.\nOyes.\nOyes plumees a sec refaites en eaue chaulde rotissez sans larder. menges\naulx aulz blancz ou a la iance.\nPoulles rosties lardes. menges a la cameline ou au vertius / en paste a\nfine pouldre et froide saulce.\nBouler de sanglier fraitz / mettes en eaue chaulde qui bouille. puis la\nmettes rostir & baciner de saulce. cest assauoir de gingembre /\ncanelle / girofle graine de paradis / pain halle destrampe de vin /\nvertius / vinaigre Et puis quant il sera cuyt sy bouilles tout ensemble\n& soit vostre grain decouppe par morceaulx & bouilles tellement qui soit\nclairet & noir.\nVenoison fresche.\nToute venoison fresche qui nest point bacinee se menge a la cameline.\n\u00b6 Pyions.\nPyions rosti a tous les testes sans les piez mengez au sel menu.\nMenus oyseaulx.\nMenus oyseaulx plumez a sec refaictes en eaue: lardes: rostisses /\nmenges au sel. & en paste pareillement.\nTurterelles comme vne oye qui veult. soit doree ou vert & cuytz piedz\nentiers & soit fendue la teste iusques en my les espaules / & les tuez\npar le cueur & menges au poyure iaunet.\nPaon aussi comme cignez menges au sel menu.\nSigoigne plumes (Page 37) a secq les piedz & la teste arrouses & flambes\nde lart & menges au sel menu.\nFaisans\n\u00b6 Faisans plumes a sec coppes les testes & les queues. Et quant il sera\nrosty ataches la teste & la queue au corps a vne petite cheuille de bois\n& que le col soit bien droit & ne doit point estre cuyte la teste.\nButor / cormorant ainsy comme la sigoigne & le hairon.\n\u00b6 Haron soit signe & fendu iusques aux espaules & soit pareillement\ncomme la sygoigne soit dore qui veult / menges au sel menu.\nCanars de riuiere plumes a secq mettes en broche / & retenes la gresse\npour faire la dodine qui doit estre faicte de lart ou de vertius & des\noygnons / aucuns veullent par quartiers quant il est cuyt auec la dodine\n& faicte les tostees de pain puis gettes dodine dessus vostre grain &\ntostees.\n\u00b6 Pourcelet farcy soit eschaude & mis en broche & soit la farce faicte\nde lyssue du pourcelet & des rouelles de porcelet & des rouelles de port\ncuyt de moyeux doeufz fromaige de gun chastaignes cuytes pellees & fine\npouldre despices tout ensemble & puis mettes ou ventre du pourcelet &\nrestouppes le trou & passines en vinaigre & sain bouillant menges a\npoyure iaunet.\n\u00b6 Poulaille farcie coppes leurs gauions plumes tres bien & gardes la\npeau sayne ne les refaittes pas en eaue bouyllant mettes vng tuel entre\ncuir & chair & lenfles par entre les espaules ny faictes pas trop grant\ntrou laissez tenir les asles les piedz auec le corps & la teste & soit\nla farce faicte de la poulaille & le remenant comme au pourceau.\nPour le dorer\n\u00b6 Item pour la dourer. prenez moyeux doeufz broyes saffran coules sur\nvostre poulaille au long doeufz ou foyes / & gardes quelle narde en\nrostissant.\n\u00b6 Faux grenon cuyses en vin et eaue les foyes et iusiers (Page 38) de\npoulailles ou chair de veau hache bien menu / frises en sain de lart\nbruyes gingembre / canelle / clou / graine de paradis / vin / vertius ou\ndicellui mesmes & de moyeux deufz grant foyson coules dessus vostre\nviande & puis la bouilles ensemble & aucuns y mettent vng peu de pain &\nsaffran et doit estre bien lyant sur iaune couleur aigre de vertius / &\ndessus pouldres de pouldre de canelle.\nPour gelee a poisson.\n\u00b6 Pour gelee a poisson. prenez tanches & anguilles pour faire la liure\nde celle & broches & mettes cuyre en vin blanc les espices qui y\nappartient / cest gingembre / graine de paradis & vng peu de sinapis &\npour donner couleur la gellee du saffran tant quil en y ait asses &\npures vostre bouillon quant le grain sera cuyt & le mettes coules par\nrouelle & puis quant elle sera coulee vous asserres les platz pour le\ngrain & les mettes toutes en eaue ou autre lieu frais & le bouillon\ndessus.\nSaulce chaulde\n\u00b6 Pour faire saulce chaulde pourbouilles de senglier ou pour nombles de\nsanglier ou nombles de beuf metttes les rostir en la broche & mettes la\nlesche frite ou vne paelle dessoubz & les arrouses de bouillon de beuf &\ndespeces le grain par pieces quant il sera cuit & le mettes en vng pot &\npuis prenez du pain & le halles & mettes de la cameline gingembre /\ngraine de paradis / & clou de girofle sy largement qui passe les autres\nespices & coules tout ensemble auec le pain & faictes le bouillon cler\nquil ne soit pas trop fort & le bouilles en vne paelle ou en vng pot &\nquant il sera bouilly gouttes de sel & mettes auec le grain.\n\u00b6 Poulles hocheez au gingembre prenez les entieres ou coppes par\nquartiers ainsi que vous vouldres refaictes les puis quant seront\nrefaictes boutes les en vng pot / et les soufrises & puis prenez du pain\nblanc et mettes tramper (Page 39) & des foyes de poulaille assez\nraisonnablement et mettes couler & quant sera coule il le sault mettre\ndedans le pot & prenez du gingembre & le deffaicte de vertius & le\nboutes dedens le pot.\nFromantee\n\u00b6 Pour faire fromantee. prenez froment espeautre & esleu tresbien & sil\nnest espeautre quon lespeautre & laues tresbien auant que mettre cuire &\npuis le faictes cuire en vng pot longuement & le laisses rassoir &\nprenes du lart raisonnablement pour vostre forment tant que vous en aiez\nassez & le mettez auec le forment & le mettes bouillir en vng pot &\ngardes en remuant quil narde. Et apres prenez des oeufz & les\nentreiettes selon que le pot sera grant & coules les moyeulx doeufz &\nquant il seront coules mettes le pot forment & le laict hors du feu. &\nprenez du lart & le boutez auec les oeufz & iectes lesdis oeufz dedans\nle forment & le laict tout ensemble & le demenes fort & gardes que le\nlaict ne soit trop chault car vous arderies les oeufz par quoy la\nfromantee seroit blesse & ne seroit pas belle. et mettes du sel & foison\nsucre.\n\u00b6 Gelee de poisson qui porte lymon de chair mettes cuire vostre grain en\nvin vertius vinaigre aucuns y mettent vng peu de pain puis prenez du\ngingembre canelle girofle graine de paradis poyure garingal mastic noix\nmuscade saffran pour donner couleur mettes & lies en vng blanc drapel\nmettez bouillir auec vostre grain & lescumes tousiours & aussi tost quil\nsera temps de le dressier quant il sera cuyt sy prenez vostre bouillon\nen vng vesseau de boys tant quil soit rassis mettes vostre grain dessus\nvne blanche nappe. Et se cest poisson sy le peles & iectes les pelures\nen vostre bouillon tant quil coule la derreniere fois & gardes que le\nbouillon soit cler & net & ne fauldra pas attendre quil soit froit car\nil ne pourroit couler puis mettes vostre grain par escuelles &\nrebouilles (Page 40) vostres bouillon & escumes tousiours et dressies\nainsy sur vostre grain parmy lestamine en deux ou en trois doubles\npouldre sur vos escuelles pouldre de fleur de canelle & mastic mettez\nvoz escuelles en lieu froit / & ce cest poisson mettes y lesche frite &\nclou destrempe qui fait gellee il ne fault dormir.\nCent platz de gellee.\nPour faire cent platz de gelee. prenez xxv. poussins / six lapereaulx /\nquatre cochons / trente gigotz de veau quatre pinte de vinaigre blanc /\nsix sextiers de vin blanc / six aulnes de toille / trois quarterons\ngingembre / graine de paradis / trois quarterons de mesche / six onces\nsaffran / v. culiers de boys deux grans oyselles de terre / vingt potz\nde terre / six iacez & a boire aux compaignons.\nLemproye\n\u00b6 Lemproye frite a la saulce chaulde soyt seignee par la gueulle / &\nostes la langue faictes bien seigner boutes en broche & gardes le sang\ncar cest la gresse & la fault eschaulder comme vne anguille en broche.\npuis affines gingembre canelle graine de paradis: noix muscade: & vng\npeu de pain halle trempe en vinaigre & le sang deffaictes tout ensemble\nfaictez bouillir vne once puis mettes dedans vostre lemproye toute\nentiere & ne soit pas trop noire la saulce.\nFroyde saulce\n\u00b6 Vne froide saulce. prenes vostre poulaille & la mettes cuyre en eaue\npuis la mettes sur vne blanche nappe & laisser froidir affines\ngingembre: canelle: girofle: graine de paradis. puis broyes percil pain\npour estre vert gay coules Aucuns y mettent des moyeux doeufz deffaictes\nde vin aigre gettes sur vostre poulaille par membres & ceulx de\npourreaulx soit faicte froide saulce sans oeufz.\nRis en goule\n\u00b6 Ris en goule a iour de chair. eslises laues en eaue chaulde puis\nmettes essuyer vostre ris contre le feu. prenez laict (Page 41) de vache\n& froment mettes vostre ris dedans & faictes buyllir tout ensemble a\npetit feu gettes dedans du gras du bouillon de beuf & en caresme soit\nfait au laict damandes & sucre sur les escuelles.\nViandes a potaiges de caresme.\n\u00b6 Commencement de poisson cuyt en eaue au soir en huylle affines amandes\nde vostre bouillon. & prenez gingembre deffaictes de vostre laict &\ndressies sur vostre grain quant il sera bouilly & pour malades il fault\ndu sucre.\n\u00b6 Saulce verde. Prenez du pain blanc & le mettes bouillir en vinaigre &\npuis le mettes refroidir la plus souueraine verdeur est de froment\nlautre ou deffault de froment doysille ou de ressise & en la saulce de\nla chair se fait pareillement mais que tant que lon y mect vng petit de\nsaulge & le passes en lestamine & si elle est trop aigre si y mettes du\nvin blanc tiede mettes gingembre & poiure & non autres espices.\nCyue doistres\n\u00b6 Cyue doistres eschauldes & laues tresbien pourbouilles & frises en\nhuille auec oignons affines gingembre canelle graine de paradis &\nsaffran. prenez pain halle trampe en puree de poys ou en eaue bouillie\nauec vin & vertius & mettes bouillir ensemble auec les oistres.\nBrothetz rostis a chaudume affine gingembre canelle graine saffran pain\nhalle trampe en puree de poys vin vertius faictes bouillir gettes sur\nvostre grain.\nFlans & tartres\n\u00b6 Pour faire flans & tartres en quaresme qui auront saueur de frommage.\nprenez ianches lux & carpes & en especial les oeufues & laictances\nbroyes deffaictes en vin blanc de laict damandes & vng peu de vertius &\nfaicte cuyre au feu.\nChaudeau flameng\n\u00b6 Chaudeau flameng mettes vng peu deaue bouillir prenes moyeulx doeufz\ndestrempes du vin blanc boulles ensemble (Page 42) aucuns y mettent vng\npeu de vertius.\n\u00b6 Coulis de perche cuises en eaue gardes le bouillon broyes amandes a la\nperche deffaictes du bouillon en vng peu de vin faictes bouillir tout\nensemble & soit claret.\nBlanc mengier\n\u00b6 Blanc mengier dung chappon pour vng malade cuises en eaue broyes\namandes & du bouillon coules faites bouillir & soit liant mettez pommes\nde grenades au dessus du grain.\nPoissons deaue doulce\n\u00b6 Lux brochetz darts barbillons carpes anguilles alose fresche tout cuit\nen eaue & en sel menges a saulce verde alose salee menges aux aulz.\nLemproye\n\u00b6 Lemproye a la saulce comme lemproye en pate & a pouldre fine.\nBresme soit eschaudee comme anguille menges saulce verde.\nPorc de mer\n\u00b6 Porc de mer soit fendu par le dos & soit mis en lesches en eaue.\nprenez vin & leaue de poisson affines gingembre / canelle graine de\nparadis poiure & vng peu de saffrain faites bouillir & ne soit pas trop\niaune.\nGournaulx & rougez\nGournaulx & rougetz cuitz en eaue ou rostis sur le gril & fendus par le\ndos menges a la cameline.\nMacquereaulx fraitz rostis sur le gril menges a beurre noir & a\nmoustarde.\nSaulmon\n\u00b6 Saulmon fraitz cuyt en eaue menges a la cameline la saulce au vinaigre\n& a la cibole qui veult.\nPosson de mer.\nFlays sole turbot limande cuitz en eaue au vin & au vert ius.\nMolue cuyte en eaue menges a la iance la saulce a la moustarde & au\nbeurre.\nSeiches & hanons frises aux oignons & mettes fine pouldre & hanons a\nsaulce verde\nSaulces non bouillies.\nCameline saulce verde & aulx camelins aulz blans aulz vers harans frais.\nFroide sauce.\n(Page 43) \u00b6 Vne froide saulce a garder poisson de mer broyes pain percil\nsalemonde deffaictes de vinaigre broyes de gingembre canelle poiure\ngaringal graine de paradis noix muscade & vng peu de saffran deffaictes\nde vertius vinaigre & coules & gettes sur vostre poisson / aucuns y\nmettent de la salemonde a tout la racine.\nSaulce boullye.\n\u00b6 Poiure noir broies gingembre pain halle deffaictes de vinaigre &\nvertius & faictes bouillir. aucuns y mettent graine & garingal.\nPoiure iaunet broyes gingembre poiure saffran pain halle defaicte de\nvinaigre & vertius faictes bouillir. aucuns y mettent graine & garingal.\n\u00b6 Saulce poiteuine broyes graine & des foyes deffaictes de vin & vertius\nfaictes bouillir de la gresse de rost dedans puis verses sur vostre cost\npar esculees.\nIance broyes amandes puis affines gingembre de mesche & pain blanc\ndeffaictes de vertius & de vin qui veult soit faicte au laict de vache &\nfaictes bouillir quant vous vouldres.\n\u00b6 Vertius vert.\nPrenes osylle auec tout grain deffaicte dautre vertius passes & mettes\nvne crouste de pain dedans affin quil ne tourne.\nEspices appartenantes a ce present viandier.\n\u00b6 Gingembre canelle girofle graine de paradis poiure mastic garingal\nnoix muscade saffran canelle sucre agnis & pouldre fine.\nDu chapellet fait au boys sur la mer le siziesme iour de iuing. Mil\nquatre cens cinquante & cinq par Monseigneur du Mayne / & Madamoyselle\nde chasteau brun.\nLe Premier.\n\u00b6 Blanches & plumes couuertes de violettes & de boucquetz entremestz\ndautres pastes assis sur lesditz grans pastes & vne masse verdoiant\nentre deux lesquelz estoient argentez (Page 44) les croustes & dores les\ndessus & sur chascun diceulx vne tonnelle cernellee argentee & le dessus\ndasur / & vne banuolle aux armes de monseigneur du mayne & aucuns aux\nautres armes de madamoyselle de ville quiert & de ma dicte damoyselle de\nchasteau brun & dedans yceulx poches cormeaulx buhoreaux & autres\noyseaulx vifz portans laquins aux dictes armes les boucquetz & les piedz\ndesditz oyseaulx dores & estoient les pastes contenant chascun vng\ncheureau entier / vng oyson / trois chappons / six poulaille / six\npyions / vng lapereau / vng gigot de veau hache menu auec deux liures de\ngresse se met par lesditz pastes a vng quarteron de moyeux doeufz durs\nlardes de clou de girofle bien salez saffrenes tenu au four cinq grosses\nheures.\nOnt au plat vng poulet farcy / demye longe de veau semblant souffre le\ntout couuert dudit brouet dalemaigne & par dessus rostiez dorees /\ngrenades / & dragee pareillement.\nOu au plat ciue de cerf & vng quartier de lieure sale dune nuyt & des\ncloux ou millieu du plat.\nLe second\n\u00b6 Ont au plat vne longe de veau / vng cheureau entier vng cochon / deux\noysons / vng cheurolat / ou vne longe de veau / vne douzaine de\npoulais / vne douzaine de pyions six lapereaux / deux hairons / deux\npoches / deux cosmeaux vng leurart.\nHerissons dont au plat vng chapon gras farsy & gerissonne le saultereau\na ce propice mis dessoubz lesditz chapons.\nDont au plat quatre poules & pouldre de duc par dessus & estoient dorees\nde oeufz & dautres mistions a ce propices. Vng saulteret conuenable\nausditz paons.\n\u00b6 Estougon au percil & au vinaigre cuyt puis gingembre par dessus\nfueilles de peuilles de vignee entre la peau & iceulx reuestus & mys\ncouches en vng plat en leur gitte faites desmeille sanglier fait de\ncresme frict darioles & estoilles (Page 45) renuersees.\nGellee doulce & aigre mipartie en vng plat blanche & vermeille armes aux\narmes dessusdictes.\nCresme frite. prenez pouldre de duc par dessus blanche de fenoil confite\nen sucre argentee.\nLaict larde\nFromages en ionchees sucre / cresme blanche sucree / fraises sucrees\nprunes confites estuuez en eaue rose.\nLe quint.\nLe chappellet / le vin / les espices de chambre a grans pas de cerfz &\nde signes faitz de sucre & de pinoles armees desdictes armes\nClaire\nPour faire vne pinte de clare il fault demye chopine de miel & sur le\nfaire bien cuire auecques le vin & quil soit escume & vne once de\npouldre fine qui soit passe qui vuelt comme ypocres.\nYpocras\n\u00b6 Pour faire vne pinte dypocras. il fault trois treseaux de cynamome\nfine & paree. vng treseau mesche ou deux qui veult. demy treseau girofle\n& graine de sucre fin six onces & mettes en pouldre & la fault toute\nmettre en vng couloir auec le vin et le pot dessoubz / et le passez tant\nquil soit coule & tant plus est passe & mieulx vault / mais que il ne\nsoit esuente.\n\u00b6 Bancquet de monseigneur de foyes. Et premier metz\npoussins au succre. leureaulx ou lapereaulx a la cresme damandes. froide\nsaulce. vin aigre. venoison a souppes.\nSecond metz\n\u00b6 Espaules de cheureaulx farcis. poullettes de merpanneaulx tous armes.\ncailles au sucre.\nTiers metz\n\u00b6 Daulphins de cresme. lesches lombardes. poyres. orenges frictes.\ngellee. pastes de leurastz.\nFruicterie\nCresme blanche & frises ionchee / poyres et amandes /\n\u00b6 Bancquet de monseigneur de la marche. Et premierement.\nVinaigrette / cretonnee de lart / brouet de canelle (Page 46) venoison a\nclou.\nSecond mestz\nPaons cignes hairons lapereaulx au saupiquet perdriaux au sucre.\nTiers mestz\nChappons farcis dedans de cresmes. pastes de pyions. cheurotz.\nQuart mestz.\nAigles poires a lypocras lesches dorees gellee cresson.\nQuint mestz\nCresme blanche amandes noix noisilles poires ionchee\n\u00b6 Bancquet de monseigneur destampes pour la premiere assiete\nChappons au brouet de canelle poulles aux herbes soustnauax a la\nvenoison.\nSecond mestz\nRost le meilleur paons au scelereau pastes de chappons leureaulx au\nvinaigre rosac chappons au moustiehan.\nTiers mestz\nPerdriaux a la trimolette. Pyions a lestuuee. Pastes de venoison. Gelee\n& lesches.\nQuart mestz\nFour cresme frite Pastes de poyres amandes toutes sucrees noix & poires\ncrues.\n\u00b6 Bancquet pour madamoyselle. assiete de table\nPorpie capes cerises au sucre ou plumes lymons.\nPremier mestz\nPastes a cheminee au sucre pastes de pyions venoison aux poys poulles\nbouillies fresche venoison a souppes.\nSecond mestz\nRost pastes de chappons. Pastes de cailles Venoison appartiues ou pour\napres.\nTiers mestz\nPyions au sucre & vinaigre. Tartres au sucre tremoulettes au sucre moust\nbancquet de mouelle.\nLe quart mestz\nTartres darmes & daulphins Gellee blanche & autre cresme fritte poyres\nau sucre amandes nouuelles.\n(Page 49) Pour le premier\n\u00b6 Iambons au sucre chappons au talle brouet rappe barder poulailles\ntoutes sucrees.\nSecond seruice\n\u00b6 Signes au santire Paons Herons Venoyson poches foynes.\nTiers seruice\n\u00b6 Poulles pyions lappereaulx les lesches gelee le fourcondel de cresme\nlesches dorees.\n\u00b6 Cy finist le liure de cuysine nomme Tailleuant lequel traicte de\nplusieurs choses appartenantes a cuysine.\nNOTES SUR LA VERSION ELECTRONIQUE\nOn a repris l'orthographe et la ponctuation de l'original \u00e0 l'identique,\nen r\u00e9solvant toutefois les abr\u00e9viations. On a corrig\u00e9 environ 70\ncoquilles \u00e9videntes, principalement des cas d'interversion entre lettres\nde forme semblable (oenfz pour oeufz, etc.)\nOn a reproduit les num\u00e9ros de pages ajout\u00e9s \u00e0 la main sur le document\noriginal. Ces num\u00e9ros semblent avoir \u00e9t\u00e9 port\u00e9s sur un exemplaire dont\nle dernier cahier est reli\u00e9 de fa\u00e7on incorrecte: on a d\u00e9plac\u00e9 les pages\n47 et 48 (signature \"d\" recto et verso) juste avant la page 35\n(signature \"d ii\"), selon la logique habituelle de reliure, rendant\nainsi l'encha\u00eenement du texte plus logique, et conforme \u00e0 l'ordre de la\ntable des mati\u00e8res.\nEnd of Project Gutenberg's Le viandier de Taillevent, by Guillaume Tirel", "source_dataset": "gutenberg", "source_dataset_detailed": "gutenberg -  Le viandier de Taillevent\n"},
{"source_document": "", "creation_year": 1375, "culture": " English\n", "content": "Produced by Henry Flower and the Online Distributed\nproduced from images generously made available by The\nInternet Archive)\nTHE BRUCE\nBY\nJOHN BARBOUR\nARCHDEACON OF ABERDEEN\nEDITED FROM THE BEST TEXTS\nWITH LITERARY AND HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION,\nNOTES AND APPENDICES, AND A GLOSSARY\nBY\nW. M. MACKENZIE, M.A., F.S.A. (SCOT.)\nAUTHOR OF \u201cAN OUTLINE OF SCOTTISH HISTORY,\u201d ETC.\nLONDON\nADAM AND CHARLES BLACK\nPREFACE\n1. MSS. AND EDITIONS.\nThe poem _The Bruce_, by John Barbour, is preserved in only two\nmanuscripts, one in the library of St. John\u2019s College, Cambridge,\nand the other in the Advocates\u2019 Library, Edinburgh. The former is\nhereafter denoted by the letter C, the latter by E. Of these E alone\nis complete in the sense of having both beginning and end; the first\nthree Books and Book IV. 1-56 are missing in C. On the other hand, C\nbears to have been completed in 1487, E in 1489. Other things being\nequal, the earlier MS. must, of course, be preferred. Here, however,\nintervenes a series of extracts, numbering 280 lines from Books I.\nand II., embedded in Wyntoun\u2019s _Orygynale Cronykil of Scotland_, and\nthe two MSS. of the _Cronykil_ are actually older than those of _The\nBruce_. This raises a difficulty, as Wyntoun\u2019s extracts show a goodly\nproportion of variations in language from the corresponding passages\nin E, the only other MS. which covers the same ground. Professor Skeat\nconsiders that Wyntoun\u2019s lines are \u201cin a better form (in the main)\u201d\nthan those of E;[1] but, on the other hand, we do not know Wyntoun\u2019s\nmethod of working in such a case--how far he transcribed verbatim, how\nfar \u201che modified the language of the MS. which he must have had before\nhim.\u201d[2] Many lines he omits, and others he obviously paraphrases;\nhe incorporates matter from another source; and his version of _The\nBruce_ lines may quite well be due to memorial reproduction after a\nhurried reading. It is not otherwise easy to account for scraps of\na few lines of the poem being here and there embedded in narrative\nindependently worded or derived. There is thus no warrant for erecting\nthis chopped-up, second-hand version of the lines in question into a\ncanon or standard for a purely scribal transcript made for its own\nsake. It is needful to enter this plea in view of the separatist theory\nof Mr. J. T. T. Brown, for whom the passages in Wyntoun represent so\nmuch of the original or _ur_-Bruce, out of which our MS. and printed\nversions have been elaborated by a fifteenth-century editor, who, to\ndo so, borrowed freely and with no great cunning from the works of\ncontemporary authors.[3]\n[1] Preface, S.T.S. edition, p. lxxv.\n[2] Skeat, p. xxxvii.\nThe earliest printed versions of _The Bruce_ raise yet another issue\nbearing on the purity of the text. The first is apparently of the year\n1571, and only one copy is known to exist.[4] It does not, however,\ndiffer materially from that of \u201cAndro Hart\u201d (H), published at Edinburgh\nin 1616. In this the language is modernized; still more so is it in the\nedition of four years later from the same publisher. And these seem\nto have been the basis of the gradually worsening issues so common in\nthe eighteenth century, until in 1790 Pinkerton reverted to the sound\ncritical method of having a transcript made directly from the Edinburgh\nMS. This again was the origin of Jamieson\u2019s more careful edition of\n1820, reprinted with a few corrections in 1869. Meantime Cosmo Innes\nhad prepared for the Spalding Club (1856) a version which, for the\nfirst time, introduced readings from the Cambridge MS., but which, in\nbeing dressed up in a \u201cconsistent orthography,\u201d so far reverted to the\nevil example of Hart. Subsequently, for the Early English Text Society,\nand later, for the Scottish Text Society, Professor Skeat, basing on\nC, but also utilizing E and H with a few readings from Wyntoun and\nAnderson\u2019s issue of 1670, produced, for the first time, a full and in\nall respects competent text. To Skeat\u2019s edition the present one is\nessentially indebted.\n[3] _The Wallace and The Bruce Restudied_, p. 74 and _passim_. See also\nAppendices E, F.\n[4] For a detailed account of the different editions see Skeat\u2019s\n_Preface_ to the E.E.T.S. or S.T.S. issues.\nThe main point about Hart\u2019s edition (H) is that it supplies 39 lines\nnot found in either MS., with an expansion of two others into eight,\n45 new lines in all. The expanded portion Skeat perforce relegates to\nthe footnotes. Twelve lines from Hart in the last book he at first\naccepted as genuine, but finally discarded as an interpolation.[5] He\nmight justifiably have gone further, for he seems to me to have erred\nin attaching undue importance to Hart\u2019s unsupported contributions.\n[5] See Appendix D.\nThis is made clear by considering the question as between C and E. Each\nMS. has portions not found in the other. The scribe of E furnishes\nhis own excuse; his copy was \u201churriedly written\u201d (_raptim scriptus_).\nConsequently we are not surprised to find that he has dropped 81 lines\nfound in C. On the other hand, the more careful Cambridge scribe has\noverlooked, as the best of copyists might, 39 lines preserved in the\nEdinburgh version. Upon analysis of these two groups a satisfactory\ntest of character emerges. In one case only--C, Bk. VI. *85-*92, E,\nBk. VI. 101-106--do we find an unexplained confusion, traces of two\nalternative accounts of one incident, a possibility to which Barbour\nrefers in several instances. One line from C Skeat rejects because it\nresults in a triple rhyme.[6] Having eliminated these, we find that of\nthe remaining omissions in E two lines are the result of the misplacing\nof one;[7] eight lines are couplets which have been overlooked; four\nlines are necessary to complete couplets, so that their loss is due\nto sheer carelessness; while the bulk of the missing lines, 57 out of\n80, is accounted for by the recurrence of the same word or words at\nthe beginning or end of the line, whereby the eye of the scribe has\nrun on from, _e.g._, \u201cToward the toun\u201d in Bk. IX. *374 to \u201cToward the\ntoun\u201d in 374, and from \u201cthai fand\u201d in Bk. XIII. 446 to \u201cthai fand,\u201d\nin *450, missing all between. A parallel result is given by analysis\nof the 39 lines wanting in C but present in E. Six are involved in\nthe mutual perplexity of Bk. VI.; one is merely a careless oversight,\nand the remaining 32 come under the main category of omission through\nrecurrence, within a short space, of the same word or rhyme. On the\nwhole, then, with the reservation noted above, the condition of\nthings as between the two MSS. is quite normal; the omissions are\nexplicable on ordinary grounds, and as the missing lines, with but one\nreal exception, take their places again without disturbance of their\nneighbours, we may conclude that C and E are individual versions of a\nsingle original poem, and complementary to each other. But copyists\nwere only mortal; an author too might see cause to alter a MS.; and the\nvariations of reading, even with those of Wyntoun thrown in, after all\nsupply a less serious illustration of such possibilities than do the\nMSS. of the _Canterbury Tales_ from the Ellesmere to the so disturbing\nHarleian.\n[6] XVIII. *537; and see note on p. 277.\nAs for the lines found only in Hart\u2019s edition, their every feature\narouses distrust and suspicion. Skeat\u2019s judgment of \u201calmost certainly\ngenuine\u201d he has had to retract for 18 out of the total of 45, including\nthe eight-line version of a couple in the MSS.[8] Those on the\nheart-throwing episode, Bk. XX. *421-*432, have been referred to above.\nNot a single example of the remaining accretions meets the test of\nrepetition operative in the case of the MSS., or suggests its own\nexplanation. The couplet in Bk. II., p. 25, is nothing either way;\nthat on p. 283 is awkward; the intrusive lines on p. 321 are neither\nsense nor grammar; those on pp. 215, 216 can find a place only by an\nunwarrantable alteration of the succeeding line in both MSS., a liberty\nwhich Mr. Brown, on purely speculative grounds, lightly accepts from\nthe very passage in question.[9] On the untimeous harangue into which\nBruce is made to pass on p. 239 I have spoken in its place. In general\nit may be said that Hart\u2019s contributions are clear misfits. Moreover,\nthe circumstantial evidence seems to clinch the main conclusion.\nHart, or his editor, had a turn for rhyme: to him are due the rhyming\nrubrics, and he added at the close of the poem a halting colophon of\nsix lines, which in the later corrupt editions was simply merged in the\npoem, and is quoted as a specimen thereof in a critical historical work\nof 1702.[10] In XX. 610 he has barefacedly substituted a line for that\nof the MSS., which introduces a detail not found before the time of\nBower and no doubt taken from him.[11] This throws a strong light on the\norigin of other lines in the same Book.[12] Thus we prove capability and\ninclination. Hart \u201cmodernized\u201d the language of _The Bruce_, and from\n\u201cmodernization\u201d to \u201cimprovement\u201d is a tempting transition.\n[9] _The Wallace and The Bruce_, pp. 133, 134.\n[10] _The Scottish Historical Library_, by W. Nicholson, Archdeacon of\nCarlisle, p. 147.\n[11] See note on passage.\n[12] See Appendix D.\n2. THE SCRIBES.\nThe Cambridge MS. bears witness that it was completed on August 18,\n1487, by the hand of \u201cJohn de R., chaplain\u201d; the Edinburgh MS. that\nit was \u201churriedly written\u201d by \u201cJohn Ramsay\u201d in 1489, for a Fife\nvicar; and the latter signature is attached to the only MS. of _The\nWallace_, which accompanies that of _The Bruce_ but was transcribed\ntwo years earlier. Skeat immediately pronounces that the names signify\nbut one person, that \u201cJohn de R.\u201d is also \u201cJohn Ramsay,\u201d apparently\non the logic of Wonderland, because both surnames begin with the\nsame letter.[13] Mr. Brown, however, points out that this equation\nof alternative forms was highly improbable for fifteenth-century\nScotland, and substitutes a reading of his own whereby the scribes are\nstill merged in one personality as \u201cJohn Ramsay\u201d otherwise \u201cSir John\nthe Ross,\u201d one of Dunbar\u2019s _makars_, the real author of _The Wallace_,\nand the wholesale redactor of _The Bruce_. The details of Mr. Brown\u2019s\nargument and all that flows therefrom must be read in _The Wallace\nand The Bruce Restudied_.[14] Mr. Brown (if I may say so) never fails\nto be suggestive and interesting, and even the light which led him\nastray was real critical illumination; but John Ramsay, who, \u201cas a\nchaplain\u201d--which _he_ does not claim to have been--\u201cwas entitled to\nthe courtesy title of _Sir_,\u201d[15] and took his alternative name from\nhis office as \u201cRoss Herald or Ross Secretary\u201d;[16] who lightened the\ntoil of transcribing Acts of Parliament by dropping into verse on the\nmargin--an unjustifiable accusation;[17] and who, from the seed of\nBlind Harry\u2019s \u201cgests,\u201d raised the prickly bloom of _The Wallace_, and\ngrafted enough borrowed material on to the rough stock of the original\nBruce to make it something substantially different, and did all this\nwithout leaving even a cipher as a hint to posterity--of this complex\nand composite personage Mr. Brown is the only begetter, and his brief\nand inglorious career may be followed in _The Athen\u00e6um_, November\n17-December 8, 1900, February 9, 1901. Mr. Brown, of course, can still\nclaim that the problem of late redaction remains, whoever the guilty\none may have been.[18] On this understanding I deal with it\nelsewhere.[19]\n[13] The Bibliography of the _Cambridge History of English Literature_,\nvol. ii., recklessly says: \u201cAs the colophon informs us (!) all three\nMSS. were written by John Ramsay\u201d (p. 447).\n[17] See _Athen\u00e6um_, November 17, 1900.\n[18] _Athen\u00e6um_, December 8, 1900.\n[19] Appendix F.\nFor the MSS., it needs but a slight examination to show that they\nare from different hands. The fifteenth century had no \u201cconsistent\northography,\u201d but a scribe would probably have of himself; would\nnot, at the least, exhibit the systematic differences that mark the\nMSS. in question. That the differences _are_ due to the scribes is\nindicated by their occurrence even in proper names where E is, on the\nwhole, much more accurate than C.[20] Add that C offers more traces\nof southern English influences; that it invariably gives the weak\nform _I_ for the _Ic_ or _Ik_ of E, and substitutes _can_ for the\nlatter\u2019s _gan_; that it regularly prefers _of_ to the _off_ which\ndistinguishes E and in certain positions _i_ for _y_--these with other\nminor peculiarities, not being vital in character, are certainly due\nto individual idiosyncrasies in spelling. Ramsay is an honest scribe,\nwho, at places, cannot read his original, and leaves a blank which\nmust be supplied from the copy of the chaplain.[21] There is thus not\nthe faintest reason for supposing but one scribe to have been at work.\nAt the same time the essential agreement of the two transcripts shows\nthat we are dealing with a single, complete, familiar poem which has\nsuffered in precision of copying from the usual mishaps incident to its\nmanner of publication and preservation.\n[20] And Koeppel, while granting the general superiority of C, gives as\nhis opinion that in not a few cases E, nevertheless, where it differs\nfrom C, preserves the genuine, original reading (_Englische Studien_,\n3. THE PRESENT EDITION.\nThe present edition of _The Bruce_ is based upon the printed text of\nthe Cambridge MS., collated throughout with that of E--that is, upon\nthe versions of Skeat and Jamieson. I have, however, adopted rather\nmore readings from E than does Skeat, also a few more from Wyntoun, and\noffer some slight emendations--_e.g._, _luffys_ for _liffys_ in Bk. II.\n527, _oft_ for _off_ in III. 194, _Fyn all_ for _Fyngall_ in II. 69,\netc. I have profited, too, by criticism of the published text as in the\nadoption of Dr. Neilson\u2019s _corn-but_ in Bk. II. 438. The question of\nHart\u2019s version has been discussed above; it is valid only as a check\nupon the MSS. Variants of any interest or importance are given in the\nfootnotes.\nThere has been no modernization of the language save in the case of the\nrubrics, which are no part of the text proper and have been contributed\nby the scribes or editors in order to facilitate the understanding\nof the poem. I have thus adhered to the spirit while modifying the\nletter of their work. But while avoiding any change in the language\nof the poem or even any attempt at a uniform spelling, I have taken\na few harmless liberties with its alphabet and restricted certain of\nthe letters to their modern values, substituting for others a modern\nequivalent. Skeat did this in the matter of the ancient \u201cthorn\u201d letter\n= _th_. In consideration of the general reader, I have gone somewhat\nfarther, viz.:\n1 The _s_ with the ornamental curl I read as merely _s_; Jamieson and\nSkeat take it as, generally, = _ss_. But such alternative forms as\n_Parys_,[22] _purches_,[23] and _purpos_,[24] on the one hand, and the\nactual use of the tailed letter following the ordinary type in _dress_,\n_press_,[25] fix the usage I have adopted.[26] There are a few\nexceptions in which this letter is probably a contraction for\n[26] _Cf._ also in Gregory Smith\u2019s _Specimens of Middle Scots_, p. xxx.\n2. I have distributed their modern values to _i_, _j_, _u_, _v_, _w_.\nThere is no advantage in preserving such forms as _iugis_, _Evrope_,\n_wndyr_: the hedge of the language--to use Lowell\u2019s simile--is prickly\nenough without these accessories. Moreover, I have throughout written\n_Edward_ for _Eduuard_ or _Eduard_ and _Inglis_ for _Ynglis_ (C).\n3. As Skeat has substituted \u201c_th_\u201d for the \u201cthorn\u201d (\u00fe), I have done\nlikewise with the ancient English _g_ (\u021d), the \u201cyok\u201d letter, resolving\nit into the digraph _yh_. As ultimately, in almost every case,\nsignificant of the consonantal _y_, I might have simply replaced it\nby that letter. But alternative forms, nearly without exception, show\nthe digraph, both in _The Bruce_ and in Wyntoun, giving _yhe_, _yhet_,\n_yharnit_, _fenyhe_, etc., and in Wyntoun\u2019s extracts _feyhnnyng_,\n_senyhoury_, _yhystir-day_, _bayhllys_, etc. Even with the original\nletter the _h_ is added as often as not. Apparently the usage, which\nhad practically disappeared from the southern practice, was in a\ntransitional stage on its way to its full revival in later Scots, where\nit became fixed, at the hands of the printers, as _z_, and survives in\nsuch forms as _Cadzow_, _capercailzie_, etc.[27] In I. 16, however, it\nhas been read as _g_ in _forget_, though _foryhet_ is to be found in\n_Ratis Raving_, and in XV. 75 it is obviously _z_ in _Fi(t)z-Waryne_.\n[27] _Cf._ Murray\u2019s _Dialect of the Southern Counties of Scotland_, p.\n*92; and _New. Eng. Dict._, G.\n4. The placing of the capital letters and the punctuation are, of\ncourse, modern.\nFurther, the poem in MSS. is not divided into Books, but paragraphs\nare denoted by the insertion of a large capital; these, as in C, are\nsimilarly marked in the text. The division into twenty Books was first\nmade by Pinkerton, and, as the most convenient, has been adopted by\nSkeat in his editions. From Pinkerton also Skeat adopts the numbering\nof the lines. Jamieson, however, made a division into fourteen Books\nwith a numbering to suit. Cosmo Innes gave up the Books in favour of\nCantos, with a fresh renumbering. To avoid confusion I have adhered\nto Skeat\u2019s divisions and numbering, which are those of Pinkerton;\ninconvenient though the duplicate numbers certainly are, a totally new\nand fourth arrangement would be much more so. To break up and make more\naccessible the matter, I have also introduced, where possible, the\nparagraphs of Jamieson distinguished by spaces, some of these, however,\nbeing found in C. They are merely for the convenience of the reader. I\nmay, perhaps, draw attention to the critical treatment of _The Bruce_\nas an historic document without which we move greatly in the dark. The\nhistorical notes of the early editors are few and superficial. Skeat\ndoes not profess to deal with the work strictly on this line (_note_,\nvol. ii., p. 224), though he does not fail to pass unnecessary censure\nat several places. But some such examination as I have tried to make\nseems necessary in the interests of Scottish historiography.\nCONTENTS\n   3. Historic value of _The Bruce_                        xx\nAPPENDIX A.--The Site of the Battle of Bannockburn        496\n    \u201e    B.--Bruce\u2019s Speech at Bannockburn                497\n    \u201e    F.--Mr. Brown\u2019s \u201cSources\u201d for _The Bruce_        506\nINTRODUCTION\n1. \u201cTHE BRUCE\u201d AS ROMANCE.\nThe literary relationships of _The Bruce_ may be briefly indicated. It\nstands at the beginning of Scottish literature; of its predecessors\nand contemporaries we have but the names, or possible versions whose\nplace of origin is in dispute. In form and technique, including the\noctosyllabic couplet, it plainly depends on the French metrical\nromance, the most fruitful branch of a literature which, for quite two\ncenturies, had been the mother of literatures in Western Europe. The\nopening line of _The Bruce_ characterizes at once the poem itself,\nand what was best and most abundant in the literature of the Middle\nAges. Barbour, too, it is never overlooked, announces his work as\na \u201cromance,\u201d but as such, we gather from what precedes, only in a\ntechnical sense; and no medi\u00e6val writer would consider this popular\nmethod of treatment incompatible with strict accuracy and reality of\nsubject: that is a modern refinement. Barbour certainly did not, nor\ndid those who followed and used him; his selection of the model is\nsimply the expression of his desire to do his work in \u201cgud manere.\u201d\nHe anticipated Macaulay\u2019s ambition in that his history was to differ\nfrom the most attractive literary matter only in being true. There were\nalready in French many examples of contemporary history presented in\nthis way as a succession of incidents on the lines of personal memoirs,\nthough history had in the end succeeded in widening its outlook, and\nconsequently found more fitting expression in prose. But that was of\nBarbour\u2019s own age, and indeed Froissart had made his first essay, as an\nhistorian, in verse, which later he recast and continued in the form\nwe know. All the necessities of Barbour\u2019s case, however, led him the\nother way--the despised condition of the prose vernacular as a literary\nmedium, from which, indeed, it never fully emerged; the character of\nhis audience, which would be either learned or aristocratic; and the\nnature and associations of his subject, for which only the literature\nof romance could furnish a parallel or supply the appropriate setting.\nThe literary qualities of _The Bruce_ are, therefore, those of its\nmodel; it is a clear, vivid, easy-flowing narrative, and if it is also,\nas romances tended to be, loose in construction and discursive, it\nis never tedious, for it deals with real persons and events of real\ninterest, depicted with an admiring fidelity.\n2. JOHN BARBOUR.\nThe year of John Barbour\u2019s birth we do not know, an item which is\nlacking also for Chaucer: 1320 is a good round guess. Nor have we any\nknowledge of his family. If, however, the _St. Ninian_ in the _Legends\nof the Saints_ be of Barbour, a claim for which there is much to be\nsaid,[28] it may give us a clue. The adventure of Jak. Trumpoure,\nthere told, connects with the fact that Jaq. (James) Trampour had\nland in Aberdeen bordering on that of an Andrew Barbour.[29] It may be\nconjectured that the latter was John Barbour\u2019s father, or other near\nrelative, since the vivid personal details of the affair in the _St.\nNinian_ must have come from Trumpour himself, and the fact that he was\na neighbour of the Barbours would explain how.\nThe name Barbour (_Barbitonsoris_) is obviously plebeian. Some ancestor\nfollowed the business of barber, as some one of Chaucer\u2019s possibly\ndid that of \u201chose-making.\u201d The established spelling, Barbour, shows\na French termination which takes also the form Barbier, whence Mr.\nHenderson concludes that John Barbour \u201cwas of Norman origin.\u201d[30] But\nthe spelling is merely an accident of transcription; the oldest form is\nBarber(e) (1357, 1365),[31] which the scribe of the Edinburgh MS. also\nuses, and which Wyntoun rhymes with _here_ and _matere_; in a few cases\nit is Barbar. As we might expect, the name was common enough in the\nEnglish-speaking districts of Scotland.\n[28] See Neilson in _Scottish Antiquary_, vol. xi., p. 102 ff., and\nBuss, _ex adverso_, in _Anglia_, Band ix., p. 495.\n[29] Jamieson\u2019s _Memoir_, p. iv.\n[30] _Scottish Vernacular Literature_, p. 41.\n[31] For this reason Buss always gives the name as Barbere.\nAll our information about John Barbour, except the little to be\ngleaned from the complimentary references of later authors, is drawn\nfrom official sources,[32] and is thus, of course, perfectly precise,\nbut meagre and uncharacteristic. We learn something of what Barbour\ndid and got, but not what sort of man he was, or what he was like. By\n1357, at the latest, he is Archdeacon of Aberdeen, the most important\nofficial of the diocese after the bishop, having as his prebend the\nparish of Rayne, in Garioch; and in the same year (August 13) he has\na safe-conduct to go with three scholars, for purposes of study, to\nOxford, where he may have seen John Wycliffe. There was, of course,\nno University in Scotland as yet, and scholars desirous of academic\nadvantages had to seek them at least across the Border, a patronage\nwhich Edward III., in his own interests, readily encouraged. Seven\nyears later he is again in England on a similar mission with four\nhorsemen,[33] and on October 16 of the year following he goes to St.\nDenis, near Paris, this time with six companions on horseback; in\n1368-69 he once more visits France \u201cwith two servants (_vallettis_)\nand two horses.\u201d The University of Paris had the highest reputation\nfor the study of philosophy and canon law, and Barbour, whose duty it\nwas to administer the jurisdiction of his bishop, would necessarily\nbe something of a lawyer, though his allusion to the clerkly\n\u201cdisputations\u201d in this field does not suggest much personal interest in\nlegal refinements.\n[32] These have been brought together by Skeat in his first volume, pp.\nxv-xxv.\n[33] Skeat here takes _equitibus_ to be \u201cknights,\u201d but this is not a\nmilitary business. They were, we may judge, the attendants proper to\nhis rank.\nHis next appearance is in a different though related capacity. In 1372\nhe is clerk of the audit of the King\u2019s household, that of Robert II.,\nwho had come to the throne in the previous year as the first of the\nStewart Kings. The year after he is also an auditor of exchequer. The\nStewarts were good friends to Barbour, and we see the result in his\nkindly, almost affectionate, references to the family in his poem.\nHe wrote up their genealogy, but that piece of work is lost. After a\nlong interval he reappears as an auditor of exchequer in 1382, 1383,\n1384. For some part, at least, of this interval he was engaged upon\n_The Bruce_, and its completion in the course of 1376[34] suggestively\napproximates to a grant of \u00a310, by the King\u2019s order, from the customs\nof Aberdeen, first recorded in the accounts of March 14, 1377. So also\ndoes a pension of twenty shillings sterling from certain revenues of\nthe same city, granted on August 29, 1378, to himself and his assignees\nfor ever.[35] Accordingly, two years later Barbour assigned his pension,\non his death, to the cathedral church of Aberdeen, as payment for a\nyearly mass for his own soul and for the souls of his relatives and all\nthe faithful dead. The practice of these payments can be traced for a\nconsiderable time afterwards, but the financial readjustments of the\nReformation sent Barbour\u2019s legacy elsewhere.\n[34] See on Bk. XIII. 702.\n[35] The account of 1429 is the first to state expressly that this\nperpetual pension was \u201cfor the composition of the book of the deeds of\nthe erstwhile King Robert the Bruce\u201d (_Excheq. Rolls_, iv., p. 520).\nBut the royal bounty had not dried up. In 1386 the poet had gifts\nof \u00a310 and \u00a36 13s. 4d., no doubt in recognition of further literary\nlabours. And on December 5, 1388, he had a fresh pension of \u00a310 for\nlife \u201cfor faithful service,\u201d to be paid in equal portions at Pentecost\nand Martinmas. This he enjoyed for only a few years. On April 25, 1396,\nthe first payment of twenty shillings is made to the Dean and Chapter\nof Aberdeen, so that Barbour must have been dead before April 5, 1395,\nwhen the accounts for the year began. As his \u201canniversary\u201d fell on\nMarch 13, that date in 1395 was, in all probability, the day of his\ndeath. Thus born under the great Bruce, he had lived through the reigns\nof David II. and Robert II., and five years of Robert III.\nSome stray notices of Barbour in other connections add nothing of\nimportance. One, however, lets us know that he was responsible for the\nloss of a volume on law from the library of his cathedral.\nWe have really learned nothing as to the personality of the poet. That\nhe was a keen student and a great reader as well as a trustworthy\nofficial, and stood high in the royal favour, may be inferred. The\nrespectful and admiring references of Wyntoun and Bower attest his\nhigh reputation as a writer and authority on history. But _The Bruce_\nof itself would suggest neither the cleric nor the accountant. His\npious reflections would be commonplaces even for a lay writer, and his\nhandling of figures is not in any way distinctive. Even of Scotland\nin the background we get but casual, fleeting glimpses. Barbour is\noccupied entirely with his heroes and their performances. It is these\nhe undertakes to celebrate, not, primarily, even the great cause which\ncalled them forth; and personal loyalty is his master virtue.[36] That\nhe so conceived and developed his subject, his hurried passage from\nincident to incident, his grim, practical humour, his impatience\nof inaction or commonplace achievement, his actively descriptive\nvocabulary, and his vivid realization of the details of movement\nand conflict--all contribute to the impression of a man of lively,\nenergetic temperament, with a delight in action and the concrete,\nand so, as his time and circumstances would make him, an amateur and\nidealist of chivalry.\n[36] \u201cHis theme was Freedom,\u201d writes Mr. Cosmo Innes. Barbour gives out\nhis \u201ctheme\u201d in the first thirty-six lines, and never once mentions it.\nBesides _The Bruce_, Wyntoun credits Barbour with _The Stewartis\nOryginalle_, a metrical genealogy starting from \u201cSere Dardane, lord\nde Frygya\u201d(!), which has not survived.[37] Skeat has also suggested,\nbasing on certain references by Wyntoun, that Barbour wrote a _Brut_\non the mythical colonization of Britain by Brutus, but the inference\nis disputed by Mr. Brown,[38] and Wyntoun\u2019s language is too vague for a\ndefinite opinion. On better grounds there has been attributed to him a\n_Trojan War_ or _Troy Book_, portions of which have been used to fill\nup gaps in a MS. of Lydgate\u2019s _Siege_ with the rubric, \u201cHere endis\nBarbour and begynnis the monk,\u201d and again conversely. An independent\nMS. gives a larger number of lines in continuation. These fragments\nhave been subjected to close linguistic and metrical criticism by P.\nBuss in _Anglia_, ix., pp. 493-514, and by E. Koeppel in _Englische\nStudien_, x., pp. 373-382, and their reasoning on differences of verbal\nand grammatical usages has been summarized by Skeat,[39] who concurs\nwith their conclusion against Barbour\u2019s authorship. But there are other\nelements of evidence, and the sceptical discussion of Medea\u2019s alleged\nastronomical powers with the affirmation,\n  Bot na gude Cristene mane her-to\n  Sulde gif credence--that I defend,[40]\nis significantly similar to the argumentation on astrology in _The\nBruce_, Bk. IV. 706 to end.[41] Faced with the plain statement of the\nfifteenth-century scribe, Skeat can only suggest that the poem was not\nby our Barbour, but by another person of the same name--surely the\nextremity of destructive literary criticism. And every argument of the\nGerman scholars against the _Troy_ fragments would clinch the case\nfor Barbour\u2019s claims on the _Alexander_, with which I deal elsewhere.\nThe garrulous and dreary _Legends of the Saints_ probably contain, at\nleast, contributions by Barbour; even Buss admits peculiar features in\nthe _St. Ninian_,[42] and _St. Machar_ is a purely Aberdeen worthy, in\nwhom the poet, too, professes a special interest; these may well have\ncome from Barbour\u2019s pen as the uncongenial but meritorious labour of\nhis old age. Such, at any rate, was the normal progress of a poetic\nclerk, from translation to original work, to decline at the close upon\nversions of saintly biographies.\n[37] The editor of _The Exchequer Rolls_, vol. ii. p. cv., says: \u201cBower\naccuses Barbour of misrepresenting the origin of the Stewarts.\u201d That\nis not so. According to the summary in Bower, Barbour had it that they\ncame from Wales, and in fact the family was settled in Shropshire\non the Welsh March. It had its origin, he said, from one who was\ncalled \u201cLe Fleanc de Waran,\u201d who may equate with Alan FitzFlaald,\nwho, however, apparently did not marry a daughter of Warine, the\nsheriff of that county (Round, _Studies in the Peerage_, p. 116).\nHe affirms, rightly enough, that the first of them in Scotland was\nWalter, in the days of King William (twelfth century). Where he goes\nwrong genealogically, according to Bower, is in saying that Walter\u2019s\nson, Alan, was in the First Crusade, which was obviously impossible;\nbut Alan FitzAlan, uncle of Alan FitzFlaald, was in that expedition.\nBarbour was dealing with remote personages through family tradition,\nand whatever his errors as represented by Bower, he does not appear,\nas is too lightly assumed, to have been the source of the myths of\nlater historians in this connection. Bower\u2019s language does not admit of\na Banquo. See _Cupar and Perth MSS._, in _Scotichronicon_, Lib. IX.,\nchap. xlviii.\n[38] _The Wallace and The Bruce_, pp. 88-90.\n[39] Preface I., xlix-lii.\n[40] Edit. Horstmann, ii., p. 226.\n[41] See further, Neilson\u2019s _John Barbour_, p. 2.\n[42] _Anglia_, as cited.\n3. HISTORIC VALUE OF \u201cTHE BRUCE.\u201d\nA comparison of judgments on the value of _The Bruce_ as a contribution\nto history plunges us into a thicket of contradictions. Green\u2019s verdict\nthat it is \u201chistorically worthless\u201d[43] is but a petulant aside.\nIt repeats itself, however, in the pronouncement of Mr. Brown that\n\u201cin no true sense is it an historical document,\u201d[44] but Mr. Brown\nselects, as illustrative of this, examples, such as the Simon Fraser\nidentification,[45] and the Stanhope Park inference,[46] which recoil\nto the confusion of the critic.[47] Mr. Cosmo Innes has sought to\ndiscriminate, unfortunately upon wrong lines. Of Barbour as historian,\nhe writes: \u201cSatisfied to have real persons and events, and an outline\nof history for his guide, and to preserve the true character of things,\nhe did not trouble himself about accuracy of detail.\u201d[48] As it happens,\nit is just in his outline--that is, in his dates and succession of\nevents--that Barbour may be adjudged most careless; his details contain\nthe most remarkable examples of his accuracy. The latest expression of\nopinion on this head is not even self-consistent. In the _Cambridge\nHistory of English Literature_ it is thus written of _The Bruce_:\nfirst, that \u201cit is in no real sense a history ... though, strange\nto say, it has been regarded from his own time to this as, in all\ndetails, a trustworthy source for the history of the period\u201d--a clear\nexaggeration;[49] and then a few pages farther on: \u201cWhile Barbour\u2019s\nnarrative contains a certain amount of anecdotal matter derived from\ntradition, and, on some occasions, deviates from the truth of history,\nit is, on the whole, moderate, truthful, and historical\u201d[50]--which is\nquite another pair of sleeves.\n[43] _Short History_, p. 211.\n[44] _The Wallace and The Bruce_, p. 93.\n[47] An article on Barbour\u2019s _Bruce_ in the _Saturday Review_, 1872,\nvol. xxxiii., p. 90, has all the marks of the \u201cbelabouring\u201d method\nof Professor Freeman. Barbour\u2019s \u201chistorical value,\u201d it is affirmed,\n\u201cis as low as value can be,\u201d and there are intermittent shrieks of\n\u201cshameless falsehood,\u201d \u201cconscious liar,\u201d etc. The usual play is made\nwith the supposed identification of the two Bruces, and it is declared\nthat on this \u201cthe whole story hangs,\u201d which, in its own way, is a\nstatement just as unwarranted and absurd. It is easy to fix on the\nerror as to Edward being in the Holy Land when the question arose as\nto the succession, and the antedating of his death. But the critic,\nwith full opportunity for being correct, can sin as to dates quite as\negregiously. \u201cIn authentic history,\u201d he says, \u201csomewhat more than three\nyears passed between the death of Alexander III. in Lent, 1289, and the\ncoronation of John Balliol on St. Andrew\u2019s Day, 1292.\u201d Quite wrong.\nIn \u201cauthentic history\u201d Alexander was killed on March 19, 1286 (1285\nby old reckoning). This is a criticism of Barbour\u2019s \u201csix years\u201d in I.\n39! He objects to the statement that the Queen was put \u201cin prison,\u201d\nbecause she was entertained in one of her husband\u2019s manors. But she\nis always officially spoken of as \u201cin custody,\u201d and the stone walls\nof a manor even make a good enough prison. This is mere carping, and\nmost of the rest is of the same sort, where it does not depend on a\nforcing or misunderstanding of the text. Barbour, he complains, makes\nthe difference between Bruce and Balliol \u201cone between male and female\nsuccession.\u201d So, in a sense, it was (see on I. 54), but the critic has\nnot taken the trouble to understand how. Barbour, however, is certainly\nconfusing.\n[48] _The Brus_, Spalding Club edition, 1856, p. ix.\nThe fact is that these wayward judgments rest upon too narrow a\nbasis of induction, and that induction, too, usually irrelevant or\nuncertain--considerations as to the nature of Romance, Barbour\u2019s\nliterary awkwardness and literary dressing, with inadequate examination\nof the external evidence. But if Barbour professes to write history,\nas he does profess, and as he gives every evidence of honestly trying\nto do, he can surely claim to be tried by the appropriate tests--those\nof official records or other contemporary accounts, and, in the last\nresource, by his performance so far as these carry us, and by an\nestimate of the probable sources of what is peculiar to himself. Nor\nmust the quality of his critical equipment be overlooked; he frankly\nlets us know that of certain incidents different versions were in\ncirculation--some said that the fatal quarrel between Bruce and Comyn\nfell otherwise than as he has related, and he includes the divergent\naccounts of how Bruce and his man escaped the hound; and there are\nother matters for which, lacking certainty himself, he is content to\ncite popular report. Towards prevailing and attractive superstitions,\nnecromancy, astrology, and the like, his attitude is bluntly sceptical;\nyet an apparently well-attested case of prophecy--not one, it must\nbe owned, exhibiting any exceptional degree of penetration--he does\nrecord, with very distinct reservation of judgment.[51] There is no\nsupernatural machinery in _The Bruce_, no visions, miraculous agencies,\nor other such distractions: for these we must go to sober prose. But\nsuch is not the manner of popular romance with which it has been\nusual to class the manner of _The Bruce_. Barbour is not writing a\nconventional romance with historic persons and incidents for his\nmaterial; he is writing history which has all the qualities of romance\nin real life. Of the same type were the exploits of Edward Bruce, which\nof themselves, he says, would furnish material for many romances.[52]\nSo comes it, then, that a careful and most competent investigator like\nJoseph Bain can authoritatively pronounce _The Bruce_ to be \u201cof the\nhighest value for the period,\u201d[53] and affirm that \u201cin these details\nhe is almost always correct, with occasional errors in names.\u201d[54]\nBarbour\u2019s errors, indeed, lie on the surface, and are typical of his\ntime, not wilful perversions on his part--events are transposed, wrong\ndates given, figures almost always exaggerated. On the other side a\nstudy of the notes to the present volume will show how trustworthy he\nis in the main, and, repeatedly, how strikingly and minutely accurate.\nHis profession to tell a truthful story, so far as his knowledge will\ntake him, must be accepted as fully borne out.\n[51] Bk. IV. 767-774. Contempt for astrology, indeed, had already gone\npretty far--Chaucer\u2019s _Franklin_ has it (_F.s\u2019_ Tale); but the contrary\nopinion still held most ground, and prophecy was in the enjoyment of\nfull respect. Theological authority was divided and uncertain on the\nmatter.\n[53] _Calendar of Documents_, vol. iii., p. ix, note. Book I. is a\nhasty introduction.\nMoreover the reflection is forced upon us at many points that, in\naddition to the oral accounts of which he makes use, those of actual\nparticipators like Sir Allan of Cathcart, and John Thomson for the\nIrish campaigns, besides relations and reminiscences otherwise derived,\nBarbour had various contemporary writings at his command. Such was\ncertainly the case with Sir Thomas Gray, who wrote, a prisoner in\nEdinburgh Castle, twenty years before. His _Scalacronica_ embodies\nthe results of research in the library of his prison where he found\nScottish chronicles in verse and prose, in Latin, French, and English,\nand he expressly refers to such chronicles in his account of Bruce,\nletting us know that there was in existence a description of the\nBattle of Bannockburn, and, incidentally, that Barbour even has not\nexhausted the fund of stories of adventure told of the fugitive King.\nMore curious and suggestive is the citation, in the bye-going, by Jean\nle Bel, Canon of Li\u00e8ge, of a \u201chistory made by the said King Robert\u201d\n(_en hystoire faitte par le dit roy Robert_), that is the King Robert\nwhom, he tells us, Edward I. had chased by hounds in the forests.[55]\nIt is an allowable inference that these accessible materials were\nknown to the learned and inquiring Barbour, when he took to deal with\na subject familiar to him from his earliest years, and so congenial to\nhis instincts, literary and national.\nIt is worth noting that Sir Walter Scott, on the publication of the\n_Lord of the Isles_, which draws so handsomely upon _The Bruce_,\nwas accused of a lack of proper patriotism, meaning the pungent and\nrather aggressive patriotism of a long-irritated Scotland distinctive\nof _The Wallace_ and certain subsequent productions, but not of _The\nBruce_, the spirit of which, too, was in harmony with that of the great\nreviver of romance. There is no malice in _The Bruce_; the malice and\nbitterness are in the contemporary war-literature of the other side.\nAnd Barbour is no sentimentalist; his patriotism is not pretentious\nor exclusive, nor such as leads him to depreciate an opponent, and\nis therefore not a distorting influence on facts, as Mr. Henderson\npostulates it must have been.[56] It is not possible to point to a\nsingle error on Barbour\u2019s part which is fairly traceable to this cause.\nAnd his faults and errors, such as they are, may be paralleled over and\nover again from the most reputable of that century\u2019s historians, to say\nnothing of those who, in later times, had to weave their web from less\ntangled and broken material.\n[55] _Chronique_, I, chap. xxii.\n[56] _Scottish Vernacular Literature_, p. 43.\nTHE BRUCE\nBOOK I.\nStorys to rede ar delitabill,\nSuppos that thai be nocht bot fabill:\nThan suld storys that suthfast wer,\nAnd thai war said on gud maner,\nThe fyrst plesance is the carpyng,\nAnd the tothir the suthfastnes\nThat schawys the thing rycht as it wes:\nAnd suth thyngis that ar likand\nTharfor I wald fayne set my will,\nGiff my wyt mycht suffice thartill,\nTo put in wryt a suthfast story,\nThat it lest ay furth in memory,\nNa ger it haly be forget.\nFor aulde storys that men redys,\nRepresentis to thaim the dedys\nOf stalwart folk that lyvyt ar,\nRycht as thai than in presence war.\nAnd certis, thai suld weill have prys                                 20\nThat in thar tyme war wycht and wys,\nAnd led thar lyff in gret travaill,\nAnd oft, in hard stour off bataill,\nAnd war voydyt off cowardy.\nAs wes King Robert off Scotland,\nThat hardy wes off hart and hand;\nAnd gud Schyr James off Douglas,\nThat off hys price and hys bounte,\nIn fer landis renownyt wes he.\nOff thaim I thynk this buk to ma:\nNow God gyff grace that I may swa\nThat I say nocht bot suthfast thing!\n[15: S following H reads _lenth of tyme_, characterising the\nexpression in E \u201can obvious error.\u201d But _cf._ analogous phrase in line\n531, and see note.]\nHow the Lords of Scotland took the King of England to be Arbiter at the\nlast.\n[Sidenote: 1290] _Discord over the Succession_]\n[Sidenote: 1291] _The Dispute is referred to Edward I_]\nQuhen Alexander the King was deid,\nThat Scotland haid to steyr and leid,\nThe land sex yher, and mayr perfay,\nTill that the barnage at the last\nAssemblyt thaim, and fayndyt fast\nTo cheys a king thar land to ster,\nThat, off awncestry, cummyn wer\nAnd mayst had rycht thair king to be.\nBot envy, that is sa feloune,\nMaid amang thaim discencioun.\nFor sum wald haiff the Balleoll king;\nFor he wes cummyn off the offspryng                                   50\nOff hyr that eldest systir was.\nAnd othir sum nyt all that cas;\nAnd said, that he thair king suld be\nThat wes in als nere degre,\nAnd in branch collaterale.\nThai said, successioun of kyngrik\nWas nocht to lawer feys lik;\nFor thar mycht succed na female,\nThat were in lyne evyn descendand;\nThai bar all othir wayis on hand,\nFor than the neyst cummyn off the seid,\nMan or woman, suld succeid.\nBe this resoun that part thocht hale,                                 65\nThat the lord off Anandyrdale,\nRobert the Bruys Erle off Carryk,\nAucht to succeid to the kynryk.\nThe barownys thus war at discord,\nTill at the last thai all concordyt,\nThat all thar spek suld be recordyt\nTill Schyr Edward off Ingland King;\nAnd he suld swer that, but fenyheyng,\nOff thir twa that I tauld off ar,\nQuhilk sulde succeid to sic a hycht;\nAnd lat him ryng that had the rycht.\nThis ordynance thaim thocht the best,\nBetwyx Scotland and Ingland bath;\nAnd thai couth nocht persave the skaith\nThat towart thaim wes apperand;\nFor that at the King off Ingland\nHeld swylk freyndschip and cumpany                                    85\nTo thar King, that wes swa worthy,\nThai trowyt that he, as gud nychtbur,\nAnd as freyndsome compositur,\nWald have jugyt in lawte:\nA! blynd folk full off all foly!\nHaid yhe umbethoucht yhow enkrely,\nQuhat perell to yhow mycht apper,\nYhe had nocht wrocht on that maner:\nAlwayis, for-owtyn sojournyng,\nTravayllyt for to wyn senyhory,\nAnd, throw his mycht, till occupy\nLandis that war till him marcheand,\nThat he put to swylk thrillage,\nThat thai that war off hey parage\nSuld ryn on fute, as rebaldaill,\nQuhen he wald ony folk assaill.\nDurst nane of Walis in bataill ride;                                 105\nNa yhet, fra evyn fell, abyd\nCastell or wallyt toune with-in,\nThat he ne suld lyff and lymmys tyne.\nIn-to swilk thrillage thaim held he,\nYhe mycht se he suld occupy\nThrow slycht, that he ne mycht throw maistri.\nHad yhe tane kep quhat was thrillag,\nAnd had consideryt his usage,\nYhe suld, for-owtyn his demyng,\nHaiff chosyn yhow a king, that mycht\nHave haldyn weyle the land in rycht.\nWalys ensample mycht have bene\nAnd wys men sayis he is happy\nThat be othir will him chasty.\nFor unfayr thingis may fall, perfay,\nAls weill to-morn as yhisterday.\nAs sympile folk, but mavyte;\nAnd wyst nocht quhat suld eftir tyd.\nFor in this warld, that is sa wyde,\nIs nane determynat that sall\nBut God, that is off maist poweste,\nReservyt till his majeste\nFor to knaw, in his prescience,\nOff alkyn tyme the mowence.\n[48: E inserts _gret_ before _discencioun_, but W and H omit.]\n[54, 55: E gives _war_ and so in J: but _wes_ from W is preferable.\nFor _als nere_ (W) E has _alsner_.]\n[61: From H. E has _How that in his evyn descendand_, which does\nnot make sense. W gives _That be lyne war dissendand_, which halts\nmetrically. See note.]\n[77: _Sulde_ in W. E omits.]\n[129: Skeat adopts _determynatly_ from H, with the meaning\n\u201ccertainly.\u201d But this reading cumbers the metre; and Barbour\u2019s word to\nthis effect is \u201ccertis.\u201d]\n[130: _For_ is from W and H. E omits.]\nThe barownis, as I said yhow ar:\nAnd throuch thar aller hale assent,\nMessingeris till hym thai sent,\nThat was than in the haly land,\nAnd fra he wyst quhat charge thai had,\nHe buskyt hym, but mar abad,\nAnd left purpos that he had tane;\nAnd till Ingland agayne is gayne.\nAnd syne till Scotland word send he,                                 145\nThat thai suld mak ane assemble;\nAnd he in hy suld cum to do\nIn all thing, as thai wrayt him to.\nBut he thoucht weile, throuch thar debate,\nHow that he all the senyhowry,\nThrow his gret mycht, suld occupy.\nAnd to Robert the Bruys said he;\n\u201cGyff thow will hald in cheyff off me\n\u201cI sall do swa thou sall be king.\u201d\n\u2018Schyr,\u2019 said he, \u2018sa God me save,\n\u2018The kynryk yharn I nocht to have,\n\u2018Bot gyff it fall off rycht to me:\n\u2018I sall als frely in all thing\n\u2018Hald it, as it afferis to king;\n\u2018Or as myn eldris forouch me\n\u2018Held it in freyast rewate.\u2019\nThat he suld have it nevir mar:\nAnd turnyt him in wreth away.\nBot Schyr Jhon the Balleoll, perfay,\nAssentyt till him, in all his will;\nQuhar-throuch fell eftir mekill ill.                                 170\nHe was king bot a litill quhile;\nAnd throuch gret sutelte and ghyle,\nFor litill enchesone, or nane,\nHe was arestyt syne and tane,\nOff honour and off dignite.\nQuhethir it wes throuch wrang or rycht,\nGod wat it, that is maist off mycht.\n[Sidenote: 1292-1296] _Edward takes Possession of Scotland_]\nQuhen Schyr Edward, the mychty king,\nOff Jhone the Balleoll, that swa sone\nWas all defawtyt and undone,\nTo Scotland went he than in hy,\nAnd all the land gan occupy:\nSa hale, that bath castell and toune                                 185\nWar in-till his possessioune,\nFra Weik anent Orknay,\nTo Mullyr-snuk in Gallaway;\nAnd stuffyt all with Inglis men.\nSchyrreffys and bailyheys maid he then;                              190\nAnd alkyn othir officeris,\nThat for to govern land afferis,\nHe maid off Inglis nation;\nThat worthyt than sa ryth fellone,\nAnd swa hawtane and dispitous,\nThat Scottis men mycht do na thing\nThat evir mycht pleys to thar liking.\nThar wyffis wald thai oft forly,\nAnd gyff ony thar-at war wrath,\nThai watyt hym wele with gret scaith;\nFor thai suld fynd sone enchesone\nTo put hym to destructione.\nHad ony thing that wes worthy,\nAs hors, or hund, or othir thing,\nThat plesand war to thar liking,\nWith rycht or wrang it have wald thai.\nThai suld swa do, that thai suld tyne\nOthir land or lyff, or leyff in pyne.\nFor thai dempt thaim eftir thar will,\nTakand na kep to rycht na skill.\nFor gud knychtis that war worthy,\nFor litill enchesoune or than nane,\nThai hangyt be the nekbane.\nAlas that folk, that evir wes fre,\nThrow thar gret myschance and foly,\nWar tretyt than sa wykkytly,\nThat thar fays thar jugis war:\nQuhat wrechitnes may man have mar?\n[218: S _nek[ke]bane_.]\nFredome mays man to haiff liking;\nFredome all solace to man giffis:\nHe levys at es that frely levys.\nA noble hart may haiff nane es,\nGyff fredome failyhe: for fre liking\nIs yharnyt our all othir thing.\nNa he, that ay has levyt fre,\nMay nocht knaw weill the propyrte,\nThat is cowplyt to foule thyrldome.\nBot gyff he had assayit it,\nThan all perquer he suld it wyt;\nAnd suld think fredome mar to prys,\nThus contrar thingis evir-mar,\nDiscoveryngis off the tothir ar.\nAnd he that thryll is has nocht his;\nAll that he has enbandownyt is\nYheyt has he nocht sa mekill fre\nAs fre liking to leyve, or do\nThat at hys hart hym drawis to.\nThan mays clerkis questioun,\nThat gyff man bad his thryll owcht do,\nAnd in the samyn tym come him to\nHis wyff, and askyt hym hyr det,\nQuhethir he his lordis neid suld let,\nAnd pay fryst that he awcht, and syne                                255\nDo furth his lordis commandyne;\nOr leve onpayit his wyff, and do\nIt that commaundyt is him to?\nI leve all the solucioun\nBot sen thai mek sic comperyng\nBetwix the dettis off wedding,\nAnd lordis bidding till his threll,\nYhe may weile se, thoucht nane yhow tell,\nFor men may weile se, that ar wys,\nThat wedding is the hardest band,\nThat ony man may tak on hand:\nAnd thryldome is weill wer than deid;\nFor quhill a thryll his lyff may leid,                               270\nIt merrys him, body and banys;\nAnd dede anoyis him bot anys.\nSchortly to say, is nane can tell\nThe halle condicioun off a threll.\n[247: _Liking_ from H. E has _wyll_, which leaves the line metrically\nshort of a syllable.]\n[258: _It_ from H. E has _Thai thingis_, which turns the line into\nprose.]\n[Sidenote: 1298-1299] _Harsh Treatment of the Scots_]\nThus-gat levyt thai, and in sic thrillage;                           275\nBath pur, and thai off hey parage.\nFor off the lordis sum thai slew,\nAnd sum thai hangyt, and sum thai drew;\nAnd sum thai put in hard presoune,\nAnd, amang othir, off Dowglas\nPut in presoun Sir Wilyham was,\nThat off Dowglas was lord and syr;\nOff him thai makyt a martyr.\nHys landis, that war fayr inewch,\nThai to the lord off Clyffurd gave.\nHe had a sone, a litill knave,\nThat wes than bot a litill page,\nHys fadyr dede he vengyt sua,\nThat in Ingland, I underta,\nWes nane off lyve that hym ne dred;\nFor he sa fele off harnys sched,\nThat nane that lyvys thaim can tell.                                 295\nBot wondirly hard thingis fell\nTill him, or he till state wes brocht.\nThair wes nane aventur that mocht\nStunay hys hart, na ger him let\nFor he thocht ay encrely\nTo do his deid avysily.\nHe thocht weill he wes worth na seyle,\nThat mycht of nane anoyis feyle;\nAnd als for till escheve gret thingis,                               305\nAnd hard travalyis, and barganyngis,\nThat suld ger his price dowblyt be.\nQuharfor, in all hys lyve-tyme, he\nWes in gret payn, et gret travaill;\nAnd nevir wald for myscheiff faill,                                  310\nBot dryve the thing rycht to the end,\nAnd tak the ure that God wald send.\nHys name wes James of Douglas:\nAnd quhen he heard his fadir was\nAnd at his landis halyly\nWar gevyn to the Clyffurd, perfay\nHe wyst nocht quhat to do na say;\nFor he had na thing to dispend,\nWald do sa mekill for him, that he\nMycht sufficiantly fundyn be.\nThan wes he wondir will off wane;\nAnd sodanly in hart has tane,\nAnd a quhile in Parys be,\nAnd dre myscheiff quhar nane hym kend,\nTill God sum succouris till hym send.\nAnd as he thocht he did rycht sua,\nAnd levyt thar full sympylly.\nThe-quhethir he glaid was and joly;\nAnd till swylk thowlesnes he yheid,\nAs the cours askis off yhowtheid;\nAnd that may mony tyme availl.\nFor knawlage off mony statis\nMay quhile availyhe full mony gatis;\nAs to the gud Erle off Artayis\nFor oft feynyheyng oft rybbaldy\nAvailyheit him, and that gretly.\nAnd Catone sayis us, in his wryt,\nThat to fenyhe foly quhile is wyt.\nAnd then come tythandis our the se,\nThat his fadyr wes done to ded\nThen wes he wa, and will of red;\nAnd thocht that he wald hame agayne,\nMycht wyn agayn his heritage,\nAnd his men out off all thryllage.\n[279: _Hard_ from W improves the line. It is not given in E or H.]\n[286: So Skeat reads, following H. E has _land that is_, which is\nclearly wrong. _Cf._ line 316.]\n[287: _To_ from H. E omits.]\n[300: E has _thing that_, but H omits as here; the line then goes more\nsmoothly.]\n[309: _Et_ or _ec_ is clearly a Latin rendering of \u2018&\u2019 = and: a\nscribal error.]\n[319: E has _for to_. H omits.]\n[344: H omits _that_, and S follows.]\nThe First Rising of Lord Douglas.\n[Sidenote: 1299-1303] _James Douglas returns from Paris_]\n  To Sanct Androws he come in hy,\nQuhar the byschop full curtasly\nHis knyvys forouch him to scher;\nAnd cled him rycht honorabilly,\nAnd gert ordayn quhar he suld ly.\nA weile gret quhile thar duellyt he;\nFor he wes off full fayr effer,\nWys, curtais, and deboner;\nLarg and luffand als wes he,\nAnd our all thing luffyt lawte.\nThrouch leaute liffis men rychtwisly:\nWith a vertu of leaute\nA man may yheit sufficyand be:\nAnd but leawte may nane haiff price,\nFor quhar it failyheys, na vertu\nMay be off price, na off valu,\nTo mak a man sa gud that he\nMay symply callyt gud man be.\nFor him dedeynyheit nocht to dele\nWith trechery, na with falset.\nHis hart on hey honour wes set:\nAnd hym contenyt on sic maner,\nThat all him luffyt that war him ner.                                380\nBot he wes nocht so fayr, that we\nSuld spek gretly off his beaute:\nIn vysage wes he sumdeill gray,\nAnd had blak har, as Ic hard say;\nWith banys gret, and schuldrys braid.\nHis body wes weyll maid and lenye,\nAs thai that saw hym said to me.\nQuhen he wes blyth he wes lufly,\nBot quha in battail mycht him se\nAll other contenance had he.\nAnd in spek wlispyt he sum deill;\nBot that sat him rycht wondre weill.\nIn mony thingis liknyt be.\nEctor had blak har, as he had,\nAnd stark lymmys, and rycht weill maid;\nAnd wlyspit alsua as did he,\nAnd wes curtais and wys and wycht.\nBot off manheid and mekill mycht,\nTill Ector dar I nane comper\nOff all that evir in warldys wer.\nThe-quhethyr in his tyme sa wrocht he,                               405\nThat he suld gretly lovyt be.\n[Sidenote: 1304-1305] _Edward refuses Douglas_]\nHe duellyt thar, quhill on a tid,\nThe King Edward, with mekill prid,\nCome to Strevillyne with gret mengyhe,\nThiddirwart went mony baroune;\nByschop Wylyhame off Lambyrtoun\nRaid thiddyr als, and with him was\nThis squyer James of Dowglas.\nAnd said: \u201cSchyr, heyr I to yhow bryng\n\u201cThis child, that clemys yhour man to be;\n\u201cAnd prayis yhow par cheryte,\n\u201cThat yhe resave her his homage,\n\u201cQuhat landis clemys he?\u2019 said the King.\n\u201cSchyr, giff that it be yhour liking,\n\u201cHe clemys the lordschip off Douglas;\n\u201cFor lord tharoff hys fadir was.\u201d\nAnd said; \u2018Schyr byschop, sekyrly\n\u2018Gyff thow wald kep thi fewte,\n\u2018Thow maid nane sic speking to me.\n\u2018Hys fadyr ay wes my fay feloune,\n\u2018And wes agayne my majeste:\n\u2018Tharfor hys ayr I aucht to be.\n\u2018Ga purches land quhar-evir he may,\n\u2018For tharoff haffys he nane, perfay:\n\u2018The Cliffurd sall thaim haiff, for he                               435\n\u2018Ay lely has servyt to me.\u2019\nThe byschop hard him swa ansuer,\nAnd durst than spek till him na mar;\nBot fra his presence went in hy,\nSwa that he na mar spak tharto.\nThe King did that he com to do;\nAnd went till Ingland syn agayn,\nWith mony man off mekyll mayn.\n[428: H _mak_, which seems more likely.]\nThe Scots are likened to the Holy Maccabees.\nThe Romanys now begynnys her,\nOff men that war in gret distres,\nAnd assayit full gret hardynes,\nOr thai mycht cum till thar entent:\nBot syne our Lord sic grace thaim sent,                              450\nThat thai syne, throw thar gret valour,\nCome till gret hycht, and till honour,\nMagre thair fayis evirilkane,\nThat war sa fele, that ay for ane\nOff thaim thai war weill a thowsand.                                 455\nBot quhar God helpys quhat may withstand?\nBot, and we say the suthfastnes,\nThai war sum tyme erar may then les.\nBot God that maist is of all mycht,\nTo veng the harme and the contrer,\nAt that fele folk and pautener\nDyd till sympill folk and worthy,\nThat couth nocht help thaim self: for-thi,\nThat, as men in the Bibill seys,\nThrow thair gret worschip and valour,\nFawcht in-to mony stalwart stour,\nFor to delyvir thar countre\nHeld thaim and thairis in thrillage:\nThai wrocht sua throw thar vassalage,\nThat, with few folk, thai had victory\nOff mychty kingis, as sayis the story,\nQuharfor thar name suld lovyt be.\n[Sidenote: 1305-1306] _Bruce accepts Comyn\u2019s Proposal_]\nThys lord the Bruys, I spak of ayr,\nSaw all the kynryk swa forfayr;\nAnd swa trowblyt the folk saw he,\nBot quhat pite that evir he had,\nNa contenance thar-off he maid;\nTill, on a tym, Schyr Jhone Cumyn,\nAs thai come ridand fra Strevillyn,\nSaid till him; \u201cSchir, will yhe nocht se,                            485\n\u201cHow that governyt is this countre?\n\u201cThai sla our folk but enchesoune,\n\u201cAnd haldis this land agayne resoune,\n\u201cAnd yhe tharoff full suld lord be.\n\u201cYe sall ger mak yhow tharoff king,\n\u201cAnd I sall be in yhour helping;\n\u201cWith-thi yhe giff me all the land\n\u201cThat he haiff now in till yhour hand:\n\u201cNa swylk a state upon yow ta,\n\u201cAll hale my land sall yhouris be;\n\u201cAnd lat me ta the state on me,\n\u201cAnd bring this land out off thyrllage.\n\u201cIn all this land that ne sall be\n\u201cFayn to mak thaim-selvyn fre.\u201d\nThe lord the Bruis hard his carping,\nAnd wend he spak bot suthfast thing.\nHe gave sone his assent thartill:\nAnd said, \u2018Sen yhe will it be swa,\n\u2018I will blythly apon me ta\n\u2018The state, for I wate I have rycht;\n[489: _Full_ is from Wyntoun. E omits.]\n[501: E has _than thai_, which is obscure. Wyntoun gives _that thaiy\nne_ (S): _thaiy_ seems superfluous.]\n[506: E and S have _his assent sone_: Wyntoun as above, which\npreserves the correct accentuation of _assent_.]\n[509: E reads and S adopts _wate that_.]\nThe barownys thus accordyt ar;\nAnd that ilk nycht than writyn war\nThair endenturis, and aythis maid\nTo hald that thai forspokyn haid.\nFor thar is nothir duk ne baroun,\nNa erle, na prynce, na king off mycht,\nThocht he be nevir sa wys na wycht,\nFor wyt, worschip, price, na renoun,\nThat evir may wauch hym with tresoune.                               520\nWes nocht all Troy with tresoune tane,\nQuhen ten yheris of the wer wes gane?\nThen slayn wes mone thowsand\nOff thaim with-owt, throw strenth of hand;\nAnd Dytis, that knew all thar state.\nThai mycht nocht haiff beyn tane throw mycht,\nBot tresoun tuk thaim throw hyr slycht.\nAnd Alexander the Conqueroure,\nAnd all this warld off lenth and breid,\nIn twelf yher, throw his douchty deid,\nWes syne destroyit throw pusoune,\nIn his awyne hows, throw gret tresoune.\nTo se his dede wes gret pite.\nJulius Cesar als, that wan\nBretane and Fraunce, as dowchty man,\nAffryk, Arrabe, Egipt, Surry,\nAnd for his worschip and valour\nOff Rome wes fryst maid emperour;\nSyne in hys capitole wes he,\nThrow thaim of his consaill prive,\nSlayne with punsoune, rycht to the ded:                              545\nAnd quhen he saw thair wes na rede,\nHys eyn with his hand closit he,\nFor to dey with mar honeste.\nAls Arthur, that throw chevalry\nOff twelf kinrykis that he wan;\nAnd alsua, as a noble man,\nHe wan throw bataill Fraunce all fre;\nAnd Lucius Yber vencusyt he,\nBot yheit, for all his gret valour,\nModreyt his systir son him slew;\nAnd gud men als ma then inew,\nThrow tresoune and throw wikkitnes;\nSa fell off this conand-making:\nFor the Cumyn raid to the King\nOff Ingland, and tald all this cas;\nBot, I trow, nocht all as it was.\nThat soune schawyt the iniquite:\nQuharfor syne he tholyt ded;\nThan he couth set tharfor na rede.\n[511: Wyntoun has _Thus thir twa lordis_.]\n[512: _Than_ is from Wyntoun. S following E omits.]\n[Sidenote: 1306] _Edward sends for Bruce_]\nQuhen the King saw the endentur,\nAnd swour that he suld vengeance ta\nOff that Bruys, that presumyt swa\nAganys him to brawle or rys,\nOr to conspyr on sic a wys.\nThat he suld, for his leawte,\nBe rewardyt, and that hely:\nAnd he him thankit humyly.\nThan thocht he to have the leding\nFra at the Bruce to dede war brocht.\nBot oft failyheis the fulis thocht;\nAnd wys mennys etling\nCummys nocht ay to that ending\nFor God wate weill quhat is to do.\nOff hys etlyng rycht swa it fell,\nAs I sall efterwartis tell.\nHe tuk his leve, and hame is went;\nGert set thareftir hastely;\nAnd thidder somownys he in hy\nThe barownys of his reawte.\nAnd to the lord the Bruce send he\nAnd he that had na persavyng\nOff the tresoun, na the falset,\nRaid to the King but langir let;\nAnd in Lundon hym herberyd he\nSyn on the morn to court he went.\nThe Kyng sat into parleament;\nAnd forouch hys consaile prive,\nThe lord the Bruce than callyt he,\nHe wes in full gret aventur\nTo tyne his lyff; bot God of mycht\nPreservyt him till hyer hycht,\nThat wald nocht that he swa war dede.\nThe King betaucht hym in that steid                                  610\nThe endentur, the seile to se,\nThe askyt, gyff it enselyt he?\nHe lukyit the seyle ententily,\nAnd answeryt till hym humyly,\n\u201cMy seyle is nocht all tyme with me;\n\u201cIk have ane othir it to ber.\n\u201cTharfor giff that yhour willis wer,\n\u201cIc ask yhow respyt for to se\n\u201cTill to morn that yhe be set:\n\u201cAnd then, for-owtyn langir let,\n\u201cThis lettir sall I entyr heyr,\n\u201cBefor all yhour consaill planer;\n\u201cMyn herytage all halily.\u201d\nThe King thocht he wes traist inewch,\nSen he in bowrch hys landis drewch;\nAnd let hym with the lettir passe,\n[604: E and S _thar_: Wyntoun _than_.]\n[620: E and S have _and tharwith_: Wyntoun omits _tharwith_.]\n[625: E and S give _boruch_ (_borwch_), but Wyntoun has it as above,\nand it so appears in line 628. Skeat\u2019s Glossary is at variance with his\ntext: he refers _borwch_ to 628 also.]\nBOOK II.\nHow the Bruce avoided King Edward\u2019s Deceit.\n[Sidenote: JAN. 1306] _Bruce and the Clerk Escape_]\nThe Bruys went till his innys swyth;\nBot, wyt yhe weile, he wes full blyth,\nThat he had gottyn that respyt.\nHe callit his marschall till him tyt,\nThat he ma till his men gud cher;\nFor he wald in his chambre be\nA weill gret quhile in private,\nWith him a clerk for-owtyn ma.\nAnd did hys lordys commanding.\nThe lord the Bruce, but mar letting,\nGert prively bryng stedys twa.\nHe and the clerk, for-owtyn ma,\nAnd day and nycht, but sojournyng,\nThai raid; quhill, on the fyften day,\nCummyn till Louchmaban ar thai.\nHys brodyr Edward thar thai fand,\nThat thai come hame sa prively:\nHe tauld hys brodyr halyly,\nHow that he thar soucht was,\nAnd how he chapyt wes throw cas.\n[23: Wyntoun gives--reversing the lines--_How before all hapnyd was_,\nfrom which Skeat suggests as an improvement on 23 _How that before al\nhapynd was_.]\nHere John Comyn and Others are Slain in the Friars\u2019 Kirk.\nThat at Dumfres, rycht thar besid,\nSchir Jhone the Cumyn sojornyng maid;\nThe Brus lap on and thiddir raid;\nAnd thocht, for-owtyn mar letting,\nThiddir he raid, but langir let,\nAnd with Schyr Jhone the Cumyn met,\nIn the Freris, at the hye awter,\nAnd schawyt him, with lauchand cher,\nRycht in that sted, hym reft the lyff.\nSchyr Edmund Cumyn als wes slayn,\nAnd othir mony off mekill mayn.\nNocht-for-thi yheit sum men sayis,\nBut quhat sa evyr maid the debate,\nThar-throuch he deyt, weill I wat.\nHe mysdyd thar gretly, but wer,\nThat gave na gyrth to the awter.\nTharfor sa hard myscheiff him fell,                                   45\nThat Ik herd nevir in romanys tell\nOff man sa hard frayit as wes he,\nThat eftirwart com to sic bounte.\n[34: Wyntoun gives _hevy chere_; but see note.]\n[38: For _mony_ S reads _als_ from H.]\n[39: S begins _And_ from H.]\n[47: For _frayit_ in E Skeat reads _sted_ from H.]\nHere the King of England seeks for Robert Bruce, but does\nnot find Him.\nThat on the morn, with his barne,\nSat in-till his parlement;\nAnd eftyr the lord the Bruys he sent,\nRycht till his in, with knychtis kene.\nQuhen he oft tyme had callit bene,\nThai said that he, sen yhytirday,\nDuelt in his chambyr ythanly,\nWith a clerk with him anerly.\nThan knokyt thai at his chamur thar;\nAnd quhen thai hard nane mak ansuar                                   60\nThai brak the dur; bot thai fand nocht,\nThe-quhethir the chambre hale thai socht.\nThai tauld the King than hale the cas,\nAnd how that he eschapyt was.\nAnd swour in ire, full stalwartly,\nThat he suld drawyn and hangit be.\nHe manausyt as him thocht: bot he\nThoucht that suld pas ane othir way.\nHere Robert Bruce sends Letters for an Assembly.\n[Sidenote: FEB. 1306] _Douglas hears Bruce\u2019s Letter_]\nIn-till the kyrk Schyr Jhone haid slayn,\nTill Louchmabane he went agayne;\nAnd gert men, with his lettres, ryd\nTo freyndis apon ilke sid,\nAnd his men als assemblit he:\nAnd thocht that he wald mak him king.\nOur all the land the word gan spryng,\nThat the Bruce the Cumyn had slayn;\nTo the byschop off Androws towne,\nThat tauld how slayn wes that baroun,\nThe lettir tauld hym all the deid:\nAnd he till his men can it reid;\n\u201cI hop that Thomas prophecy\n\u201cOff Hersildoune sall veryfyd be\n\u201cIn him; for, swa our Lord help me!\n\u201cI haiff gret hop he sall be king,\n[74: _Ilke_ is from H: S adopts the form _ilka_. E gives _ilk_, a\nsyllable short.]\n[84: E has _gert_ for _can it_ read by S from H.]\n[86: _That_ is from H.]\n[87: S following H reads _verray_ for _veryfyd_.]\nThe Douglas meeting with King Robert.\n[Sidenote: MARCH 1306] _Meeting of Bruce and Douglas_]\nJames off Dowglas, that ay-quhar\nAll-wayis befor the byschop schar,\nHad weill hard all the lettir red;\nAnd he tuk alsua full gud hed\nAnd quhen the burdys doun war laid,\nTill chamyr went thai then in hy;\nAnd James off Dowglas prively\nSaid to the byschop; \u201cSchyr, yhe se\n\u201cDysherysys me off my land;\n\u201cAnd men has gert yhow undirstand,\n\u201cAls that the Erle off Carryk\n\u201cClamys to govern the kynryk:\n\u201cAll Inglis men ar him agayn,\n\u201cAnd wald disherys hym blythly;\n\u201cThe-quhethir with him dwell wald I.\n\u201cTharfor, Schir, giff it war yhour will,\n\u201cThrow hym I trow my land to wyn,\n\u201cMagre the Clyffurd and his kyn.\u201d\nThe byschop hard, and had pite,\nAnd said; \u2018Swet son, sa God help me!\n\u2018Bot at I nocht reprovyt war.\n\u2018On this maner weile wyrk thou may,\n\u2018Thow sall tak Ferrand my palfray;\n\u2018And for thair na is hors in this land\n\u2018Tak him as off thine awyne heid,\n\u2018As I had gevyn thar-to na reid.\n\u2018And gyff his yhemar oucht gruchys,\n\u2018Luk that thow tak hym magre his;\n\u2018Almychty God, for his powste,\n\u2018Graunt that he thow passis to,\n\u2018And thow, sa weill all tyme may do,\n\u2018That yhe yhow fra yhowr fayis defend!\u2019\nAnd syne gaiff him his benisoun.\nAnd bad him pass his way off toun;\nFor he na wald spek till he war gane.\nThe Dowglas then his way has tane\nBot he, that him in yhemsell had,\nThan warnyt hym dispitously.\nBot he, that wrethyt him encrely,\nFellyt hym with a suerdys dynt.\nThe hors he sadylt hastely,\nAnd lap on him delyverly;\nAnd passyt furth but leve-taking.\nDer God, that is off hevyn king,\nSawff hym, and scheld him fra his fayis!                             145\nAll him alane the way he tais\nTowart the towne off Louchmabane;\nAnd, a litill fra Aryk-stane,\nThe Bruce with a gret rout he met,\nIn kingis stole, and to be king.\nAnd quhen Dowglas saw hys cummyng,\nHe raid, and hailsyt hym in hy,\nAnd lowtyt him full curtasly;\nAnd quhat he was, and als how-gat\nThe Clyffurd held his heritage:\nAnd that he come to mak homage\nTill him as till his rychtwis king;\nTo tak with him the gud and ill.\nAnd quhen the Bruce had herd his will,\nHe resavyt him in gret daynte,\nAnd men and armys till him gaff he.\nFor all his eldris war douchty.\nThusgat maid thai thar aquentance,\nThat nevir syne, for nakyn chance,\nDepartyt quhill thai lyffand war.\nThair frendschip woux ay mar and mar:                                170\nFor he servyt ay lelely;\nAnd the tothir full wilfully,\nThat was bath worthy, wycht, and wys,\nRewardyt him weile his service.\n[128: In E clumsily _in all tyme sa weill to do_. The reading is from\n[131-2: E has _gaiff him gud day_, two syllables short, and _pass\nfurth on his way_. S reads as in text from H.]\nThe Crowning of King Robert.\nThe lord of the Bruce to Glaskow raid,                               175\nAnd send about him, quhill he haid\nOff his freyndis a gret menyhe.\nAnd syne to Scone in hy raid he,\nAnd wes maid king but langir let,\nAs in that tyme wes the maner.\nBot off thar nobleis gret affer,\nThar service, na thar realte,\nYhe sall her na thing now for me;\nThat thiddir come, tok homage;\nAnd syne went our all the land,\nFrendis and frendschip purchesand,\nTo maynteym that he had begunnyn.\nHe suld fynd full hard barganyng\nWith him that wes off Ingland King:\nFor thar wes nane off lyff sa fell,\nSa pautener, na sa cruell.\nHow at the Bruys, that wes sa bauld,\nHad brocht the Cumyn till ending,\nAnd how he syne had maid him king,\nOwt off his wyt he went weill ner;\nThe Vallang, that wes wys and wycht,\nAnd off his hand a worthy knycht,\nAnd bad him men off armys ta,\nAnd in all hy till Scotland ga,\nAnd hycht all Fyfe in warysoun\nTill him, that mycht othir ta or sla\nRobert the Bruce, that wes his fa.\nSchir Aymer did as he him bad,\nWith him wes Philip the Mowbray,\nAnd Ingram the Umfravill perfay,\nThat wes bath wys and averty,\nAnd full of gret chevalry;\nThai had in-till thar company.\n[204: _All_ is from H.]\nThe First Speaking of King Robert with Sir Aymer.\n[Sidenote: 1306] _Valence occupies Perth_]\nFor yheit then mekill off the land\nWes in-till Inglis mennys hand.\nTill Perth then went thai in a rout,\nWith feile towris, rycht hey bataillyt,\nTo defend giff it war assaylit.\nThar-in duellyt Schir Amery,\nWith all his gret chevalry.\nAnd quhat-kyn chyftanys with him war,\nAnd assemblyt all his mengyhe.\nHe had feyle off full gret bounte;\nBot thar fayis war may then thai,\nThe-quhethir he had thar, at that ned,\nFull feill that war douchty off deid;\nAnd barownys that war bauld as bar.\nTwa erlis alsua with him war;\nEdward the Bruce wes thar alsua,\nThomas Randell, and Hew de le Hay,\nAnd Schyr David the Berclay,\nFresale, Somerveile, and Inchmertyn;\nThat yheyt than wes bot litill off mycht;\nAnd othir fele folk forsye in fycht:\nBot I can nocht tell quhat thai hycht.\nThocht thai war qwheyn, thai war worthy,\nAnd in bataill, in gud aray,\nBefor Sanct Jhonystoun com thai,\nAnd bad Schyr Amery isch to fycht;\nAnd he, that in the mekill mycht\nBad his men arme thaim hastily.\nBot Schir Ingram the Umfravill\nThocht it war all to gret perill\nIn playne bataill to thaim to ga,\nAnd till Schyr Amer then said he;\n\u2018Schir, giff that yhe will trow to me,\n\u2018Yhe sall nocht ische thaim till assaile,\n\u2018Till thai ar purvayt in bataill.\n\u2018And off his hand a noble knycht;\n\u2018And he has in his cumpany\n\u2018Mony a gud man and worthi,\n\u2018That sall be hard for till assay,\n\u2018For it suld be full mekill mycht\n\u2018That now suld put thaim to the flycht:\n\u2018For quhen thai folk ar weill arayit,\n\u2018And for the bataill weill purvait,\n\u2018Thai sall fer mar be avise,\n\u2018And weill mar for to dreid, then thai\n\u2018War set sumdele out off aray.\n\u2018Thairfor yhe may, schir, say thaim till,\n\u2018That thai may this nycht, and thai will,                            275\n\u2018Gang herbery thaim and slep and rest;\n\u2018And at to morn, but langar frest,\n\u2018Yhe sall isch furth to the bataill,\n\u2018And fecht with thaim bot gyf thai faile.\n\u2018Sa till thar herbery wend sall thai,                                280\n\u2018And sum sall wend to the forray;\n\u2018And thai that duellis at the logyng,\n\u2018Sen thai come owt off travelling,\n\u2018Sall in schort tyme unarmyt be.\n\u2018With all our fayr chevalry,\n\u2018Ryd towart thaim rycht hardyly;\n\u2018And thai that wenys to rest all nycht\n\u2018Quhen thai se us arayit to fycht,\n\u2018Thai sall affrayit be gretumly.\n\u2018And or thai cummyn in bataill be,\n\u2018We sall speid us swagat that we\n\u2018Sall be all redy till assembill.\n\u2018Quhen he assayit is sodanly,\n\u2018That with avisement is douchty.\u2019\n_Als was good Cristall of Setoun,\nAnd Robert Boyde of great renoun,\nAnd other feill men of meekle might._\nThese lines are from H, and are not in E. See note.]\n[255: H gives _While that_ and S adopts.]\n[256: E omits _then_ in H.]\n[265: E _Till thai_.]\n[280, 281: E _went_; _wend_ is from H.]\n[292: For _cummyn_ S reads _knit_ from H.]\nThe Lodging of King Robert in the Park of Methven.\n[Sidenote: JUNE 26, 1306] _The Scots are Surprised_]\nAs he avisyt now have thai done;\nAnd till thaim utouth send thai sone,\nAnd bad thaim herbery thaim that nycht,                              300\nAnd on the morn cum to the fycht.\nQuhen thai saw thai mycht no mar,\nTowart Meffayn then gan thai far;\nAnd in the woud thaim logyt thai;\nAnd the lave sone unarmyt war.\nAnd skalyt to loge thaim her and thar.\nSchyr Amer then, but mar abaid,\nWith all the folk he with him haid,\nAnd raid, in-till a randoun rycht,\nThe strawcht way towart Meffen.\nThe King, that wes unarmyt then,\nSaw thaim cum swa inforcely;\n\u201cTill armys swyth, and makys yhow yhar!\n\u201cHer at our hand our fayis ar!\u201d\nAnd thai did swa in full gret hy;\nAnd on thair hors lap hastily.\nQuhen that his folk assemblyt wer;\nAnd said, \u201cLordingis, now may yhe se\n\u201cThat yhone folk all, throw sutelte,\n\u201cSchapis thaim to do with slycht,\n\u201cNow I persave he that will trew\n\u201cHis fa, it sall him sum tyme rew.\n\u201cAnd nocht-for-thi, thocht thai be fele,\n\u201cGod may rycht weill our werdis dele;\n\u201cAs men has red in mony story,\n\u201cThat few folk has oft vencusyt ma.\n\u201cTrow we that we sall do rycht sua.\n\u201cYhe are ilkan wycht and worthy,\n\u201cAnd wate rycht weill quhat honour is.\n\u201cWyrk yhe then apon swylk wys,\n\u201cThat yhour honour be savyt ay.\n\u201cAnd a thing will I to yow say,\n\u201cSall herbryit in-till hevyn be.\u201d\nQuhen this wes said, thai saw cumand\nThar fayis ridand, ner at the hand,\nArayit rycht avisely,\n[340: S _deis_ for \u201can obvious error\u201d; but see note.]\nThe Battle of Methven and the First Discomfiture of\nKing Robert.\n[Sidenote: JUNE 26, 1306] _The Scots give way_]\nOn athir syd thus war thai yhar,\nAnd till assemble all redy war.\nThai straucht their speris, on athir syd,\nAnd swa ruydly gan samyn ryd,\nAnd feyle men dede, and woundyt sar;\nThe blud owt at their byrnys brest.\nFor the best and the worthiest,\nThat wilfull war to wyn honour,\nAnd rowtis ruyd about thaim dang.\nMen mycht haiff seyn in-to that thrang\nKnychtis that wycht and hardy war,\nUndyr hors feyt defoulyt thar,\nThe gress woux off the blud all rede.\nAnd thai, that held on hors, in hy\nSwappyt owt swerdis sturdyly;\nAnd swa fell strakys gave and tuk,\nThat all the renk about thaim quouk.                                 365\nThe Bruysis folk full hardely\nSchawyt thair gret chevalry:\nAnd he him-selff, atour the lave,\nSa hard and hevy dyntis gave,\nThat quhar he come thai maid him way.                                370\nHis folk thaim put in hard assay,\nTo stynt thar fais mekill mycht,\nThat then so fayr had off the fycht,\nThat thai wan feild ay mar and mar:\nThe Kingis small folk ner vencusyt ar.                               375\nAnd quhen the King his folk has sene\nBegyn to faile, for propyr tene\nHys assenyhe gan he cry;\nAnd in the stour sa hardyly\nHe ruschyt, that all the semble schuk;                               380\nHe all till-hewyt that he our-tuk;\nAnd dang on thaim quhill he mycht drey.\nAnd till his folk he criyt hey;\n\u201cOn thaim! On thaim! Thai feble fast!\n\u201cThis bargane nevir may langar last!\u201d                                385\nAnd with that word sa wilfully\nHe dang on, and sa hardely,\nThat quha had sene him in that fycht\nSuld hald him for a douchty knycht.\nAnd othir als off his cumpany,\nThar mycht na worschip thar availyhe;\nFor thar small folk begouth to failyhe,\nAnd fled all skalyt her and thar.\nOff ire, abade and held the stour\nTo conquyr thaim endles honour.\n[Sidenote: 1306] _Fate of the Prisoners_]\n  And quhen Schyr Amer has sene\nThe small folk fle all bedene,\nHe releyt to him mony a knycht;\nAnd in the stour sa hardyly,\nHe ruschyt with hys chevalry,\nThat he ruschyt his fayis ilkane.\nSchir Thomas Randell thar wes tane,                                  405\nThat then wes a yhoung bacheler;\nAnd Schyr Alexander Fraseyr,\nAnd Schyr David the Breklay,\nInchmertyne, and Hew de le Hay,\nAnd the King him-selff alsua\nWes set in-till full hard assay,\nThrow Schyr Philip the Mowbray,\nThat raid till him full hardyly,\nAnd hynt hys rengyhe, and syne gan cry;                              415\n\u201cHelp! help! I have the new maid king!\u201d\nWith that come gyrdand, in a lyng,\nCrystall of Seytoun, quhen he swa\nSaw the King sesyt with his fa;\nThat thocht he wes off mekill maucht,\nHe gert hym galay disyly;\nAnd haid till erd gane fullyly,\nNe war he hynt him by his sted.\nAnd the King his enssenyhe gan cry,\nReleyt his men that war him by,\nThat war sa few that thai na mycht\nEndur the fors mar off the fycht.\nAnd the King that angry wes,\nFor he his men saw fle him fra,\nSaid then; \u201cLordingis, sen it is swa\n\u201cThat ure rynnys agane us her,\n\u201cTill God us send eftsonys grace:\n\u201cAnd yheyt may fall, giff thai will chace,\n\u201cQuyt thaim corn-but sum-dele we sall.\u201d\nTo this word thai assentyt all,\nThar fayis alsua wery war,\nThat off thaim all thar chassyt nane:\nBot with prisoneris, that thai had tane,\nRycht to the toune thai held thar way,\nRycht glaid and joyfull off thar pray.                               445\nThat nycht thai lay all in the toun;\nTher wes nane off sa gret renoun,\nNa yheit sa hardy off thaim all,\nThat durst herbery with-out the wall.\nOff Schir Robert, the douchty King.\nAnd to the King off Ingland sone,\nThai wrate haly as thai haid done;\nAnd he wes blyth off that tithing,\nAll the prisoneris, thocht thai war ma.\nBot Schyr Amery did nocht sua;\nTo sum bath land and lyff gaiff he,\nTo leve the Bruysis fewte,\nAnd off him for to hald the land,\nAnd werray the Brus as thar fa.\nThomas Randell wes ane off tha,\nThat for his lyff become thar man.\nSum thai ransownyt, sum thai slew,\nAnd sum thai hangyt, and sum thai drew.\nHere the King and his Men Suffer Great Want.\nIn this maner rebutyt was\nThe Bruys, that mekill murnyn mais\nFor his men that war slayne and tane.                                470\nAnd he wes als sa will off wane,\nThat he trowit in nane sekyrly,\nOwtane thaim off his cumpany;\nThat war sa few that thai mycht be\nHis brodir alwayis wes him by,\nSchyr Edward, that wes sa hardy;\nAnd with him wes a bauld baroun,\nSchyr Wilyham the Boroundoun;\nBot ay syn thai discomfyt war,\nThe Erle off the Levenax wes away,\nAnd wes put to full hard assay\nOr he met with the King agayn:\nHe mayntemyt him full manlyly.\nThe King had in his cumpany\nJames alsua of Dowglas,\nThat wycht, wys, and averty was.\nSchir Nele Cambell, and othir ma,\nThat I thar namys can nocht say,\nAs utelauys went mony day;\nDreand in the Month thar pyne;\nHe durst nocht to the planys ga,\nFor all the commownys went him fra;\nThat for thar liffis war full fayn\nTo pas to the Inglis pes agayn.\nIn commownys may nane affy,\nBot he that may thar warand be.\nSa fur thai then with him; for he\nThaim fra thar fais mycht nocht warand:\nBot threldome, that men gert thaim fele,\nGert thaim ay yharne that he fur wele.\nHere King Robert with his Men goes as far as Aberdeen.\n[Sidenote: 1306] _Of the Scottish Ladies_]\n[Sidenote: 1306] _The Labours of Douglas_]\nThus in the hyllis levyt he,\nTill the maist part off his menyhe\nWes revyn and rent; na schoyne thai had,                             510\nBot as thai thaim off hydys mad.\nTharfor thai went till Abyrdeyne,\nQuhar Nele the Bruys come, and the Queyn,\nAnd othir ladyis fayr and farand,\nThat for leyle luff, and leawte,\nWald partenerys off thair paynys be.\nThai chesyt tyttar with thaim to ta\nAngyr, and payn, na be thaim fra.\nThat it all paynys makis lycht;\nAnd mony tyme mais tendir wychtis\nOff swilk strenthtis, and swilk mychtis,\nThat thai may mekill paynys endur,\nThat evyr may fall, with-thi that thai\nThar-throw succur thair luffys may.\nMen redys, quhen Thebes wes tane,\nAnd King Adrastus men war slane,\nThat the wemen off his cuntre\nCome for to fech him hame agayne,\nQuhen thai hard all his folk wes slayne;\nQuhar the King Campaneus,\nThat come percas ridand tharby,\nWith three hunder in cumpany,\nThat throw the kingis prayer assailyt,\nThat yheit to tak the toun had failyheit.\nThen war the wiffys thyrland the wall                                540\nWith pikkis, quhar the assailyheours all\nEntryt, and dystroyit the tour,\nAnd slew the pupill but recour.\nSyn quhen the duk his way wes gayne,\nThe wiffis had him till his cuntre,\nQuhar wes na man leiffand bot he.\nIn wemen mekill comfort lyis;\nAnd gret solace on mony wis.\nRejosyt rycht gretumly the King;\nThe-quhethir ilk nycht him-selvyn wouk\nAnd his rest apon daiis touk.\n  A gud quhile thar he sojournyt then,\nTill that the Inglis men herd say\nThat he thair with his mengyhe lay,\nAll at ese and sekyrly.\nAssemblit thai thar ost in hy,\nBot he, that in his deid wes wys,\nWyst thai assemblyt war, and quhar;\nAnd wyst that thai sa mony war,\nThat he mycht nocht agayne thaim fycht.\nAnd buskyt of the toune to ryd:\nThe ladyis raid rycht by his syd.\nThen to the hill thai raid thar way,\nQuhar gret defaut off mete had thai.\nAy travailland and besy was,\nFor to purches the ladyis mete;\nAnd it on mony wis wald get.\nFor quhile he venesoun thaim brocht:\nAnd with his handys quhile he wrocht                                 575\nGynnys, to tak geddis and salmonys,\nTrowtis, elys, and als menounys.\nAnd quhill thai went to the forray;\nAnd swa thar purchesyng maid thai.\nAnd purches thaim that thai mycht ete.\nBot off all that evir thai war,\nThar wes nocht ane amang thaim thar,\nThat to the ladyis profyt was\nAnd the King oft confortyt wes,\nThrow his wyt and his besynes.\nOn this maner thaim governyt thai,\nTill they come to the hed of Tay.\n[527: I read _luffis_ without any MS. or printed authority; but surely\nthe sense, a eulogium of love and what it may make women do, demands\nthis reading. _Cf._ III., 351.]\n[534: S, following H, inserts _that_ after _Quhar_.]\n[558: S from H reads _At alkyn_. E as given.]\nBOOK III.\nHere the Lord of Lorn attacks the King because of the\nDeath of John Comyn.\nThe Lord off Lorne wonnyt thar-by,\nThat wes capitale ennymy\nTo the King, for his emys sak,\nJhon Comyn; and thocht for to tak\nQuhen he the King wyst wes sa ner,\nHe assemblyt his men in hy;\nAnd had in-till his cumpany\nThe barownys off Argyle alsua,\nAnd come for to suppris the King,\nThat weill wes war of thair cummyng.\nBot all to few with him he had,\nThe-quhethir he bauldly thaim abaid;\nWar layd at erd, but recoveryng.\nThe Kingis folk full weill thaim bar,\nAnd slew, and fellyt, and woundyt sar.\nBot the folk off the tothir party\nFor thai on fute war evir-ilkane,\nThat thai feile off thar hors has slayne;\nAnd till sum gaiff thai woundis wid.\nJames off Dowglas wes hurt that tyd;\nThe King his men saw in affray,\nAnd his ensenyhe can he cry;\nAnd amang thaim rycht hardyly\nHe rad, that he thaim ruschyt all;\nBot quhen he saw thai war sa feill,\nAnd saw thaim swa gret dyntis deill,\nHe dred to tyne his folk, forthi\nHis men till him he gan rely,\n\u2018Tyll us for till assembill mar,\n\u2018For thai fele off our hors has slayn;\n\u2018And gyff we fecht with thaim agayn\n\u2018We sall tyne off our small mengyhe,\n\u2018Tharfor me thynk maist avenand\n\u2018To withdraw us, us defendand,\n\u2018Till we cum owt off thar daunger,\n\u2018For owr strenth at our hand is ner.\u2019\nBot that wes nocht full cowartly;\nFor samyn in-till a sop held thai;\nAnd the King him abandonyt ay\nTo defend behind his mengyhe.\nAnd throw his worschip sa wroucht he,                                 50\nThat he reskewyt all the flearis,\nAnd styntyt swagat the chassaris,\nThat nane durst owt off batall chas\nFor alwayis at thar hand he was.\nThat quha-sa-evir had seyne him then\nProve sa worthely vasselage,\nAnd turn sa oft sythis the visage,\nHe suld say he awcht weill to be\n[Sidenote: 1306] _Bruce compared to Gaudifer_]\nQuhen that the Lord of Lorne saw\nHis men stand off him ane sik aw,\nThat thai durst nocht folow the chase,\nRycht angry in his hart he was;\nStot thaim, him allane but ma,\nHe said; \u201cMe think, Marthokys sone,\n\u201cRycht as Golmakmorn was wone\n\u201cTo haiff fra Fyn all his mengne,\nHe set ensample thus mydlike,\nThe-quhethir he micht, mar manerlik,\nLyknyt hym to Gaudifer de Larys,\nQuhen that the mychty duk Betys\nAssailyheit in Gadyrris the forrayours.                               75\nAnd quhen the King thaim made rescours,\nDuk Betys tuk on him the flycht,\nThat wald ne mar abid to fycht.\nBot gud Gaudifer the worthi\nFor to reskew all the fleieris,\nAnd for to stonay the chasseris,\nThat Alysandir to erth he bar;\nAnd alsua did he Tholimar,\nDanklyne alsua, and othir ma.\nBut at the last thar slayne he wes:\nIn that failyheit the liklynes.\nFor the King, full chevalrusly,\nAnd wes set in full gret danger;\nAnd yheit eschapyt haile and fer.\nHow the King slew the Three Men that swore his Death.\n  Twa brethir war into that land,\nThat war the hardiest off hand\nAnd thai had sworn, iff thai micht se\nThe Bruys, quhar thai mycht him our-ta,\nThat thai suld dey, or then hym sla.\nThar surname wes Makyne-drosser;\nAs \u201cthe Durwarth sonnys\u201d perfay.\nOff thar covyne the thrid had thai,\nThat wes rycht stout, ill, and feloune.\nQuhen thai the King of gud renoune\nAnd saw him torne sa mony tid,\nThai abaid till that he was\nEntryt in ane narow place,\nBetuix a louchside and a bra;\nThat he mycht nocht weill turn his sted.\nThen with a will till him thai yhede;\nAnd ane him by the bridill hynt:\nBut he raucht till him sic a dynt,\nThat arme and schuldyr flaw him fra.                                 115\nWith that ane othir gan him ta\nBe the lege, and his hand gan schute\nBetuix the sterap and his fute:\nAnd quhen the King felt thar his hand.\nAnd strak with spuris the stede in hy,\nAnd he lansyt furth delyverly,\nSwa that the tothir failyheit fete;\nAnd nocht-for-thi his hand wes yheit\nThe thrid, with full gret hy, with this\nRycht till the bra-syd he yheid,\nAnd stert be-hynd hym on his sted.\nThe King wes then in full gret pres;\nThe-quhethir he thocht, as he that wes                               130\nIn all hys dedys avise,\nTo do ane owtrageous bounte.\nAnd syne hyme that behynd hym was,\nAll magre his will, him gan he ras\nHe laid hym evyn him beforn.\nSyne with the suerd sic dynt hym gave,\nThat he the heid till the harnys clave.\nHe rouschit doun off blud all rede,\nAnd then the King, in full gret hy,\nStrak at the tothir vigorusly,\nThat he eftir his sterap drew,\nThat at the fyrst strak he him slew.\nOff all thai felloun fayis thre.\n[Sidenote: 1306] _Macnaughton praises Bruce_]\nQuhen thai of Lorne has sene the King\nSet in hym-selff sa gret helping,\nAnd defend him sa manlely;\nThat durst assailyhe him mar in fycht:\nSa dred thai for his mekill mycht.\nThar wes a baroune Maknauchtan,\nThat in his hart gret kep has tane\nAnd prisyt hym in hert gretly.\nAnd to the Lord off Lorne said he;\n\u2018Sekyrly now may yhe se\n\u2018Betane the starkest pundelan,\n\u2018That evyr yhour lyff-tyme yhe saw tane.                             160\n\u2018For yhone knycht, throw his douchti deid,\n\u2018And throw his owtrageous manheid,\n\u2018Has fellyt in-till litill tyd\n\u2018Thre men of mekill mycht and prid:\n\u2018That eftyr him dar na man ga;\n\u2018And tournys sa mony tyme his stede,\n\u2018That semys off us he had na dred.\u2019\nThen gane the Lord off Lorn say;\n\u201cThat he slayis yhongat our mengyhe.\u201d\n\u2018Schyr,\u2019 said he, \u2018sa our Lord me se!\n\u2018To sauff yhour presence it is nocht swa.\n\u2018Bot quhethir sa he be freynd or fa,\n\u2018Men suld spek tharoff lelyly.\n\u2018And sekyrly, in all my tyme,\n\u2018Ik hard nevir, in sang na ryme,\n\u2018Tell off a man that swa smertly\nSic speking off the King thai maid:\nAnd he eftyr his mengyhe raid;\nAnd in-till saufte thaim led,\nQuhar he his fayis na thing dred.\nMenand the scaith that thai haiff tayn.\n[Sidenote: 1306] _How Hannibal failed at Rome_]\nThe King that nycht his wachis set,\nAnd gert ordayne that thai mycht et;\nAnd bad thaim comford to thaim tak,\n\u2018For disconford,\u2019 as then said he,\n\u2018Is the werst thing that may be.\n\u2018For throw mekill disconforting\n\u2018Men fallis oft in-to disparyng.\n\u2018Then utterly vencusyt is he.\n\u2018And fra the hart be discumfyt,\n\u2018The body is nocht worth a myt.\n\u2018Tharfor,\u2019 he said, \u2018atour all thing,\n\u2018And thynk, thouch we now harmys fele,\n\u2018That God may yheit releve us weill.\n\u2018Men redys off mony men that war\n\u2018Fer hardar stad then we yhet ar;\n\u2018And syne our lord sic grace thaim lent,                             205\n\u2018That thai come weill till thair entent.\n  \u2018For Rome quhilum sa hard wes stad,\n\u2018Quhen Hanniball thaim vencusyt had,\n\u2018That, off ryngis with rich stane,\n\u2018That war off knychtis fyngerys tane,                                210\n\u2018He send thre bollis to Cartage:\n\u2018And syne to Rome tuk his viage,\n\u2018Thar to distroye the cite all.\n\u2018And thai with-in, bath gret and small,\n\u2018Had fled, quhen thai saw his cummyng,                               215\n\u2018Had nocht bene Scipio the king,\n\u2018That, or thai fled, wald thaim haiff slayn,\n\u2018And swagat turnyt he thaim agayn.\n\u2018Syne for to defend the cite,\n\u2018And maid thaim knychtis evirilkane:\n\u2018And syne has off the templis tane\n\u2018The armys, that thar eldrys bar,\n\u2018In name off victory offerryt thar.\n\u2018That stalwart karlis war and wycht,\n\u2018And saw that thai war fre alsua,\n\u2018Thaim thocht that thai had levir ta\n\u2018The dede, na lat the toun be tane.\n\u2018Thai ischit off the toune to fycht,\n\u2018Quhar Hannyball his mekill mycht\n\u2018Aganys thaim arayit was.\n\u2018Bot, throw mycht off Goddis grace,\n\u2018That thar wes nane sa hardy\n\u2018That durst in-to that place abid;\n\u2018Bot sped thaim in-till hy to rid;\n\u2018The ta part to thar pailyhownys,\n\u2018The tothyr part went in the toune is.                               240\n\u2018The rayne thus lettyt the fechtyn:\n\u2018Sa did it twys thar-eftir syne.\n\u2018Quhen Hanibal saw this ferly,\n\u2018With all his gret chevalry\n\u2018And syne wes put to sik assay,\n\u2018Throw the power off that cite,\n\u2018That his lyff and his land tynt he.\n\u2018Be thir quheyne, that sa worthily\n\u2018Yhe may weill be ensampill se,\n\u2018That na man suld disparyt be:\n\u2018Na lat his hart be vencusyt all,\n\u2018For na myscheiff that evir may fall.\n\u2018That God umquhile will send his grace.\n\u2018Had thai fled and thar wayis gane,\n\u2018Thar fayis swith the toune had tane.\n\u2018Tharfor men, that werrayand ar,\n\u2018To stand agayne thar fayis mycht,\n\u2018Umquhile with strenth, and quhile with slycht;\n\u2018And ay thynk to cum to purpos:\n\u2018And giff that thaim war set in chos,\n\u2018Thai suld erar dey chevalrusly.\u2019\n[189: E omits the first _thaim_. H has _thaim comfort_ which S adopts;\nbut _cf._ line 191. J reads _conford_ in E.]\n[194: J and S _off_; but surely it should be _oft_.]\n[210: E reads and J prints _stanys_, _taneys_; but, as S points out,\nthe latter word is impossible. H gives as above.]\n[216: E has _king_. H gives _ying_, which S adopts; but _cf._ line\n250. Hannibal was not a king, either. King is, of course, historically\nwrong, but Barbour has already made Julius C\u00e6sar Emperor! See note.]\nThusgat thaim confortyt the King;\nAnd, to confort thaim, gan inbryng\nAuld storys off men that wer\nAnd that fortoun contraryit fast,\nAnd come to purpos at the last.\nTharfor he said, that thai that wald\nThar hartis undiscumfyt hald\nAll thar enpres to gud ending:\nAs quhile did Cesar the worthy,\nThat traveillyt ay so besyly,\nWith all his mycht, folowing to mak\nThat hym thocht he had doyne rycht nocht,\nAy quhill to do him levyt ocht:\nFor-thi gret thingis eschevyt he,\nAs men may in his story se.\nAnd it suld als accord to skill,\nThat quha tais purpos sekyrly,\nAnd followis it syne ythandly,\nFor-owt fayntice, or yheit faynding,\nBot he the mar be unhappy,\nHe sall eschev it in party.\nAnd haiff he lyff-dayis, weill mai fall,\nThat he sall eschev it all.\nFor till eschev a full gret thing:\nFor giff it fall he thar off failyhe,\nThe fawt may be in his trawailyhe.\n[275, 288: _Ythandly_ (S): E has _ententily_.]\n[Sidenote: 1306] _The Ladies are worn out_]\nHe prechyt thaim on this maner;\nThen he had matir to, be fer:\nFor his caus yheid fra ill to wer.\nThai war ay in sa hard travaill,\nTill the ladyis began to fayle,\nThat mycht the travaill drey na mar;                                 305\nSa did othir als that war thar.\nThe Erle Jhone wes ane off tha,\nOff Athole, that quhen he saw sua\nThe King be discumfyt twys,\nAnd lyff in sic travaill and dout,\nHis hart begane to faile all out.\nAnd to the King, apon a day,\nHe said; \u201cGyff I durst to yhow say,\n\u201cAnd haffis oft-sys off met sik ned,\n\u201cAnd is ay in sic travailling,\n\u201cWith cauld, and hungir, and waking;\n\u201cThat I set off my-selvyn sua,\n\u201cThir angrys may I na mar drey,\n\u201cFor thoucht me tharfor worthit dey,\n\u201cI mon sojourne, quhar-evir it be.\n\u201cLevys me tharfor par cheryte.\u201d\nAnd that he ik wes for-travaillyt.\nHe said; \u2018Schir Erle, we sall sone se,\n\u2018And ordayne how it best may be.\n\u2018Quhar-evyr yhe be, our Lord yhow send\n\u2018Grace, fra yhour fais yhow to defend!\u2019                              330\nWith that in hy to him callyt he\nThaim, that till him war mast prive:\nThen amang thaim thai thocht it best,\nAnd ordanyt for the liklyest,\nAnd the ladyis, in hy suld ga,\nWith Nele the Bruce, till Kildromy.\nFor thaim thocht thai mycht sekyrly\nDuell thar, quhill thai war victaillit weile:\nThat it with strenth war hard to get,\nQuhill that thar-in were men and mete.\nAs thai ordanyt thai did in hy:\nThe Queyne, and all hyr cumpany,\nMen mycht haiff sene, quha had bene thar,\nAt leve-takyng the ladyis gret,\nAnd mak thar face with teris wet:\nAnd knychtis, for thar luffis sak,\nThai kyssyt thair luffis at thair partyng,\nThe King umbethocht him off a thing;\nThat he fra-thine on fute wald ga,\nAnd tak on fute bath weill and wa;\nTharfor his hors all haile he gaiff\nTo the ladyis, that mystir had.\nThe Queyn furth on hyr wayis rade;\nAnd sawffly come to the castell,\nAnd esyt weill with meyt and drynk.\nBot mycht nane eys let hyr to think\nOn the King, that sa sar wes stad,\nThat bot twa hunder with him had,\nThe quhethir thaim weill confort he ay:                              365\nGod help him, that all mychtis may!\n[319: _Set_ from H (S). E has _am sad_. Perhaps _And I sad_.]\n[365: E gives _The quhethir thaim weill confortyt he ay_. H _The\nwhilke them wel governed ay_, whence Skeat reads _The quhilk_ with E\nless _he_. See note.]\nThe Pains of King Robert among the Mountains.\n[Sidenote: 1306] _Bruce will go to Kintyre_]\nThe Queyne duelt thus in Kyldromy:\nAnd the King and his cumpany,\nThat war twa hunder, and na ma,\nFra thai had send thar hors thaim fra,                               370\nWandryt emang the hey montanys\nQuhar he and his oft tholyt paynys.\nFor it wes to the wynter ner;\nAnd sa feile fayis about him wer,\nThat all the countre thaim werrayit.                                 375\nSa hard anoy thaim then assayit,\nOff hungir, cauld, with schowris snell,\nThat nane that levys can weill it tell.\nThe King saw how his folk wes stad,\nAnd saw wynter wes cummand ner;\nAnd that he mycht on na wys der,\nIn the hillys, the cauld lying,\nNa the lang nychtis waking.\nAnd swa lang sojowrnyng thar ma,\nTill wynter weddir war away:\nAnd then he thocht, but mar delay,\nIn-to the manland till aryve,\nAnd for Kyntyr lyis in the se,\nSchyr Nele Cambel befor send he,\nFor to get him navyn and meite:\nAnd certane tyme till him he sete,\nSchir Nele Cambel, with his mengyhe,\nWent his way, but mar letting,\nAnd left his brothir with the King.\nAnd in twelve dayis sua traveillit he,\nAnd victalis in gret aboundance:\nSa maid he nobill chevisance.\nFor his sibmen wonnyt thar-by,\nThat helpyt him full wilfully.\nHow the King passed over Loch Lomond.\nTo Lowchlomond the way has tane,\nAnd come thar on the thrid day.\nBot thar-about na bait fand thai,\nThat mycht thaim our the watir ber:\nFor it wes fer about to ga;\nAnd thai war in-to dout alsua,\nTo meyt thair fayis that spred war wyd.\nTharfor, endlang the louch his syd,\nTyll Jamys of Dowglas, at the last,\nFand a litill sonkyn bate,\nAnd to the land it drew, fut-hate.\nBut it sa litill wes that it\nMycht our the wattir bot thresum flyt.                               420\nThai send thar-off word to the King,\nThat wes joyfull off that fynding;\nAnd fyrst in-to the bate is gane,\nWith him Dowglas; the thrid wes ane\nAnd set thaim on the land all dry:\nAnd rowyt sa oft-sys to and fra,\nFechand ay our twa and twa,\nThat in a nycht and in a day,\nFor sum off thaim couth swome full weill,\nAnd on his bak ber a fardele.\nSwa with swymmyng, and with rowyng,\nThai brocht thaim our, and all thair thing.\n[Sidenote: 1306] _Bruce reads aloud a Romance_]\nRed to thaim, that war him by,\nRomanys off worthi Ferambrace,\nThat worthily our-cummyn was,\nThrow the rycht douchty Olyver;\nAssegyt in-till Egrymor,\nQuhar King Lavyne lay thaim befor,\nWith may thowsandis then I can say.\nAnd bot eleven within war thai,\nThat thai na mete thar-within had,\nBot as thai fra thar fayis wan.\nYheyte sua contenyt thai thaim than,\nThat thai the tour held manlily,\nMagre his fayis, warnyt the King,\nThat wes joyfull off this tithing:\nFor he wend thai had all bene slayne.\nTharfor he turnyt in hy agayne,\nAnd wan Mantrybill and passit Flagot;                                455\nAnd syne Lavyne and all his flot,\nDispitusly discumfyt he:\nAnd deliveryt his men all fre,\nAnd wan the naylis, and the sper,\nAnd off the croice a gret party\nHe wan throw his chevalry.\nThe gud King, apon this maner,\nComfortyt thaim that war him ner;\nTill that his folk all passyt was.\n[465: E has again _et_, as in I., 309.]\nQuhen thai war passit the watir brad,\nSuppos thai fele off fayis had,\nThai maid thaim mery, and war blyth;\nThai had full gret defaut off mete,\nAnd tharfor venesoun to get\nIn twa partys ar thai gayne.\nThe King him-selff was in-till ane,\nIn-to the tothir party was.\nThen to the hycht thai held thar way,\nAnd huntyt lang quhill off the day;\nAnd soucht schawys, and setis set;\nThen hapnyt at that tyme percas,\nThat the Erle of the Levenax was\nAmang the hillis ner tharby;\nAnd quhen he hard sa blaw and cry,\nAnd on sic maner spyryt he,\nThat he knew that it wes the King\nAnd then, for-owtyn mar duelling,\nWith all thaim off his company,\nSa blyth and sa joyfull, that he\nMycht on na maner blyther be.\nFor he the King wend had bene ded;\nAnd he wes alsua will off red,\nNa, sen the King discumfyt was\nAt Meffan, he herd nevir thing\nThat evir wes certane off the King.\nTharfor in-to full gret daynte,\nAnd he him welcummyt rycht blythly,\nAnd kyssyt him full tendirly.\nAnd all the lordis, that war thar,\nRycht joyfull off thar meting war,\nIt wes gret pite for till se\nHow thai for joy and pite gret,\nQuhen that thai with thar falow met,\nThat thai wend had bene dede; forthi\nAnd he for pite gret agayne,\nThat nevir off metyng wes say fayne.\n[495: E reads _nocht rest_.]\n[502: E has _askyt_. H _kyssyt_.]\n[508: H has _fellowes_, whence _falowis_ (S).]\n[Sidenote: 1306] _How men weep_]\n  Thocht I say that thai gret, sothly\nIt wes na greting propyrly:\nCummys to men for mysliking;\nAnd that nane may but anger gret,\nBot it be wemen, that can wet\nThair chekys quhen-evir thaim list with teris,\nThe-quhethir weill oft thaim na thing deris.                         520\nBot I wate richt weill, but lesyng,\nQuhat-evir men say off sic greting,\nThat mekill joy, or yheit pete,\nMay ger men sua amovyt be,\nAnd weyt the eyne on sic avys,\nThat it is lik to be greting,\nThocht it to be nocht sua in all thing.\nFor quhen men gretis enkrely,\nBot for pite, I trow, gretyng\nBe na thing bot ane opynnyng\nOff hart, that schawis the tendirnys\nOff rewth that in it closyt is.\nThrow Goddis grace, assemblyt wer.\nThe Erle had mete, and that plente,\nAnd with glaid hart it thaim gaiff he;\nAnd thai eyt it with full gud will,\nThat soucht nane othir sals thar-till                                540\nBot appetyt, that oft men takys;\nFor rycht weill scowryt war thar stomakys.\nThai eit and drank sic as thai had;\nAnd till our Lord syne lovyng maid,\nThat thai war met on that maner.\nThe King then at thaim speryt yharne,\nHow thai, sen he thaim saw, had farne;\nAnd thai full petwysly gan tell\nAnd gret anoyis, and poverte.\nThe King thar-at had gret pite:\nAnd tauld thaim petwisly agayne\nThe noy, the travaill, and the payne,\nWes nane amang thaim, hey na law,\nThat he ne had pite and plesaunce,\nQuhen that he herd mak remembrance\nOff the perellys that passyt war.\nTo tell off paynys passyt by\nPlesys to heryng wonderly;\nAnd to rehers thar auld disese,\nDois thaim oft-sys confort and ese;\nDishonour, wikytnes, na shame.\n[521: H gives _right_, which seems necessary for the metre. E and S\nomit.]\nHow the King passed to the Sea, and how the Earl of Lennox was chased.\n[Sidenote: 1306] _The Knights at the Oars_]\nEftir the mete sone rais the King,\nQuhen he had levyt hys speryng;\nAnd buskyt him, with his mengyhe,\nQuhar Schir Nele Cambell thaim mete,\nBath with schippis, and with meyte;\nSaylys, ayris, and othir thing,\nThat wes spedfull to thar passyng.\nSum went till ster, and sum till ar,\nAnd rowyt be the ile of But.\nMen mycht se mony frely fute\nAbout the costis thar lukand,\nAnd nevys that stalwart war and squar,\nThat wont to spayn gret speris war,\nSwa spaynyt aris, that men mycht se\nFull oft the hyde leve on the tre.\nWes nane that evir disport mycht have\nFra steryng, and fra rowyng,\nTo furthyr thaim off thar fleting.\nHere the Earl of Lennox is followed by Traitors.\n  Bot in the samyn tyme at thai\nThe Erle off the Levenax was,\nI can nocht tell yhow throw quhat cas.\nLevyt behynd with his galay,\nTill the King wes fer on his way.\nWyst that so duelt behynd wes he,\nBe se with schippys thai him soucht;\nAnd he that saw that he wes nocht\nOff pith to fecht with thai traytouris,\nThen the Kingis flote, for-thi\nHe sped him eftir thaim in hy.\nBot the tratouris hym folowyt sua,\nThat thai weill ner hym gan our-ta.\nAy ner and ner thai come him to.\nAnd quhen he saw thai war sa ner\nThat he mycht weill thar manauce her,\nAnd saw thaim ner and ner cum ay,\n\u201cBot giff we fynd sum sutelte,\n\u201cOurtane all sone sall we be.\n\u201cTharfor I rede, but mar letting,\n\u201cThat, owtakyn our armyng,\n\u201cAnd fra our schip swa lychtyt be,\n\u201cWe sall swa row, and speid us sua,\n\u201cThat we sall weill eschaip thaim fra;\n\u201cWith that thai sall mak duelling\n\u201cAnd we sall row but resting ay,\n\u201cTill we eschapyt be away.\u201d\nAs he devisyt thai have done;\nAnd thar schip thai lychtyt sone:\nAnd scho, that swa wes maid lycht,\nRaykyt slidand throw the se.\nAnd quhen thar fayis gan thaim se\nForowth thaim alwayis, mar and mar,\nThai tuk; and turnyt syne agayne,\nSwa that thai lesyt all thar payne.\nQuhen that the Erle on this maner,\nAnd hys mengyhe, eschapyt wer,\nThat then, with all his cumpany,\nIn-to Kyntyr aryvyt was.\nThe Erle tauld him all his cas;\nHow he wes chasyt on the se,\nAnd how he had bene tane but dout,\nNa war it that he warpyt owt\nAll that he had, him lycht to ma;\nAnd swa eschapyt he thaim fra.\n\u201cSyn thow eschapyt is away,\n\u201cOff the tynsell is na plenyheing.\n\u201cBot I will say the weile a thing;\n\u201cThat thar will fall the gret foly\n\u201cFor fele sys, quhen thow art away,\n\u201cThow art set in-till hard assay.\n\u201cTharfor me thynk it best to the\n\u201cTo hald the alwayis ner by me.\u201d\n\u2018I sall na wys pas fer yhow fra,\n\u2018Till God giff grace we be of mycht\n\u2018Agayne our fayis to hald our stycht.\u2019\n[647: _The_ is in E. S reads _thi_ from H.]\n[658: J reads _flycht_ from E, but the two first letters are not\nclear, and S prefers _stycht_, though an unusual word.]\n[Sidenote: 1306] _Angus of Islay joins Bruce_]\n  Angus off Ile that tyme wes syr,\nThe King rycht weill resavyt he;\nAnd undretuk his man to be:\nAnd him and his, on mony wys,\nHe abandownyt till his service.\nAnd, for mar sekyrnes, gaiff him syne                                665\nHys castell off Donavardyne,\nTo duell tharin at his liking.\nFull gretumly thankyt him the King,\nAnd resavyt his service.\nHe wes dredand for tresoun ay:\nAnd tharfor, as Ik hard men say,\nHe traistyt in nane sekyrly,\nTill that he knew him utraly.\nFayr contenance to thaim he maid.\nAnd in Donavardyne dayis thre,\nFor-owtyne mar, then duellyt he.\nSyne gert he his mengyhe mak thaim yhar,\nThat is ane ile in-to the se;\nAnd may weill in mydwart be\nBetuix Kyntyr and Irland:\nQuhar als gret stremys ar rynnand,\nTill our-saile thaim in-to schipfair,\nAs is the rais of Bretangyhe,\nOr strait off Marrok in-to Spanyhe.\n  Thair schippys to the se thai set;\nAnkyrs, rapys, bath saile and ar,\nAnd all that nedyt to schipfar.\nQuhen thai war boune, to saile thai went:\nThe wynd wes wele to thar talent.\nThai raysyt saile, and furth thai far;                               695\nAnd by the mole thai passyt yhar,\nAnd entryt sone in-to the rase,\nQuhar that the strem sa sturdy was\nThat wavys wycht, that brekand war,\nThe schippys our the wavys slayd,\nFor wynd at poynt blawand thai had.\nBot nocht-for-thi quha had thar bene,\nA gret stertling he mycht haiff seyne\nOff schippys; for quhilum sum wald be                                705\nRycht on the wavys, as on mounte;\nAnd sum wald slyd fro heycht to law,\nRycht as thai doune till hell wald draw;\nSyne on the wav stert sodanly.\nAnd othyr schippis, that war thar-by,                                710\nDeliverly drew to the depe.\nIt wes gret cunnannes to kep\nThar takill in-till sic a thrang,\nAnd wyth sic wavis; for, ay amang,\nQuhen thai the land wes rycht ner hand,\nAnd quhen schippys war sailand ner,\nThe se wald rys on sic maner,\nThat off the wavys the weltrand hycht\n[699: J reads _wavys wyd wycht_, as E probably has it. H has _with_.\nS puts in _wavys wyd that_, but _wycht_ seems necessary and answers\nbetter to _sturdy_.]\n[706: _On mounte_ in E. H has _summitie_, whence S reads _summite_.]\n[Sidenote: 1306] _The King settles in Rathein_]\n  Bot in to Rauchryne, nocht-forthi,\nThai aryvyt ilkane sawffly:\nBlyth, and glaid, that thai war sua\nEschapyt thai hidwyss wavis fra.\nAnd to the land thai went but mar,\nArmyt upon thar best maner.\nQuhen the folk, that thar wonnand wer,\nSaw men off armys in thar cuntre\nThai fled in hy, with thar catell,\nTowart a rycht stalwart castell,\nThat in the land wes ner thar-by.\nMen mycht her wemen hely cry,\nBot the Kingis folk, that war\nDeliver off fute, thaim gan our-hy;\nAnd thaim arestyt haillely,\nAnd brocht thaim to the King agayne,\nSwa that nane off thaim all wes slayne.                              740\nThen with thaim tretyt swa the King,\nThat thai, to fullfill hys yharning,\nBecome his men evirilkane:\nAnd has him trewly undretane\nThat thai and thairis, loud and still,                               745\nSuld be in all thing at his will:\nAnd, quhill him likit thar to leynd,\nEvirilk day thai suld him seynd\nVictalis for three hunder men:\nBot at thar possessioune suld be,\nFor all his men, thair awyn fre.\n[738: _Haillely_ is from H. S from E accepts _hastely_, but the former\nfits in better with line 740.]\n[750: H has _And ay for Lord they sould him ken_. E _And thai as lord\nsuld him ken_, which S follows. _Ay_ is metrically necessary. _Cf._\n  The cunnand on this wys was maid.\nAnd on the morn, but langir baid\nOff all Rauchryne bath man and page                                  755\nKnelyt, and maid the King homage;\nAnd tharwith swour him fewte,\nTo serve him ay in lawte:\nAnd held him rycht weill cunnand.\nThai fand meit till his cumpany;\nAnd servyt him full humely.\nBOOK IV.\nHow the Queen and Other Ladies were taken and imprisoned,\nand her Men slain.\nIn Rauchryne leve we now the King\nIn rest, for-owtyn barganying;\nAnd off his fayis a quhile spek we,\nThat, throw thar mycht and thar powste,\nSa hard, sa strayt, and sa feloune,\nOn thaim that till hym luffand wer,\nOr kyn, or freynd on ony maner;\nThat it till her is gret pite.\nThaim that thai trowit his freynd wer,\nNothir off the kyrk, na seculer.\nFor off Glaskow byschop Robert,\nAnd Marcus off Man thai stythly speryt,\nAnd worthy Crystoll off Seytoun\nIn-to Lochdon betresyt was,\nThrow a discipill off Judas.\nMaknab, a fals tratour, that ay\nQuhom-to he maid gud cumpany.\nIt wes fer wer than tratoury\nFor to betreys sic a persoune,\nSo nobill, and off sic renoune.\nIn hell condampnyt mot he be!\nFor quhen he him betrasyt had,\nThe Inglis men rycht with him rad\nIn hy, in Ingland, to the King,\nThat gert draw hym, and hede, and hing,                               30\nFor-owtyn pete, or mercy.\nIt wes gret sorow sekyrly,\nThat so worthy persoune as he\nSuld on sic maner hangyt be.\nAnd off Crauford als Schyr Ranald wes.\nAnd Schyr Bruce als the Blar,\nHangyt in-till a berne in Ar.\n[17: Pinkerton read it _Loudon_ (S). E has _London_. H _Lochdon_: on\nwhich see note.]\n[Sidenote: 1306] _The Queen goes to Tain_]\n  The Queyn, and als dame Marjory,\nWes coupillyt in-to Goddis band\nWith Walter, Stewart off Scotland;\nThat wald on na wys langar ly\nIn the castell off Kyldromy,\nWith knychtis and with squyeris bath,\nThrow Ros, rycht to the gyrth off Tayne.\nBot that travaill thai maid in vayne;\nFor thai off Ros, that wald nocht ber\nFor thaim na blayme, na yheit danger,                                 50\nOwt off the gyrth thame all has tayne;\nAnd syne has send thaim evirilkane\nRycht in-till Ingland, to the King,\nThat gert draw all the men, and hing;\nSum in-till castell, sum in dongeoun.\nIt wes gret pite for till heir\nFolk till be troublyt on this maneir.\n[58: E has _the folk_. Reading is from the Cambridge MS., which begins\nat line 57 (see Introd., 27). C has _tribulit_. C also has _Kyndrumy_\nthroughout. I have kept the more familiar form in E.]\nHow Prince Edward of England besieged Kyldrumy.\nThat tyme wes in-to Kyldromy,\nSchyr Neile the Bruce: and I wate weile\nThat thar the Erle wes off Adheill.\nThe castell weill victalyt thai,\nAnd mete and fuell gan purvay;\nThat thaim thocht na strenth mycht it ta.\nAnd quhen that it the King wes tald\nOff Ingland, how thai schup to hald\nThat castell, he wes all angry;\nThe eldest and apperande air,\nA yhoung bachiller, stark and fair,\nSchyr Edward callit off Carnavirnane,\nThat wes the starkest man off ane\nPrynce off Walys that tym wes he.\nAnd he gert als call erlis twa,\nGlowsister and Herfurd war thai;\nAnd bad thame wend in-to Scotland\nTo the castell of Kildromy.\nAnd all the haldaris halely\nHe bad distroy, without ransoun,\nOr bring thame till him in presoune.\n[60: C omits _with_, but the garrison was more than two! See note.]\n[61: C omits _and_, giving line 62 as _And thar wes_, etc.]\n[63: E begins _In_. C omits.]\n[64: C begins _With_.]\n[66: C begins _Thaim_. E as above.]\n[83: E _for-owtyn_.]\nHere the King of England collects his Men in Scotland.\n  Quhen thai the mandment all had tane,                               85\nThai assemblit ane ost on-ane,\nAnd to the castell went in hy,\nAnd it assegyt vigorusly;\nAnd mony tyme full hard assalit;\nFor thai within war rycht worthy,\nAnd thame defendit douchtely;\nAnd ruschit thair fayis oft agayne;\nSum best woundit, and sum wes slayne.\nAnd bargane at the barras hald;\nAnd wound thair fayis oft and sla.\nSchortly thai thaim contenyt swa,\nThat thai without disparit war,\nAnd thoucht till Ingland for to far;                                 100\nFor thai sa stith saw the casteill,\nAnd wist that it wes warnist weill;\nAnd saw the men defend thame swa,\nThat thai na hop had thame to ta.\n[88: C has _rygorusly_.]\n[94: E has _Sum best, sum woundyt, sum als slayne_, where _slayne_ as\na past tense is impossible. The reading is from C, Skeat interpreting\nas _Some of the best were_, etc.]\n[Sidenote: SEP. 1306] _Kildrummy is set on Fire_]\nNane had thai done all that sesoune,                                 105\nGyff na had beyn thair fals tresoune.\nFor thar within wes a tratour,\nA fals lurdane, ane losengeour,\nOsbarn to name, maid the tresoun,\nNa quham-with he maid that covyne:\nBot as thai said, that war thar-in,\nHe tuk a culter hat glowand,\nThat het wes in a fyre byrnand,\nThat than with corne wes fillit all,\nAnd heych up on a mow it did,\nBot it full lang wes thar nocht hyd.\nFor men sais oft that fyr, na pryd,\nFor the pomp oft the prid furth shawis,\nOr ellis the gret bost that it blawis.\nNa mar may na man fyr sa covyr,\nThan low or rek sall it discovyr.\nSoyn throu the thik burd can appeir,\nFerst as a sterne, syne as a moyne,\nAnd weill bradar thar-efter soyn\nThe fyre out syne in blasis brast;\nAnd the reik rais rycht wounder fast.                                130\nThe fyre our all the castell spred,\nThar mycht no fors of men it red.\nThan thai within drew till the wall,\nThat at that tym wes battalit all\nThat battalyng, withouten dout,\nSaffit thair liffis, for it brak\nBlesis that wald thame ourtak.\nAnd quhen thair fayis the myscheiff saw,\nAnd assalit the castell fast,\nQuhar thai durst come for fyris blast,\nBot thai, within that myster had,\nSa gret defens ande worthy maid,\nThat thai full oft thair fayis ruschit,                              145\nFor thai nakyn peralis refusit.\nThai travaill for to sauf thair lifis:\nBot werd, that to the end ay driffis\nThe warldis thingis, sua thame travalit,\nThat thai on twa halfis war assalit.                                 150\nWithin with fyr, that thame sa brulyheit;\nWithout with folk, that thaim sa tulyheit,\nThat thai brynt magre thairis the yhet,\nBot for the fyre, that wes so het,\nThar folk thar-for thai can rely,\nAnd went to rest, for it wes nycht;\nTill on the morn that day wes lycht.\n[123: C begins _And thair may_.]\nHow King Edward died in Burgh-in-Sand.\n[Sidenote: SEP. 1306] _Kildrummy is surrendered_]\nAt sic myscheiff, as yhe herd say,\nEvir thame defendit worthely,\nAnd thame contenit sa manfully,\nThat thai or day, throu mekill pane,\nHad muryt up the yhet agane.\nAnd sone wes ryssyn schynand brycht,\nThai without in hale battale,\nCom purvait, reddy till assale.\nBot thai within, that sa war stad,\nQuhar-with thai mycht the castell hald,\nTretit ferst, and syne thame yhald\nTo be in-to the Kyngis will,\nThat than to Scottis wes full ill;\nFor thai war hangit all and drawin.\nQuhen this cunnand thus tretit wes,\nAnd affermit with sekirnes,\nThai tuk thaim of the castell soyn.\nAnd in till schort tyme has swa done,                                180\nThat all a quarter off Snawdoune,\nRycht to the erd, thai tumlit doune.\nSyne toward Ingland wend thar way.\nBot quhen the King Edward herd say\nHow Neyll the Bruce held Kildrummy                                   185\nAgane his sone sa stallwardly;\nHe gaderit a gret chevelry,\nAnd toward Scotland went in hy.\n[183: C has _thai wend_ (S). E omits _thai_.]\nAnd as in-to Northumbirland\nA seiknes tuk him in the way;\nAnd put him in sa hard assay,\nThat he mycht nouthir gang no ryde.\nHim worthit, magre his, abyde\nA litill toune, and unworthy.\nWith gret payn thiddir thai hym brocht;\nHe wes sa stad that he na mocht\nHys aynd bot with gret panys draw;\nThe-quethir he bad thai suld him say\nQuhat toune wes that, that he in lay.\n\u201cSchir,\u201d thai said, \u201cBowrch-in-the-Sand\n\u201cMen callis this toune, in-to this land.\u201d\n\u2018My hope is now fordone to me.\n\u2018For I wend nevir to thole the payn\n\u2018Of dede, quhill I, throu mekyll mayn,\n\u2018The Burch of Jerusalem had tane;\n\u2018In Burch I wist weill I suld de:\n\u2018Bot I was nouthir wis, no sle,\n\u2018Till othir burchis kepe to ta.\n\u2018Now may I no wis forthir ga.\u2019\nAs he had mater sekirly,\nQuhen he wend to wit certante\nOf that at nane may certane be.\n[218: C has _that that_ (S). E _that at_.]\n  The-quhethir, men said enclosit he had\nOf thingis that he wald inqueir.\nBot he wes fule, forouten weir,\nThat gaf treuth to that creature.\nFor fendis ar of sic nature,\nFor thai wat weill and wittirly,\nThat thai that weill ar liffand heir\nSall wyn the segis, quhar-of thai weir\nTumlit doune throu thair mekill pryde.\nThat quhen fendis distrenyheit ar\nFor till apper and mak answar,\nThrou force of conjuracioune,\nThat thai sa fals ar and felloune,\nIn-till dowbill undirstanding,\nTill dissaf thame that will thame trow.\nEnsampill will I set heir now\nOf a were, as I herde tell,\nBetuix France and the Flemynnis fell.                                240\n[234: C has _sa felloune_ (S).]\n[Sidenote: 1306] _How Ferrand\u2019s Mother was deceived_]\n  The Erll Ferrandis moder was\nAne nygramansour; and Sathanas\nScho rasit; and him askit syne,\nQuhat suld worth off the fichtyne\nBetuix the Franch king and hir sone.                                 245\nAnd he, as he all tyme wes wone,\nIn-to dissat maid his ansuer;\nAnd said to hir thir versis heir.\n[244: C has _fichtyne_ (S), and (254) _fichting_.]\nThe Lines about the War of Bosbek.\n  _Rex ruet in bello tumulique carebit honore\nFerrandus, comitissa, tuus, mea cara Minerva,                        250\nParisius veniet, magna comitante caterva._\nThis wes the spek he maid, perfay;\nAnd is in Inglis for to say;\n\u201cThe king sall fall in the fichting,\n\u201cAnd thi Ferrand, Mynerff my deir,\n\u201cSall rycht to Paris went, but weir;\n\u201cFollowand him gret cumpany\n\u201cOf nobill men and of worthy.\u201d\nThat he in Latyne can hir schaw.\nHe callit hir his deir Mynerfe,\nFor Mynerfe ay wes wont to serfe\nHim fullely at his devis.\nAnd for scho maid the samyn service,                                 265\nHis Minerf hir callit he:\nAnd als, throu his gret sutelte,\nHe callit hir deir, hir till dissaf,\nThat scho the titar suld consaf\nThat plesit mast to hir liking.\n[265: C gives _maid him the sam_ (S).]\n[268: For the second _hir_, C has _sone_ (S).]\n  His doubill spek hir sua dissavit,\nThat throu hir feill the ded resavit;\nFor scho was of his ansuer blith,\nAnd till hir sone scho tald it swith;                                275\nAnd bad him till the battale spede,\nFor he suld victor haf but drede.\nAnd he, that herd hir sermonyng,\nSped hym in hy to the fichting;\nAnd takyn, and to Paris sent.\nBot in the fechting nocht-for-thi\nThe kyng, throu his chevelry,\nWes laid at erd, and lamyt bath,\nAnd quhen Ferrandis moder herd\nHow hir sone in the battale ferd,\nAnd that he swa wes discumfit,\nScho rasit the evill spirit als tit:\nOf the ansuer that he hir mad.\nAnd he said that he suth said all;\n\u201cI said the that the kyng suld fall\n\u201cIn the battale, and sua did he;\n\u201cAnd I said that thi sone suld ga\n\u201cTo Paris, and he did he rycht sua;\n\u201cFollowand him sic a mengyhe,\n\u201cThat nevir, in his lif-tyme, he\n\u201cNow seis thow I maid na gabbing.\u201d\nThe wif confusit wes, perfay,\nAnd durst no mair on-till him say.\n[Sidenote: JULY 7, 1307] _Edward I. dies at Burgh-on-Sand_]\n  Thusgat, throu doubill undirstanding,                              304\nThat bargane come to sic ending,\nThat the ta part dissavit was:\nRicht sua-gat fell it in this cas:\nGravyn in the burch to be;\nThe-quethir at Burch in-to the Sand\nHe suelt rycht in his awne land.\nThe folk, that at Kyldrummy wer,\nCom with the presoners at thai had tane,\nAnd syne unto the Kyng ar gane.\nHow thai the castell to thame yhald;\nAnd how thai to his will war brocht,\nTill do of thame quhat-evir he thocht;\nAnd askit quhat thai suld of thaim do.                               320\nThan lukit he angyrly thame to,\nAnd said gyrnand, \u201cHangis and drawis.\u201d\nIt wes gret wounder of sic sawis;\nSuld ansuer apon sic maneir\nForouten menyng of mercy,\nHow mycht he trastly on hym cry,\nTo haf mercy for his crying\nOf him that, throu his felony,\nIn-to sic poynt had no mercy?\nAnd he deit thar-eftir sone;\nAnd syne wes brocht till berynes:\nHis son syne eftir kyng he wes.\n[321: C has _awfully_ (S).]\nHow James of Douglas passed into Arran.\nThat in Rauchryne, with his menyhe,\nLay till the wyntir neir wes gane,\nAnd of that ile his met has tane.\nThat thai so lang suld ydill ly;\nAnd to Schir Robert Boyd said he;\n\u201cThe pouir folk of this countre\n\u201cOf us, that ydill lyis her.\n\u201cAnd I heir say that in Arane,\n\u201cIntill a stith castell of stane,\n\u201cAr Inglis men that with strang hand                                 348\n\u201cHaldis the lordschip of the land.\n\u201cGa we thiddir; and weill may fall,\n\u201cAnoy thame in sum thing we sall.\u201d\nSchir Robert said, \u201cI grant thar-till.                               352\n\u2018To ly heir mair war litill skill:\n\u2018Tharfor till Arane pass will we,\n\u2018For I knaw rycht weill that cuntre.\n\u2018We sall come thair sa prevely,\n\u2018That thai sall haff na persavyng,\n\u2018Na yheit witting of our cummyng.\n\u2018Quhar we thair out-cummyng may se.\n\u2018Sa sall it on na maner fall,\n\u2018Than scath thame on sum wis we sall.\u2019\n[Sidenote: 1307] _Douglas is in Ambush_]\nAnd at the Kyng thair leyf has tane,\nAnd went thaim furth syne on thair way.\nIn-to Kentyre soyn cumin ar thai:\nTill at the nycht wes neir at hand;\nThan till Arane thai went thair way,\nAnd saufly thair arivit thai.\nAnd under ane bra thair galay dreuch,                                372\nAnd syne it helit weill ineuch;\nThair takill, ayris, and thair stere,\nThai hyde all on the samyn maner:\nAnd held thair way rycht in the nycht,                               376\nSa that, or day wes dawyn lycht,\nThai war enbuschit the castell neir,\nArayit on the best maneir.\nAnd for lang fastyng all hungry,\nThai thoucht to hald thame all preve,\nTill that thai weill thair poynt mycht se.\n  Schir John the Hastyngis, at that tyde,                            384\nWith knychtis of full mekyll pryde,\nAnd squyaris and gude yhemanry,\nThat war a weill gret cumpany,\nAnd oftsis, quhen it wald him lik,\nHe went to hunt with his menyhe\nAnd sua the land abandonit he,\nHe wes in-to the castell still,\nThe tym that James of Douglas,\nAs I haf tald, enbuschit was.\nWith vittalis and ek purvians,\nAnd with clething, and with armyng,\nThe day befor, in the evynnyng,\nWith thre batis, weill neir the place\nQuhar that the folk I spak off ar\nPrevely enbuschit war.\nOf Inglis men thretty and ma,\nChargit all with syndry thing,\nSum bare wyne, and sum armyng:\nWith thingis on syndry manere:\nAnd othir syndry yheid thame by,\nAs thai war masteris, ydilly.\nAnde, for-outen dreid or aw,\nThair buschement apon thame thai brak,\nAnd slew all that thai mycht ourtak.\nFor thai, that dredand war to de,\nRycht as bestis can rair and cry,\nThai slew thaim for-outen mercy;\nWeill neir to fourty thar war ded.\n[398: C omits second _with_ (S).]\n[414: C and S omit _thai_.]\n[419: C has _And thai slew fast without_ (S).]\n  Quhen thai, that in the castell war,\nHerd the folk sa cry and rair,\nBot quhen Douglas saw thar cummyng,\nHis men till hym he can rely,\nAnd went till meit thame hastely.\nHym cum on thaim forouten aw,\nThai fled forouten mair debate;\nAnd thai thame followit to the yhate,\nBot thai thair yhet barrit so fast,\nAt thai mycht do at thame no mair:\nTharfor thai left thame ilkane thair,\nQuhar that the men war forrow slane.\nAnd quhen thai that war in the batis\nSaw thair cummyng, and wist how-gatis\nIn hy thai put thame to the se,\nAnd rowit fast with all thare mayn.\nBot the wynde wes thame agayn,\nThat thai mycht weld the se na wis.\nNa thai durst nocht cum to the land,\nBot hald thame thair so lang hobland,\nAnd quhen Dowglas saw it wes swa,\nHe tuk the armyng, and cleything,\nVittalis, wyne, and othir thing\nAt thai fand thar; and held thair way                                452\nRycht glad and joyfull of thair pray.\nThe Coming of King Robert Bruce to Arran.\n[Sidenote: 1307] _Bruce gets News of Douglas_]\nOn this wis James of Douglas,\nAnd hys menyhe, throu Goddis grace,\nWith vittale als and with clething;\nSyne till a strenth thai held thair way,\nAnd thame full manly governit thai;\nWith all that war in his ledyng,\nArivit in-to that cuntre,\nWith thretty small galais and thre.\nAnd syne to the land is gane,\nAnd in a toune tuk his herbery:\nAnd sperit syne full specialy,\nOf ony strange men in that land.\n\u201cYhai,\u201d said a woman, \u201cSchir, perfay,\n\u201cOf strange men I can yhow say,\n\u201cAnd schort quhile sen, throu thare bounte,\n\u201cThai haff discumfit our wardane,\n\u201cAnd mony of his folk has slane.\n\u201cReparis all thair cumpany.\u201d\n\u2018Dame,\u2019 said the King, \u2018wald thou me wis\n\u2018To that place quhar thair repair is,\n\u2018For thai ar all of my duelling;\n\u2018And I richt blithly wald thame se,\n\u2018And richt sua trow I thai wald me.\u2019\n\u201cYhis,\u201d said scho, \u201cSchir, I will blithly                            484\n\u201cGa with yhow and yhour cumpany,\n\u201cTill that I schaw yhow thair repair.\u201d\n\u2018That is eneuch, my sister fair;\nThan went thai furth but mair letting,\nFollowand hir as scho thame led,\nTill at the last scho schewit a sted\nAnd said; \u201cSchir, heir I saw the men,\n\u201cThat yhe speir eftir, mak luging:\n\u201cHeir trow I be thair reparyng.\u201d\n[456: _Relevit_ in E.]\n[458: C gives _strate_ (S). H _strait_. E as above, which seems more\nfitting.]\nAnd gert the men, that war him by,\nHald thaim still, and all prive;\nAnd syne agane his horn blew he.\nAnd he the blast all soyn can knaw;\nAnd said, \u201cSuthly yhon is the Kyng:\n\u201cI knaw lang quhill syne his blawyng.\u201d\nAnd than Schir Robert Boyde it knew,\nAnd said, \u201cYhon is the King, but dreid;\n\u201cGa we furth till hym bettir speid.\u201d\nAnd him salusit full curtasly;\nAnd blithly welcumit thame the Kyng,\nThat joyfull wes of thair meting,\nHow thai had farn in thair huntyne.\nAnd thai hym tald all but lesyng:\nSyne lovit thai God of thair meting.\nThai wend, bath joyfull ande joly.\n[498: C gives _Hald thame all still than preve_ (S). E as in text.]\n[513: C has _ontyne_, whence _hontyne_ (S).]\nHow the King sent his Man to spy in Carrick who were to him Friendly.\n[Sidenote: 1307] _Reasons for Vengeance_]\nThe King apon the tothir day\nCan till his preve menyhe say;\n\u201cHow we ar out of our cuntre\n\u201cBanyst, throu Inglis mennys mycht;\n\u201cAnd that, that ouris suld be of richt,\n\u201cAnd wald alsua, without mercy,\n\u201cGif thai had mycht, distroy us all.\n\u201cBot God forbeid that it suld fall\n\u201cFor than war thair na recoveryng.\n\u201cAnd mankynd biddis us that we\n\u201cTo procur vengeans besy be.\n\u201cThat makis us amonestyngis\n\u201cFor to be worthy, wis, and wicht,\n\u201cAnd till anoy thame at our mycht.\n\u201cThat suld on na wis savit be,\n\u201cGif thai had us at thair liking.\n\u201cThe tothir that makis us egging,\n\u201cHaldis with strinth agane resoune.\n\u201cThe thrid is the joy that we abyde,\n\u201cGif that it hapyn, as weill may tyde,\n\u201cTill ourcum thair felony.\n\u201cTharfor we suld our hertis rais,\n\u201cSua that na myscheif us abais;\n\u201cAnd schape all-wayis to that ending                                 548\n\u201cThat beris mensk and ek lovyng.\n\u201cAnd tharfor, lordis, gif yhe se\n\u201cEmang yhow that it spedfull be,\n\u201cTo spy and speir how the kynrik,\n\u201cIs led, or quha is frend or fa.\n\u201cAnd gif he seis we land may ta,\n\u201cMak a fyre, on a certane day,\n\u201cAnd mak taknyng till us, that we\n\u201cMay thair ariffe in-to saufte.\n\u201cLuk on na wis the fyre he ma.\n\u201cSwa may we thar throw haff wittering\n\u201cOf our passage, or our duelling.\u201d\n[523: C gives _And it_ (S).]\n[525: E _for-owtyne_.]\n[556: C _Turnberyis nuk_ (S); but see note.]\nAnd than the King, withouten mair,\nCallit till him ane that wes preve,\nAnd born of Carrik his cuntre:\nAs yhe herd me devis it are;\nAnd set him certane day to may\nThe fyr, gif he saw it wes sway\nTo manteme were in that cuntre.\nAnd he, that wes richt weill in will\nHis lordis yharnyng to fulfill,\nAnd couth secretis rycht weill conceil,\nSaid, he wes boune in-till all thing\nFor till fullfill his commaunding:\nThat na repreif suld eftir ly,\nSyne at the King his leif has tane;\nAnd furth apon his way is gane.\nThat hat Cutbert, as I herd say.\nIn Carrik soyn arivit he,\nAnd passit throu all the cuntre.\nThat gud wald of his mastir say.\nFor feill of thame durst nocht for dreid,\nAnd othir-sum rycht in-to ded\nThat rewit syne thair barganyng.\nBath hye and law, the land wes then\nAll occupyit with Inglis men;\nRobert the Bruce the douchty Kyng.\nCarrik wes gevyn than halely\nTo Sir Henry the lord Persy;\nWes, with weill neir thre hundreth men;\nAnd dantit suagat all the land,\nThat all wes till hym obeysand.\nAnd saw the folk sa halely\nBe worthyn Inglis, rich and pure,\nThat he to nane durst hym discure.\nBot thoucht to leif the fyre unmaid,                                 608\nSyne till his mastir to wend but baid,\nAnd all thair covyne till hym tell,\nThat wes sa angry and sa fell.\nOf the Fire the King saw Burning.\n[Sidenote: 1307] _Bruce sees the Fire_]\nQuhen that cumin wes the day,\nThat he set till his messyngere,\nAs I devisit yhow lang ere,\nAnd als soyn as the moyn wes past,\nHym thoucht weill that he saw a fyre,\nBy Turnbery byrnand weill schyre;\nIlk man thoucht weill that he it saw.\nThan with blith hert the folk can cry;\n\u201cGud king, speid yhow deliverly;\n\u201cArif, withouten persavyng.\u201d\n\u2018I grant,\u2019 said he, \u2018now mak yhow yhair.\n\u2018God furthir us in-till our fair!\u2019\n[616: E _none_. H _noone_.]\n  Than in schort tym men mycht thaim se                              628\nSchute all thair galais to the se,\nAnde beir to se bath ayr and steir,\nAnd othir thyngis that mystir weir.\nHere the King\u2019s Hostess foretells what is to be, and gives him\nher Two Sons.\nWes gangand up and doun, bydand\nTill that his menyhe reddy war,\nHis hostes come rycht till hym thar.\nA preve spek till hym scho mad,\nAnd said, \u201cTa gude tent to my saw:\n\u201cFor or yhe pas I sall yhow schaw\n\u201cAnd atour all thing specialy\n\u201cA wittering heir I sall yhow may,\n\u201cQuhat end that your purpos sall ta.\n\u201cWat thingis to cum sa weill as I.\n\u201cYhe pas now furth on yhour viage,\n\u201cTo venge the harme and the outrage\n\u201cBot yhe wat nocht quhat-kyn forton\n\u201cYhe mon dre in yhour warraying.\n\u201cBot wit yhe weill, without lesing,\n\u201cThair sal no micht, no strinth of hand,\n\u201cGer yhow furth pas of this cuntre\n\u201cQuhill all to yhow abandonyt be.\n\u201cAnd haf the land at yhour liking,\n\u201cAnd ourcum yhour fayis all;\n\u201cBot feill anoyis thoill yhe sall,\n\u201cBot yhe sall thame ourdriff ilkane.\n\u201cAnd, that yhe trow this sekirly,\n\u201cMy twa sonnys with yhow sall I\n\u201cSend to tak with yhow yhour travell;                                664\n\u201cFor I wat weill thai sall nocht fale\n\u201cTill be rewardit weill at rycht,\n\u201cQuhen yhe ar heyt on to yhour hicht.\u201d\n[Sidenote: 1307] _Of Astrology_]\n[Sidenote: 1307] _Of Necromancy_]\nThan thankit hir in mekill thing;\nFor scho confortit hym sumdeill:\nThe-quhethir he trowit nocht full weill\nHow scho suld wit it sekirly:\nAs it wes wounderfull, perfay,\nHow ony man throu steris may\nDeterminabilly, all or sum,\nBot gif that he enspirit war\nOf him, that all thing evirmar\n*As it war ay in his presens:\nAs David wes, and Jeromy,\nSamuell, Joell, and Ysay,\nThat throu his haly grace can tell\nFeill thingis that eftirward befell.                                 684\nBot thai prophetis so thyn ar sawin,\nThat nane in erd now is knawin.\nBot feill folk ar sa curious,\nThat thai, throu thair gret clergy,\nOr ellis throu thair devilry,\nOn thir twyn maners makis fanding\nAne of thame is astrology,\nQuhar-throu clerkis, that ar witty,\nMay knaw conjunctione of planetis,\nAnd quhethir that thair cours thaim settis                           696\nIn soft segis, or in angry;\nAnd of the hevyn all halely\nHow that the disposicioune\nOn regiones, or on climatis,\nThat wirkis nocht ay-quhar a-gatis,\nBot sum ar les, sum othir mair,\nOwthir all evin, or on wry.\nBot me think it war gret mastry\nTill ony astrolog to say\nFor thouch a man his liff haly\nStudeit swa in astrology,\nThat on the sternis his hed he brak,\nHis liftyme, certane domys thre;\nAnd yheit suld he ay dout quhill he\nSaw how that it com till ending:\nOr gif thai men that will study\nIn the craft of astrology,\nKnaw all mennis nacioune,\nThat kyndly maneris giffis thaim til,\nFor till inclyne to gud or ill;\nHow that thai throu craft of clergy,\nCouth tell quhatkyn perell apperis\nTo thame that haldis kyndly maneris;\nI trow that thai suld faill to say\nFor quhethir sa men inclynit be\nTill vertu or to mavite,\nHe may richt weill refrenyhe his will,\nOuthir throu nurtour or throu skill,                                 732\nAnd to the contrar turne him all.\nAnd men has mony tymis seyn fall,\nThat men, kyndly to ivill giffin,\nThrou thair gret wit away has drivin                                 736\nThair evill, and worthyn of gret renoune,\nMagre the constillacioune.\nAs Arestotill, gif, as men redis,\nHe had beyn fals and covatous;\nBot his wit maid him virtuous.\nAnd syn men may on this kyn wis\nPrincipal caus of thair demyng,\nMe think thair dome na certane thing.\n  Nigramansy ane othir is,\nThrow stalward conjuraciones,\nAnd throw exorcizaciones,\nTo ger spiritis to thame apeir,\nAs quhilom did the Phitones,\nThat, quhen Saull abasit wes\nOf the Philistianis mycht,\nSamuelis sperit als tit,\nOr in his sted the evill spirit,\nThat gaf rycht graith ansueir hir to.\nBot of hir-self rycht nocht wist scho.                               760\nAnd man is in-to dreding ay\nOf thingis that he has herd say,\nAnd namly of thingis to cum, quhill he\nAnd sen thai ar in sic wenyng,\nFourouten certane witting,\nMe think, quha sayis he knawis thingis\nBot quhethir scho that tald the King\nHow his purpos suld tak ending,\nWenit, or wist it witterly;\nAs scho said: for syne king wes he,\nAnd of full mekill renomme.\n[* Pinkerton, whose numbering of the lines is followed by Skeat, omits\nthis line by an oversight.]\n[686: C has _That thair in erd now nane is knawin_ (S). Reading from\nE. H has _nane in eird_.]\nBOOK V.\nOf the King\u2019s Handseling in Carrick at his First Arrival.\nThis wes in vere, quhen wyntir tyde,\nWith his blastis hydwis to byde,\nWes ourdriffin: and byrdis smale,\nBegouth rycht meraly to syng,\nAnd for to mak in thair synging\nSyndry notis, and soundis sere,\nAnd the treis begouth to ma\nBurgeonys, and brycht blumys alsua,\nTo wyn the heling of thar hevede.\nThat wikkit wyntir had thame revede;                                  12\nAnd all grevis begouth to spryng.\nIn-to that tyme the nobill King,\nWith his flot and a few menyhe,\nThre hundir I trow thai mycht weill be,                               16\nIs to the se, furth of Arane\nA litill forrow the evyn gane.\n[13: E _gressys_.]\n[17: _Is_ in E. C and H give _Went_, which must be wrong. S alters to\n[Sidenote: 1307] _Who made the Fire?_]\n  Thai rowit fast with all thar mycht,\nTill that apon thame fell the nycht,                                  20\nThat it wox myrk on gret maner,\nSwa that thai wist nocht quhar thai wer.\nFor thai na nedill had na stane;\nStemmand alwayis apon the fyre,\nThat thai saw byrnand licht and schire.\nIt wes bot aventur that thame led:\nAnd thai in schort tym swa thame sped,                                28\nThat at the fyre arivit thai,\nAnd went to land but mair delay.\nAnd Cuthbert, that has seyn the fyre,\nFor he durst nocht do it away;\nAnd he wes alsua doutand ay\nThat his lord suld pas the se.\nTharfor thair cummyng watit he,36\nAnd met thame at thair ariving.\nHe wes weill soyne brocht to the King,\nThat sperit at hym how he had done.\nHow that he fand nane weill willand,\nBot all war fais that evir he fand:\nAnd at the lord the Persy,\nWith neir thre hundreth in cumpany,                                   44\nWas in the castell thar besyde,\nFulfillit of dispit and pride.\nBot mair than twa part of his rowt\n\u201cAnd dispisis yhow mair, Schir King,\n\u201cThan men may dispis ony thing.\u201d\nThan said the Kyng, in full gret ire,\n\u201cA! Schir,\u201d said he, \u201csa God me se!\n\u201cThat fyre wes nevir maid on for me.\n\u201cNa, or this nycht, I wist it nocht;\n\u201cThat yhe, and haly yhour menyhe,\n\u201cIn hy suld put yhow to the se.\n\u201cForthi I com to meit yhow her,\n[25: E _Sterand all tyme_.]\n[27: E omits _that_, and with _aventur_ accented as in line 69 it\nseems superfluous.]\n  The King wes of his spek angry,\nAnd askit his preve men in hy,\nQuhat at thame thocht wes best to do.\nSchir Edward ferst answerd thar-to,                                   64\nHis brothir that wes so hardy,\nAnd said: \u201cI say yhow sekirly\n\u201cThar sall na peralis that may be,\n\u201cMyne aventure heir tak will I,\n\u201cQuhethir it be eisfull or angry.\u201d\n\u2018Brothir,\u2019 he said, \u2018sen thou will sa,\n\u2018Dises or ese, or pyne or play,\n\u2018Eftir as God will us purvay.\n\u2018And sen men sais that the Persy\n\u2018And his menyhe sa neir us lyis,\n\u2018That us dispytis mony wys;\n\u2018Ga we venge sum of the dispit,\n\u2018For thai ly trastly, but dreding\n\u2018Of us, or of our heir-cummyng.\n\u2018And thouch we slepand slew thaim all,\n\u2018For weriour na fors suld ma,\n\u2018Quhethir he mycht ourcum his fa\n\u2018Throu strynth, or throu sutelte;\n[65: E _brodyr_.]\nHere the King secretly enters the Town and slays All.\n  Quhen this wes said thai went thare way;\nAnd till the toun soyn cumin ar thai,\nSa prevely, bot noys making,\nThai scalyt throu the toune in hy,\nAnd brak up dures sturdily,\nAnd slew all that thai mycht ourtak:\nFull pitwisly couth rair and cry;\nAnd thai slew thame dispitwisly,\nAs thai that war in-to gud will\nThat thai and thairis had to thaim wrocht;\nThai with so felloun will thaim socht,\nThat thai slew thame evirilkane,\nThat eschapit throu gret slicht,\nAnd throu the myrknes of the nycht.\n[Sidenote: 1307] _The Carrick Men are Overawed_]\n  In the castell the lorde Persy\nSa did the men, that with-in wer,\nAnd full effraytly gat thair ger.\nBut off thaim wes nane sa hardy,\nIn sic afray thai baid that nycht,\nTill on the morn that day wes licht:\nAnd than cesit in-to party\nThe King gert be departit then\nAll haill the reif amang his men;\nAnd duelt all still thair dais thre.\nRicht in the first begynnyng,\nNewly at his arivyng.\n[109-112: From E. C omits by an oversight, reading on from the second\n_cry_.]\nA Certain Lady, a Relative of the King, comes to him with Forty Men.\n  Qwhen at the King and his folk ware\nA quhill in Carrik lendit he,\nTo se quha frend or fa wald be.\nBot he fand litill tendirnes:\nInclynit to hym in-to party;\nBot Inglis men sa angirly\nLed thame with danger and wyth aw,\nThat thai na frendschip durst him schaw.                             132\nBot a lady of that cuntre,\nThat wes till hym in neir degre\nOf cosynage, wes wounder blith\nSped hir till hym, in full gret hy,\nWith fourty men in cumpany,\nAnd betacht thame all to the King,\nAnd he resavit thame in daynte,\nAnd hir full gretly thankit he;\nAnd sperit tithandis of the Queyn,\nThat he had left in that cuntre,\nQuhen that he put hym to the se.\nAnd scho hym tald, sychand full sair,\nIn the castell of Kildrummy,\nAnd syne destroyit sa vilonysly;\nAnd of the Erll Adell alsua:\nThat till his party war heldand,\nWar tane and led in-to Ingland,\nAnd put in-to feloun presoune.\nWes slane, gretand scho tald the King,\nThat soroufull wes of that tithing;\nAnd saide, quhen he had thoucht a thraw,\n\u201cAllas,\u201d he said, \u201cfor luf of me,\n\u201cAnd for thair mekill laute,\n\u201cThai nobill men and thai worthy,\n\u201cBot and I lif in lege pouste,\n\u201cThair ded sall rycht weill vengit be.\n\u201cThe King the-quhethir of Ingland\n\u201cThoucht that the kinrik of Scotland                                 168\n\u201cWes to litill to hym and me;\n\u201cTharfor I will it all myn be.\n\u201cBot of gud Cristal of Setoune,\n\u201cThat he suld de war gret pite,\n\u201cBot quhar worschip mycht prufit be.\u201d\n[138: E and H _fourty_: xv. (S); but Skeat inserts the rubric\ncontaining xl. from E.]\n[162: C omits _thair_, and adds _gud_ after _mekill_ (S).]\nHere Henry Percy flies to England.\n[Sidenote: 1307] _The Englishmen are Afraid_]\nThe Kyng thus sychand maid his mayn,\nAnd went hyr hame to her wonnyng.\nAnd feill sis confort scho the Kyng\nBath with silver and with met,\nAnd he oft ryot to the land,\nAnd maid all his that evir he fand;\nAnd syne he drew him to the hicht,\nIn all that tym wes the Persy,\nWith a full sympill cumpany,\nIn Turnberyis castell lyand;\nThat he durst nocht ysche out to fair,\nFra thine to the castell of Air,\nThat than wes full of Inglismen;\nTo the men of Northumberland\nSuld cum armyt, and with strang hand,\nTill convoy him till his cuntre.\nAnd thai in hy assemblyt then,\nPassand, I trow, a thousand men,\nAnd askit avisment thame emang.\nQuhethir at thai suld duell or gang.                                 200\nBot thai war schonand wounder sair\nSo fer in Scotland for to fair.\nFor a knycht, Schir Gawter the Lile,\nSo neir the schavalduris to ga.\nHis spek discomfort thame all sua,\nThat thai had left all that viage,\nThat Schir Roger of Sanct Johne hicht,\nThat thame confort with all his mycht;\nAnd sic wordis can till thame say,\nThat thai all sammyn held thair way                                  212\nTo Turnbery; quhar the Persy\nLap on, and went with thaim in hy\nIn-to Ingland his castell till,\n[181: For _to_ E gives _all_. H omits and reads _ryoted_.]\n[204: C omits _all_ (S).]\nNow in Ingland is the Persy,\nQuhar he, I trow, a quhill sall ly,\nOr that he schap hym for to fair\nFor he wist that he had no richt;\nAnd als he dred the Kyngis mycht,\nThat in Carrik wes travalland,\nQuhar the mast strynth wes of the land.                              224\nQuhar James of Douglas, on a day,\nCom to the Kyng, and can him say;\n\u201cSchir, with yhour leiff, I wald ga se\n\u201cAnd how my men demanit are.\n\u201cFor it anoyis me wounder sare,\n\u201cThat the Clyffurd sa pesabilly\n\u201cThat suld be myn with alkyn rycht.\n\u201cBot quhill I liff, and may haf mycht\n\u201cTo lede a yheman or a swane,\nThe Kyng said; \u2018Certis I can nocht se\n\u2018How that thou yheit may sekir be\n\u2018In-to that cuntre for to fair.\n\u2018And thou wat nocht quha is thi frend.\u2019\nHe said, \u201cSchir, neidwais I will wend,\n\u201cAnd tak aventur that God will giff,\nThe King said, \u2018Sen that it is sua,\n\u2018That thou sic yharnyng has to ga,\n\u2018Thou sall pas furth with my blessing.\n\u2018That anoyus or scathfull be,\n\u2018I pray the, speid the soyne to me;\n\u2018Tak we sammyn quhat-evir may fall.\u2019\nHe lowtit, and his leyf has tane,\nAnd is towart his cuntre gane.\n[220: E _ony_. C has _than no_ (S).]\nThe Passing of James of Douglas to Douglas-dale, his Heritage.\n[Sidenote: 1307] _Douglas sends for Dickson_]\nNow takis James his viage\nWith twa yhomen, forouten ma;\nThat wes a sympill stuff to ta,\nA land or castell for to wyn!\nTo bryng his purpos till ending;\nFor gude help is in begynnyng.\nFor gude begynnyng and hardy,\nMay ger oftsis unlikly thing\nCum to full conabill endyng.\nSa did it her: bot he wes wis,\nWarray his fais with evyn mycht;\nTharfor he thoucht to wirk with slight.\nIn Douglasdaill, his awn cuntre,\nAnd with a man wonnit thar-by,\nThat wes of frendis richt mychty,\nAnd rich of mubill and catell,\nAnd till him-self, in his yhoutheid,\nHe had done mony thankfull deid.\nThom Dicson wes his name, perfay.\nThat he wald cum all anerly\nFor to spek with hym prevely.\nAnd he but danger till him gais:\nHe gret for joy and for pite,\nAnd hym richt till his hous had he;\nQuhar in a chalmer prevaly\nThat nane of him had persaving.\nOf mete and drink and othir thing,\nThat mycht thaim eis, thai had plente.\nThat all the leill men of the land,\nThat with his fader wes duelland,\nThis gud man gert cum, ane and ane,\nAnd he him-self first homage maid.\nDouglas in hert gret blithnes had,\nThat the gud men of his cuntre\nHe sperit the covyn of the land,\nAnd quha the castell had in hand.\nAnd thai him tald all halely;\nThai ordanit, that he still suld be\nIn hyddillis, and in prevate,\nTill Palme Sonday that wes neir hand,\nFor than the folk of the cuntre\nAssemblit at the kirk wald be;\nAnd thai that in the castell were,\nWald als be thar, thar palmys to bere,                               312\nAs folk that had na dreid of ill;\nFor thai thoucht all wes at thar will.\nThan suld he cum with his twa men.\nHe suld a mantill haf, ald and bare,\nAnd a flaill, as he a taskar war.\nUndir the mantill nocht-for-thi\nAnd quhen the men of his cuntre,\nThat suld all bown befor him be,\nHis ensenyhe mycht heir him cry,\nRicht in myddis the kirk assale\nThe Inglis men with hard batale,\nSwa that nane mycht eschap thaim fra;\nThe castell, that besyde wes neir.\nAnd quhen this, that I tell yhow her,\nWes devisit and undirtane,\nAnd held the spek in prevate,\nTill the day of thair assemble.\n[298: _Blithness_ in C (S). E _glaidschip_. H _gladnesse_.]\nHere James of Douglas slays them in the Kirk.\n[Sidenote: 1307] _Douglas! Douglas!_]\nThe folk apon the Sononday\nHeld to Sanct Brydis kirk thair way;                                 336\nAnd thai that in the castell were\nIschit out, bath les and mare,\nAnd went thair palmys for to bere;\nJames of Douglas of thare cummyng\nAnd quhat thai war, had wittering;\nAnd sped him to the kirk in hy.\nAne of his cryit, \u201cDouglas! Douglas!\u201d\nThomas Dicsone, that nerest was\nTill thame that war of the castel,\nAnd quhen he \u201cDouglas!\u201d sa herd cry,\nDrew out his suerd, and fellely\nRuschit emang thame to and fra.\nBot thai in hy war left lyand.\nWith that Douglas com rycht at hand,\nThat than enforsit on thame the cry.\nThai held, and thaim defendit weill,\nTill of thair men war slayne sumdeill.\nBot the Douglas so weill him bare,\nHad confort of his weill-doing;\nAnd he him sparit na-kyn thing,\nBot prufit swa his foris in ficht,\nThat throu his worschip, and his mycht,                              364\nHis men sa kenly helpit he than,\nThat thai the chanser on thame wan.\nThan dang thai on thame sa hardely,\nThe twapart ded, or than deand.\nThe laiff war sesit soyn in hand.\nSwa that of threttie wes levit nane,\n[354: E _Quhill Dowglas_.]\n[355: E _And then_.]\n[371: _Threttie_ is from H. Others give numerals.]\nHere makes he \u201cthe Douglas Larder.\u201d\n[Sidenote: 1307] _Douglas burns his Castle_]\n  James of Douglas, quhen this wes done,\nThe presoners has tane alsone;\nAnd with thame of his cumpany\nOr ony noys or cry suld ris.\nAnd for he wald thame soyn suppris,\nThat levit in the castell were,\nFiffe men or sex befor send he,\nThat fand all oppyn the entre;\nAnd enterit, and the portar tuk\nWith that Douglas come to the yhet,\nAnd enterit in forout debat,\nAnd fand the met all reddy grathit,\nThe yhettis than he gert thame spare,\nAnd sat and ete all at lasare.\nSyne all the gudis tursit thai,\nThai thoucht that thai mycht haf away;                               392\nAnd namly wapnys and armyng,\nSilver, tresour, and ek clethyng.\nVittalis, that mycht nocht tursit be,\nAll the vittale outakin salt,\nAs quhet, flour, meill and malt,\nIn the wyne-sellar gert he bryng;\nAnd the presoners that he had tane\nRicht tharin gert he hed ilkane;\nSyne of the tunnys the hedis out-strak:\nFor meill, malt, blude, and wyne,\nRan all to-gidder in a mellyne\nThat wes unsemly for to se;\nFor sic thingis thar mellit were,\nCallit it \u201cthe Douglas Lardenere.\u201d\nSyne tuk he salt, as I herd tell,\nAnd syne brynt all, outakyn stane;\nAnd is furth with his menyhe gane\nTill his reset; for him thocht weill,\nIt suld have beyn assegit rath,\nAnd that him thoucht to mekill vath;\nFor he na hop had of reskewyng.\nIn castell till assegit be,\nQuhar that ane wantis of thir thre,\nVittale, or men with thair armyng,\nAnd for he dred thir thingis suld fale,\nHe chesit forthward to travale,\nQuhar he mycht at his larges be,\n[388: C has _laid_ (S), which is no rhyme.]\nOn this wis wes the castell tane,\nAnd slane that war tharin ilkane.\nThe Douglas syne all his menyhe\nFor men suld les wit quhar thai war,\nThat yheid departit here and thar.\nThame that war woundit gert he ly\nAnd gert gud lechis to thame bryng,\nQuhill that thai war in-to helyng.\nAnd him-self, with a few menyhe,\nQuhile ane, quhill twa, and quhile thre,                             440\nAnd umquhile all hym allane,\nIn hyddillis throu the land is gane.\nSa dred he Inglis mennys mycht,\nThat he durst nocht weill cum in sicht;                              444\nFor thai that tyme war all weldand\nAs mast lordis our all the land.\nHere Clifford builds the Castle again.\n  Bot tythandis, that scalis sone,\nCom to the Cliffurdis ere in hy,\nThat for his tynsale wes sary,\nAnd menit his men that he had slayne,\nTo byg the castell up agane,\nTharfor, as man of mekill mane,\nHe assemblit gret cumpany,\nAnd biggit up the castell swith,\nAnd made it rycht stalward and stith;\nAnd put thar-in vittale and men.\nHe left behynd hym capitane,\nAnd syne till Ingland went agane.\n[447: Is from E. C reads _Bot the tithandis war scalit sone_ (S),\nwhich leaves _Com_ (449) without a subject.]\n[448: Is from C. E has _Off this deid that Douglas has done_.]\nHow one Man and his Two Sons undertook to slay King Robert.\n[Sidenote: 1307] _Bruce in Carrick_]\n  In-to Carrik yheit wes the King,\nHe passit nocht twa hundreth men.\nBot Schir Edward his brothir then\nWes in Galloway, weill neir tharby;\nThai held the strynthis of the land;\nFor thai durst nocht yheit tak on hand\nTill our-ride the land planly.\nWes in-till Edinburgh lyand,\nThat wes wardane of the land\nUnder-neth the Inglis kyng.\nOf King Robert and his menyhe\nIn-to Carrik; and how that he\nHad slane of the Persyis men;\nAnd, with assent of his consale,\nHe send till Are, hym till assale,\nSchir Ingerame Bell, that wes hardy,\n[483: Name a misreading: see note.]\nHere the English Knight fees a Traitor.\n  And quhen Ingerame cumin wes thair,\nHim thoucht nocht speidfull for to fair\nTill assale hym in-to the hicht.\nTharfor he thoucht to wirk with slycht,                              488\nAnd lay still in the castell than,\nTill he gat spering at a man\nOf Carrik, that wes sle and wicht,\nAs of the men of that cuntre\nAnd to King Robert wes preve.\nAs he that wes his sib-man neir,\nMicht to the Kyngis presens ga.\nThe-quhethir he and his sonnis twa\nWar wonand still in the cuntre,\nThat thai war speciall to the King;\nThai maid him mony tyme warnyng,\nQuhen that thai his tynsale mycht se;\nHis name I can nocht tell perfay;\nBot I herd syndir men oft say\n*Forsuth that his ane e wes out;\n*Bot he sa sturdy wes and stout,\nThat he wes the mast dowtit man\nAnd quhen Schir Ingerame gat wittering\nForsuth that this wes no gabbing,\nEftir him in hy he sent,\nSchir Ingerame, that wes sle and wis,\nTretit with hym than on sic wis,\nThat he maid sekir undirtaking\nAnd he suld have for his service,\nGif he fulfillit thair devis,\nWeill fourte pundis worth of land\n[*: In C and H. E omits.]\n[507: C has _worthy_ (S) for _dowtit_ in E.]\nHere King Robert is in Great Peril.\n[Sidenote: 1307] _The King is Warned_]\nThe tresone thus is undirtane;\nAnd he hame till his hous is gane,\nAnd watit opportunite\nIn gret perell than wes the King,\nThat of his tresone wist na thing.\nFor he, that he trowit mast of ane,\nAnd nane may treson do titar than he\nThat man in trowis leawte.\nThe King in hym trastit; for-thi\nNa war the King, throu Goddis grace,\nGat hale wittering of his purchas,\nAnd how, and for how mekill land,\nI wat nocht quha the warnyng maid,\nBot in all tym he sic hap had,\nThat quhen men schupe him to betrais,\nAnd mony tyme, as I herd say,\nThrou women, that he wald with play,\nThat wald tell all that thai mycht here.\nAnd sua mycht happyn that it fell here.                              544\n  Bot how that evir it fell, perde,\nI trow he sall the warrar be.\nNocht-for-thi, this tratour ay\nHad in his thocht, bath nycht and day,                               548\nHow he mycht best bring till ending\nHis tresonabill undirtaking;\nTill he umbethocht him at the last,\nThat the King had in custum ay\nFor to ris airly evirilk day,\nAnd pas weill fer fra his menyhe,\nAnd seik a covert him alane,\nOr at the mast haf with him ane.\nThair thoucht he, with his sonnys twa,\nAnd syne wend to the wod away:\nBot yheit of purpos falyheit thai.\nAnd nocht-for-thi thai com all thre\nQuhar the King wes oft wount to ga,\nHis preve nedis for to ma.\nThair hid thai thame till his cummyng.\nRais quhen that his liking wes,\nAnd richt towart that covert gais,\nQuhar liand war the traitouris thre,\nTo treson tuk he than no heid:\nBut he wes wount, quhar-evir he yheid,\nHis suerd about his hals to bere;\nFor had nocht God, all thing weldand,\nSet help in-till his awne hand,\nHe had ben ded withouten dreid.\nAnd sua, forouten followis ma,\nTowart the covert can he ga.\n[577: C _all-weldand_ (S), which is a syllable short.]\nHere the Noble King slays three Traitors, Himself, Alone.\n[Sidenote: 1307] _The King Fights with Three_]\n  Now, bot God help the nobill King,\nFor that covert that he yheid till,\nWes on the tothir syde a hill,\nThat nane of his men mycht it se.\nAnd quhen he cummin wes in the schaw,\nHe saw thai thre cum all on raw\nAganis him full sturdely.\n\u201cYhone men will slay us and thai may!\n\u201cQuhat wappyn has thou?\u201d \u2018A Schir! perfay,\n\u2018I haf a bow bot and a vyre.\u2019\n\u2018How-gat will yhe than that I do?\u2019\n\u201cStand on fer and behald us to.\n\u201cGif thow seis me abovin be,\n\u201cThou sall haf wapnys in gret plente:                                600\n\u201cAnde gif I de, withdraw the soyne.\u201d\nWith thai wordis, forouten hoyn,\nHe tit the bow out of his hand,\nThe fader had a suerd but mair,\nThe tothir bath suerd and hand-ax bair,\nThe thrid a suerd had and a speir.\nThat all wes suth men till hym tald.\n\u201cTratour,\u201d he said, \u201cthou has me sald.\n\u201cCum na forthir, bot hald the thair,\n\u2018A! Schir, umbethinkis yhow,\u2019 said he,\n\u2018How neir to yhow that I suld be;\n\u2018Quha suld cum neir to yhow bot I?\u2019\n\u201cThat thou at this tym cum nocht ner,\n\u201cThou may say quhat thou will on fer.\u201d\nBot he, with fals wordis flechand,\nQuhen the King saw he wald nocht let,\nBot ay cum on fenyheand falset,\nHe tasit the vyre and leit it fle,\nTill it rycht in the harnys ran;\nAnd he backward fell doun rycht than.\nThe brothir, that the hand-ax bar,\nA gyrd rycht to the King can mak,\nAnd with the ax he him ourstrak.\nBot he, that had his suerd on hicht,\nRaucht him sic rout in randoun richt.                                632\nThat he the hed to harnis clafe,\nAnd him doun ded to the erd drafe.\nThe tothir brothir, that bare the spere,\nWith his speir, as angry man,\nIn a rais till the King he ran.\nBot the King, that him dred sum-thing,\nAnd with a wysk the hed of-strak;\nAnd or the tothir had toym to tak\nHis suerde, the King sic swak him gaiff,\nHe ruschit doune of blude all rede.\nAnd quhen the King saw thai war ded,\nAll thre lyand, he wyppit his brand.\nAnd said; \u201cOur Lord mot lovit be,\n\u201cThat grantit yhow mycht and powste\n\u201cTo fell the felony and pride\nThe King said; \u2018Sa our Lord me se!\n\u2018Thai had beyn worthy men all thre,\n\u2018Had thai nocht beyn full of tresoune;\n[586: C and H have _syde of_. E omits.]\nBOOK VI.\n  The King is went till his luging.\nAnd of his dede soyn com tithing\nTo Schir Ingerame the Umphrevell,\nHad all falyheit in-to that place.\nTharfor anoyit swa he wes,\nThat he agane to Lowdiane\nAnd till him tald all haill the cas,\nThat tharof all forwounderit was,\nHow ony man sa suddandly\nAs did the King, that, him alane,\nVengeans of thre tratouris has tane.\nHe said, \u201cCertis I may weill se\n\u201cThat ure helpis ay hardy men;\n\u201cAs be this deid yhe may weill ken.\n\u201cWar he nocht outrageous hardy\n\u201cSa smertly seyn his avantage.\n\u201cI dreid that his gret vassalage,\n\u201cAnd his travell will bring til end\n\u201cThat at men quhile full litill wend.\u201d                                24\n[7: C gives _sair_ (S): E _swa_, which is needed to correlate with\n_That_.]\n[14: C has _the thre_ (S).]\n[18: C has _by_ (S). E _be_, which is the correct Scots form.]\n[24: _It that_ in C and S.]\nHere Galloway Men seek him.\n[Sidenote: 1307] _Bruce has only Sixty Men_]\n  Sik speking maid he of the King,\nThat ay, forouten sudjornyng,\nTravalit in Carrik heir and thair.\nTill purches thame necessite\nAnd als the cuntre for to se,\nThat thai left nocht with him sexty.\nAnd quhen the Gallowais wist suthly                                   32\nThat he wes with a few menyhe,\nThai maid a preve assemble\nOf weill twa hundreth men and ma;\nAne sluth-hund with thaim can thai ta,                                36\nFor thai thoucht him for to suppris;\nAnd gif he fled on ony wis,\nTo follow him with the hunde swa,\nThat he suld nocht eschape thaim fra.                                 40\n[31: E _thai_. C _thair_ (S).]\n  Thai schupe, thame in ane evynnyng,\nSuddandly to suppris the King,\nAnd till him held thai straucht thare way.\nOn ilk syde, of thar cummyng,\nLang or thai com, had wittering,\nQuhat and how feill at thai mycht be.\nTharfor he thoucht, with his menyhe,                                  48\nTo withdraw him out of the place,\nFor the nycht neir fallyn was.\nAnd for nycht wes he thoucht that thai\nSuld nocht have sicht to hald the way                                 52\nQuhill he war passit with his menyhe.\nAnd as he thoucht rycht sua did he:\nAnd went hym doune till a marras,\nAnd in a bog he fand a place\nWeill strate, that weill twa bowdraucht was\nFra thai the wattr passit had.\n\u201cAnd rest yhow all a quhile and ly.\n\u201cI will ga wach all preuely,\n\u201cGiff I heir oucht of thar cummyng;\n\u201cI sall ger warn yhow, sua that we\n\u201cSall ay at our avantage be.\u201d\n[56: C has _On_ (S), but _cf._ line 86, where S adopts _our_ from H.]\nHere he fights alone against Two Hundred.\n[Sidenote: 1307] _The King hears a Hound_]\n[Sidenote: 1307] _Bruce beats them off_]\nThe King now takis his gat to ga,\nAnd Schir Gilbert de la Hay left he\nThar, for to rest with his menyhe.\nTo the wattir he com in hy,\nGif he oucht herd of thare cummyng;\nBot yheit than mycht he heir na thing.\nEndlang the wattir than yheid he\nAnd saw the brayis hye standand,\nThe wattir holl throu slike rynand,\nAnd fand na furd that men mycht pas\nAnd sua strate wes the up-cummyng\nThat twa men mycht nocht sammyn thryng,\nNa on na maner pres thame sua\nGa to thair feris to rest and ly;\nFor he wald wach thar com to se.\n\u201cSchir,\u201d said thai, \u201cquha sall with yhow be?\u201d                        *88\n\u201cGod,\u201d he said, \u201cforouten ma;\n\u201cPas on, for I will it be swa.\u201d\nThai did as he thame biddin had,\nQuhen he a quhile had biddin thare,\nAnd herbryit, he herd as it war\nA hundis quhistlyng apon fer,\nHe stude still for till herkyn mair,\nAnd ay the langer quhill he wes thair,\nHe herd it ner and ner cumand:\nBot he thoucht he thair still wald stand,                             92\nTill that he herd mair taknyng,\nFor, for a hundis quhestlyng,\nHe wald nocht walkyn his menyhe.\nQuhat folk thai war, and quethir thai\nHeld toward him the richt way;\nOr passyt ane othir way fer by:\nThe moyn wes schynand rycht cleirly.                                 100\nSa lang he stude, that he mycht her\nThe noyis of thaim that cummand wer.\nThan his twa men in hy send he\nAnd thai ar furth thar wayis gane;\nAnd he left thar all hym allane.\nAnd sua lang stude he herkynand,\nThe haill rowt, in full gret hy;\nThan he umbethoucht him hastely,\nGif he yheid to feche his menyhe,\nThai suld be passit the furde ilkane.\nAnd than behufit he chesit him ane\nOf thir twa, outhir to fle or de.\nConsalit hym allane to byde\nAnd kep thame at the furdis syde,\nAnd defend weill the up-cummyng,\nThat he thair arrawis thurt nocht dreid.\nAnd gif he war of gret manheid,\nHe mycht stonay thame evirilkane,\nHe did rycht as his hert hym bad;\nStark outrageous curage he had,\nQuhen he sa stoutly hym allane,\nTo ficht with twa hundreth and ma.\nThar-with he to the furd can ga.\nAnd thai, apon the tothir party,\nThryngand in-till the wattir raid,\nFor of him litill dout thai had;\nAnd raid till him in full gret hy.\nWith his spere, that richt scharply schare,\nTill he doun to the erd hym bare.\nThe laif com than in a randoune;\nCummerit thaim the upgang to ta.\nAnd quhen the Kyng saw it wes sua,\nHe stekit the hors, and he can flyng,\nThe laif with that com with a schowt;\nAnd he, that stalward wes and stout,\nMet thame richt stoutly at the bra,\nThat fiff-sum in the furd he slew.\nThe laif than sumdeill thaim with-drew,\nThat dred his strakis woundir sare,\n  Than ane said: \u201cCertis, we ar to blame;\n\u201cQuhat sall we say quhen we cum hame,\n\u201cQuhen a man fechtis agains us all?\n\u201cAs us, gif that we thusgat leif?\u201d\nWith that all haill a schout thai geve,\nAnd cryit, \u201cOn hym! he may nocht last.\u201d\nThat, had he nocht the bettir beyn,\nHe had beyn ded forouten weyn.\nBot he sa gret defens can mak,\nThar mycht no thing agane it stand.\nIn litill space he left lyand\nSa feill, that the upcom wes then\nSwa that his fayis, for that stopping,\nMicht nocht cum to the up-cummying.\n  A! deir God! quha had beyn by,\nAdressit hym agane thame all,\nI wat weill that thai suld him call\nThe best that liffit in-till his day.\nI herd nevir in na tyme gane\nAne stynt sa mony hym allane.\n[84: E gives _thai to gidder mycht lang ga_, and H similarly.]\n[: *85-92 are from C. They are not consistent with 103-106, and these\nagain are not in agreement with 295, 296. E omits the first set.]\n[92: C arranges _Bot he thair still thoucht_ (S).]\nExample: how Tydeus slew Forty-nine Men,\nAnd the Lieutenant tholed Shame and Paine.\nSuth is, quhen till Ethiocles\nWes send Thedeus in-to message\nTill ask haly the heritage\nOf Thebes till hald for a yheir,\nThai straif, for athir kyng wald be.\nBot the barnage of thar cuntre\nGert thame assent on this maner,\nAnd than the tothir, na his menyhe,\nSuld nocht be fundin in the cuntre,\nQuhill the first brothir ryngand were.\nAnde syne the first suld leif the land,\nQuhill that the tothir war ryngand.\nThus ay a yheir suld ryng the tane,\nThe tothir a yheir fra that war gane.                                196\nTo ask halding of this assent,\nThedeus wes to Thebes went;\nAnd sua spak for Polynices,\nBad his constabill with hym ta\nFifty weill armyt, and forouth ga\nTo meit Thedeus in the way,\nThe constabill his way is gane,\nAnd nyne and fourty with him has tane,\nSwa that he with thame maid fifty.\nThai set enbuschement in the way,\nQuhar Thedeus behufit away\nBetuix ane hye crag and the se.\nWist na thing, his way has tane,\nAnd toward Grece agane is gane.\nAnd as he raid in-to the nycht,\nSchynyng of scheldis gret plente;\nAnd had woundir quhat it mycht be.\nWith that all haill thai gaf a cry,\nSic noyis, sumdeill affrayit was;\nBot in schort time he till him tais\nHis spiritis full hardely;\nAssurit him in-till that neide.\nThen with the spuris he strak his steide,\nAnd ruschit in amang thame all.\nAnd syne his suerd he swappit out,\nAnd raucht about him mony a rout,\nAnd slew sex-sum weill soyn and ma,\nAnd he fell; bot he smertly rais,\nAnd, strikand, rowm about him mais,\nAnd slew of thame a quantite:\n[184: E and H give _twynnys_, _twynnes_ for _cummyn_.]\n[Sidenote: 1307] _How Tydeus overcame Fifty_]\n  With that a litill rod he fand,\nUp toward the crag strikand.\nThiddir went he in full gret hy,\nTill in the crag he clam sum-deill;\nAnd fand a place enclosit weill,\nQuhar nane but ane mycht him assale.\nThair stude he and gaf thame battale:                                244\nAnd thai assalit evirilkane;\nAnd oft fell, quhen that he slew ane,\nAs he doun to the erd wald driff,\nHe wald beir doun weill four or fiff.                                248\nThair stude he and defendit swa,\nTill he had slane thame half and ma.\nA gret stane than by him saw he,\nWas lowsyt reddy for to fall;\nAnd quhen he saw thaim cumand all,\nHe tumlit doun on thaim the stane;\nAnd aucht men tharwith has he slane,                                 256\nAnd sua stonait the remanand,\nThat thai war weill neir recryand.\nThen wald he preson hald no mare,\nAnd hewit and slew with all his mayn\nTill he had nyne and fourty slane.\nThe constabill syne can he ta,\nTo King Ethiocles, and tell\nThe aventure that thame befell.\nThedeus bare him douchtely,\n  Yhe that this redis, jugis yhe,\nQuhethir that mair suld presit be:\nThe King, that, with avisment,\nAs for to stynt, him ane but fer,\nThai folk that weill twa hundreth wer;\nOr Thedeus, that suddanly,\nThrou hardyment that he had tane,\nWan fifty men all him allane.\nThai did thair dede bath in the nycht,\nAnd faucht bath with the monys licht;                                280\nBot the King discumfit ma,\nAnd Thedeus the ma can sla.\nNow demys, quhethir mair lovyng\nIn this maner that I haf tald,\nThe King, that stout wes, stark and bald,\nWes fechtand on the furdis syde,\nTill he sic martirdome thair maid\nThat he the furde all stoppit had,\nThat nane of thame mycht till him ryde.\nThan thoucht thame foly for to byde,                                 292\nAnd halely the flicht can ta,\nAnd went hamward quhar thai com fra.\nFor the Kingis men with that cry\nCom for to seik thair lord the King.\nThe Galloway men herd thair cummyng\nAnd fled, that durst nocht byde no mair.\nFor thair lord, full spedaly\nCom to the furde, and soyn in hy\nThai fand the Kyng sytand alane,\nTo tak the air, for he wes hate;\nThan sperit thai at him of his stat;\nAnd he tald thaim all haill the cas,\nAnd how that God hym helpit sua,\nThat he eschapit haill thame fra.\nThan lukit thai how feill war ded,\nFourteyn, that slayn war with his hand.\nThan lovit thai God fast, all-weldand,\nThat thai thar lord fand haill and feir;\n\u201cDreid thair fayis, sen thair chiftane\n\u201cWes of sic hert and of sic mane,\n\u201cThat he for thame had undertane\n[288: C has _woundis wyde_ (S), but there is no hint of the King\u2019s\nwounds; _cf._ line 315. E has _rowtis roid_. H _routes red_. _Cf._,\nhowever, Bk. XV., 54, which indicates that the line is a stock one in\nboth forms.]\n[Sidenote: 1307] _True Courage is a Mean_]\nSyk wordis spak thai of the Kyng:\nAnd, for his hye undertaking\nFarlyit, and yharnyt hym to se,\nA! quhat worschip is prisit thing!\nFor it makis men to haf loving,\nGif it be followit ythandly.\nIs hard to wyn but gret travale;\nOft till defende and oft assale,\nAnd till be in thair dedis wis,\nGerris men of worschip wyn the pris.                                 332\nThat may no man haf worthyhede,\nBot he haf wit to steir his stede\nAnd se quhat is to leif or ta.\nFule-hardyment the formast is,\nAnd the tothir is cowardis:\nAnd thai ar bath for to forsak.\nAls weill thingis to leiff as ta;\nBot cowardis dois na thing sua,\nBot uterly forsakis all;\nNa war falt of discrecione.\nFor-thi has worschip sic renoune,\nThat it is mene betuix thai twa,\nAnd levis that is to leif; for it\nHas so gret warnasyng of wit,\nThat it all peralis weill can se,\nIt wald till hardyment hald haly,\nWith-thi away war the foly.\nFor hardyment with foly is wis.\nWith wit, is worschipay, per de,\nFor, but wit, worschip may nocht be.\n[325: E _perfyt_. H _a perfite_.]\n  This nobill Kyng, that we of reid,\nThat may men be this melle se.\nHis wit hym schawit the strat entre\nOf the furde, and the ysche alsua;\nHe thoucht that thai mycht nevir our-ga                              364\nApon a man that wes worthy.\nTharfor his hardyment hastely\nThoucht weill it mycht be undirtane,\nThus hardyment, governit with wit,\nThat he all tym wald sammyn knyt,\nGert him off worschipe haf the pris,\n[364: E has _That, as him thocht, war hard to ta_. H _That him thought\nwas hard to ta_.]\nHow Douglas slew Thirlwall.\n[Sidenote: 1307] _Thirlwall would seize the Castle_]\nThe King in Carrik duelt all still:\nHis men assemblit fast him till,\nThat in the land war travalande,\nQuhen thai of this deid herd tithand.                                376\nFor thai thar ure with him wald ta,\nGif he war eft assalyheit swa.\n  Bot yheit than James of Douglas\nOr ellis weill neirhand thar-by,\nIn hiddillis sum-deill prevely.\nFor he walde se his governyng,\nAnd gert mak mony a juperdy,\nTo se quhethir he wald ysche blithly.\nQuhen he persavit weill that he\nWald blithly ysche with his menyhe,                                  388\nHe maid a gaddering prevely\nOf thame that war of his party;\nThat wes so feill that thai durst ficht\nOf thame that in the castell were.\nHe schup him in the nycht to fare\nTo Sandylandis; and neir thar-by\nAnd fand a few a trayn to ma;\nThat sone in the mornyng can ta,\nCattale, that wes the castell by,\nToward thame that enbuschit ware.\nThan Thrillwall, forouten mare,\nGert arme his men forouten baid;\nAnd followit fast eftir the ky.\nHe wes arayit at poynt clenly,\nOutakyn that his hede wes bair.\nThe cattale followit he gude speid,\nRicht as a man that had no dreid,\nTill that he of thame gat a sicht.\nThan prikit thai with all thair mycht,                               412\nFollowand thame out of aray;\nAnd thai sped thame fleand, quhill thai\nFer by thar buschement war all past;\nAnd Thrillwall evir chasit on fast.                                  416\nAnd than thai that enbuschit war\nYschit till him, bath les and mar,\nAnd rasit suddandly the cry;\nThat folk sa egirly cum prikand\nBetuix thame and thair warrand,\nThai war in-to full gret affray.\nSum of thaim fled, and sum abaid:\nAnd Douglas, that thar with him had\nA gret menyhe, full egirly\nAnd in schort tym cummerit thaim sua,\nThat weill nane eschapit thaim fra.\nThrillwall, that wes thair capitane,\nAnd of his men the mast party;\nThe laif fled full affrayitly.\nDouglas his menyhe fast can chas,\nTo the castell in full gret hy;\nThe formast enterit spedely,\nBot the chassaris sped thame so fast,\nAnd thame forout mercy can sla.\nAnd quhen thai of the castell swa\nSaw thaim slay of thair men thaim by,\nAnd in hy to the wallis ran.\nJames of Douglas his menyhe than\nSesit weill hastely in hand\nTill thair reset syne went thair way.\nThusgat yschit Thrillwall that day.\nQwhen Thrillwall on this maner\nJames of Douglas and his men\nBuskit thame all sammyn then,\nAnd went thair way toward the Kyng\nThat of Vallanch Schir Amery,\nWith a full gret chevelry\nBath of Inglis and Scottis men,\nAssemblit for to seik the Kyng,\nThat wes that tym with his gaderyng\nIn Cumnok, quhar it stratest was.\nThat wes richt welcum to the Kyng.\nAnd quhen he tald had that tithing,\nHow that Schir Amer wes cumand\nWith hund and horn, rycht as he were\nA wolf, a theif, or thefis fere;\nThan said the King: \u201cIt may weill fall,\n\u201cWe sall abyde in this cuntre;\n\u201cAnd gif he cumis we sall him se.\u201d\n[373: E _ay still_.]\n[397: E _And send_.]\nHere Sir Aymer and John of Lorn follow King Robert with\na Sleuth-hound.\n[Sidenote: 1307] _Valence goes to hunt Bruce_]\n  The King spak apon this maner;\nAssemblit a gret cumpany\nOf nobill men and of worthy,\nOf Ingland and of Lowdiane.\nJohne of Lorn and all his mycht,\nThat had of worthy men and wicht\nWith him aucht hundreth men and ma.\nSa gude that change wald for na thing.\nAnd sum men sayis yheit that the King\nAs a strecour him nurist had,\nThat with his hand he wald hym feyd.\nHe followit hym quhar-evir he yheid;\nSwa that the hund hym lufit swa,\nBot how that John of Lorn him had,\nI herd nevir mencione be made.\nBot men sais it wes certane thing\nAnd throu hym thoucht the Kyng to ta;\nFor he wist he hym luffit swa,\nThat fra he mycht anys feill\nThe Kyngis sent, he wist rycht weill                                 500\nThat he wald change it for na thyng.\nThis John of Lorn hatit the King\nFor Schir John Cumyn his emys sak;\nHe wald nocht pris his liff a stra,\nWith-thi he vengeans on hym mycht ta.\nHow Sir Aymer and John of Lorn\nChased the King with Hound and Horn.\n[Sidenote: 1307] _Bruce divides his Men_]\n  The wardane than, Schir Amery,\nAnd othir of gud renoune alsua,\nThomas Randale wes ane of thai,\nCome in-till Cumnok to seik the King,\nAnd wes up in the strenthis then,\nAnd with hym weill thre hundreth men.\nHis brothir that tyme with him was,\nSchir Ameryis rout he saw,\nThat held the playn ay and the law,\nAnd in haill battale alwayis raid.\nThat thai war mair than he saw thair,\nTill thame, and nouthir ellis-quhar,\nHad ey, and wroucht unwittandly.\nBehynd thoucht to suppris the Kyng.\nTharfor with all his gaderyng,\nAbout ane hill he held his way,\nTill he so neir com to the Kyng,\nOr he persavit his cummyng,\nThat he wes cummyn on hym weill neir.\nPresit on the tothir party.\nThe Kyng wes in gret juperdy,\nThat wes on athir syde umbeset\nAnd the lest party of thame twa\nWas starkar fer na he, and ma.\nAnd quhen he saw thame pres him to,\nAnd said, \u201cLordis, we haf no mycht\n\u201cAs at this tyme for to stand and ficht.\n\u201cThar-for departis us in thre,\n\u201cAnd in thre parteis hald our way.\u201d\nSyne till his consall can he say,\nBetuix thame in-to prevate,\n[511: From E. C has _That cum in Cumnok to seik the King_ (S), which\nleaves the first group of subjects without a predicate. H has _Came\nin_.]\n[514: H _three_. E iiij, a stroke too many.]\n  With that thair gat all ar thai gane,\nAnde in thre partis thair way has tane.\nThan John of Lorn com to the plas\nAnd in his trais the hund he set,\nThat than, forouten langar let,\nHeld evyn the way eftir the Kyng,\nAnd left the tothir parteis twa,\nAs he na kepe to thame wald ta.\nAnd quhen the Kyng saw his cummyng,\nHe thoucht thai knew that it wes he:\nTharfor he bad till his menyhe\nYheit than in thre depart thame sone;\nAnd held thair way in thre parteis.\nThe hund did than sa gret mastris,\nThat he held ay, forout changing,\n[561: C has _he knew_ (S). E and H as text.]\n  And quhen the Kyng has seyn thaim sua\nAll in a rout eftir hym ta\nThe way, and follow nocht his men,\nThat thai knew him; for-thi in hy\nHe bad his men richt hastely\nScale, and ilk man hald his way\nIlk man a syndri gat is gane,\nAnd the King has with him tane\nHis forstir brothir, forouten ma,\nThe hund alwais followit the Kyng,\nAnd changit nocht for na parting,\nBot ay followit the Kyngis tras,\nAnd quhen that Johne of Lorn saw\nThe hund so hard eftir hym draw,\nAnd followit straucht eftir thai twa,\nAnd bad five of his cumpany,\nThat war richt wicht men and hardy,\nAnd als on fute spediast ware\nRyn eftir hym, and him our-ta,\nAnd lat him na wys pas thaim fra.\nHere Five Chosen Men are sent to take the King.\n  And fra thai herd had the biddyng,\nAnd followit hym so spedely,\nThat thai him weill soyn can our-hy.\nThe King than saw thame cumand ner,\nFor he thoucht, gif thai war worthy,\nThai mycht hym travale and tary,\nAnd hald hym suagat taryand\nBot had he dred bot anerly\nThame five, I trow all sekirly\nHe suld nocht haf full mekill dreid.\nHe said, \u201cYhon five ar fast cumand:\n\u201cThai ar weill neir now at our hand.\n\u201cSwa is thair ony help with the?\n\u2018Yha, Schir,\u2019 he said, \u2018all that I may.\u2019\n\u201cThou sais weill,\u201d said the Kyng, \u201cperfay.\n\u201cI se thame cumand till us neir.\n\u201cByde, quhill that I am in aynd,\n\u201cAnd se quhat fors that thai can faynd.\u201d\n[594: From E. C has _And let hym na-wis pas yhow fra_ (S), passing\nsuddenly to direct speech. H has _you_.]\n*How the King slew the five men\nThat John of Lorn sent to him then.\n[Sidenote: 1307] _Bruce and Another against Five_]\n[*: The rubric is from H, inserted at line 598. C runs on.]\n  The Kyng than stude full sturdely,\nCom with gret schoyr and mannasyng.\nThre of thame went on-to the Kyng;\nAnd till his man the tothir twa\nThe Kyng met thame that till hym socht,\nAnd till the first sic rowt he rocht,\nThat ere and cheik doun in the hals\nHe ruschyt doun all desaly.\nThe twa, that saw sa suddanly\nThair fallow fall, effrayit war,\nThe Kyng with that blenkyt him by,\nAnd saw the twa full sturdely\nAgane his man gret melle ma.\nAnd till thame that faucht with his man\nA lowp richt lychtly maid he than,\nAnd smat the hed of of the tane.\nThai com on hym rycht hardely.\nHe met the first sa egyrly,\nThat with his swerd, that scharply schare,\nQuhat strakis thai gaf I can nocht tell,\nBot to the Kyng so fair befell,\nThat, thouch he travale had and payn,\nHis fostir brothir eftir soyn\nThe fift has out of dawis done.\n  And when the King saw that all fiff\nTill his fallow than can he say,\n\u201cThou has helpit richt weill, perfay.\u201d\n\u2018It likis yhow to say sua,\u2019 said he,\n\u2018That slew four off the fyve, yhow ane.\u2019\nThe Kyng said; \u201cAs the glew is gane,\n\u201cBettir than thou I mycht it do,\n\u201cFor the twa fallowis that delt wyth the,\n\u201cQuhen thai me saw assalyheit with thre,\n\u201cOf me richt na kyn dout thai had;\n\u201cAnd for-thi that thai dred me nocht,\n\u201cNoy thaim fer out the mair I moucht.\u201d\nWith that the Kyng lukyt hym by,\nNeir, with thair sleuthhund fast cumand;\nThan till a wod, that wes neir hand,\nHe went with his fallow in hy.\n[656: C _Bot till_ (S). E gives _the_. Skeat in his note suggests to =\ntoo for _till_!]\n[657: C has _That slew four or I slew ane_ (S). E as in text, and H\nsimilarly.]\n[661: C begins _The_ (S).]\nBOOK VII.\nHow John of Lorn sought the Good King Robert Bruce with\nthe Sleuth-hound.\n[Sidenote: 1307] _Bruce takes to the Water_]\nThe Kyng toward the wod is gane,\nWery, for-swat, and will of wayn.\nIn-till the wod soyn enterit he,\nQuhar throu the wod a wattir ran.\nThiddir in gret hy went he than,\nAnd begouth to rest hym thair,\nHis man said; \u201cSchir, that may nocht be:\n\u201cAbyde yhe heir, yhe sal soyn se\n\u201cFive hundreth yharnand yhou to sla,\n\u201cAnd, sen we may nocht deill wyth mycht,\n\u201cHelp us all that we may wyth slycht.\u201d\nThe King said; \u2018Sen that thou will swa,\n\u2018Bot I haf herd oftsis say,\n\u2018That quha endlang a wattir ay\n\u2018Wald wayd a bow-draucht, he suld ger\n\u2018Tyne the sleuth men gert him ta,\n\u2018Pruf we gif it will now do swa.\n\u2018For war yhon devillis hund a-way,\nHere the Sleuth-hound lost his Scent.\n  As he devisit thai haf done,\nAnd enterit in the wattir sone,\nAnd held on endlang it thar way,\nAnd held thair way as thai did ere.\nAnd John of Lorn, with gret effere,\nCom with his rout richt to the place,\nHe menyt thame quhen he thaim saw;\nAnd said, eftir a litill thraw,\nThat he suld wenge in hy thar blude:\nThair wald he mak no mair duelling,\nBot furth in hy followit the King,\nRicht to the burn thai passit ar;\nBot the sleuth-hund maid stynting thar,                               40\nAnd waveryt lang tyme to and fra,\nThat he na certane gat couth ga;\nTill at the last than Johne of Lorn\nPersavit the hund the sleuth had lorn,                                44\nAnd said; \u201cWe haf tynt this travell;\n\u201cTo pas forthir may nocht avale;\n\u201cFor the wode is bath braid and wyde,\n\u201cTharfor I rede we turn agane,\n\u201cAnd wast no mair travale in vayn.\u201d\nWith that releyt he his menyhe,\nOr else he was Slain with an Arrow.\n[Sidenote: 1307] _The King Escapes_]\nThus eschapit the nobill Kyng.\nBot sum men sais, this eschaping\nApon ane othir maner fell\nThan throu the wading; for thai tell                                  56\nThat the Kyng a gud archer had,\nAnd quhen he saw his lord swa stad,\nThat he wes left swa anerly,\nTill he in-till the wod wes gane.\nThen said he till hym-self allane,\nThat he arest rycht thair wald ma,\nFor gif the hund mycht lest on lif,\nHe wist full weill that thai wald drif\nThe Kyngis tras till thai hym ta;\nThan wist he weill thai wald him sla.                                 68\nAnd for he wald his lord succour,\nHe put his lif in aventur.\nAnd stud in-till a busk lurkand\nQuhill that the hund com at his hand,                                 72\nAnd with ane arrow soyn him slew,\nAnd throu the wod syne hym withdrew.\nBot quhethir his eschaping fell\nI wat it weill, without lesyng,\nAt that burn eschapit the King.\nHow the Three Men that bare the Wedder Sheep thought\nto have slain King Robert Bruce.\nThe King has furth his wayis tane.\nTo Schir Amer, that fra the chas\nWith his men than reparit was,\nThat litill sped in thair chassing;\nFull egirly, thai wan bot small;\nThair fayis neir eschapit all.\nMen sais, Schir Thomas Randale than,\nQuhar-throu in Ingland wyth the Kyng\nHe had rycht gret price and lovyng.\nQuhen the chaseris releit war,\nAnd Johne of Lorn had met thaim thar,                                 92\nHe tald Schir Amer all the cas,\nHow that the King eschapit was;\nAnd how that he his fif men slew,\nQuhen Schir Amer herd this, in hy\nHe sanyt hym for the ferly,\nAnd said; \u201cHe is gretly to pris;\n\u201cThat at myscheif can help hym swa.\n\u201cI trow he suld be hard to sla\n\u201cAnd he war bodyn all evynly.\u201d\nHere Three Traitours meet the King, with a Wedder.\n  And the gud Kyng held furth his way,\nHe and his man, ay quhill that thai\nPassit owt throu the forest war;\nThat wes bath hee and lang and braid;\nAnd or thai half it passit had,\nThai saw on syde thre men cumand,\nSwerdis thai had and axis als,\nAnd ane of thame apon his hals\nA mekill bundyn weddir bare.\nThai met the Kyng, and halsit him thar:                              116\nAnd the Kyng thame thar halsing yhald,\nAnd askit thame quhethir thai wald.\nThai said, Robert the Bruce thai socht,\nTo meit with hym gif that thai mocht,                                120\nThair duelling with hym wald thai ma.\nThe King said, \u201cGif that yhe will swa,\n\u201cHaldis furth yhour way with me,\n[Sidenote: 1307] _The King goes with the Men_]\n  Thai persavit be his spekyng\nAnd his effer, he wes the Kyng.\nThai changit contenans and late,\nFor thai war fayis to the Kyng;\nAnd thoucht to cum in-to scowkyng,\nAnd duell with hym quhill that thai saw\nThai grantit till his spek for-thi,\nBot the Kyng, that wes witty,\nPersavit weill be thair havyng\nHe said; \u201cFallowis, yhe man all thre\n\u201cForthir aquynt quhill that we be,\n\u201cAll be yhour-self forrouth ga,\n\u201cSall fallow yhow behynd weill neir.\u201d\nQuod thai; \u2018Schir, it is na mysteir\n\u2018To trow in-till us any ill.\u2019\n\u201cThat yhe ga forrow us, quhill we\n\u201cBettir with othir knawyn be.\u201d\n\u2018We grant,\u2019 thai said, \u2018sen yhe will swa:\u2019\n[126: In E _That he wes the selvyn Robert king_.]\n  Thus yheid thai till the nycht wes neir.\nAnd than the formast cumin weir\nTill a wast husbandis hous; and thar\nAnd slew fyre for to rost thar met,\nAnd askit the Kyng gif he wald et,\nAnd rest hym till the met war dicht?\nAssentit to thair speke in hy:\nBot he said, he wald anerly\nBetuyx hym and his fallow be\nIn the end of the hous suld ma\nAne othir fyre; and thai did swa.\nThai drew thame in the hous end,\nAnd thai rostit in hy thair met,\nAnd fell rycht frakly for till et.\nThe King weill lang he fastyt had,\nTharfor he ete richt egyrly.\nAnd quhen he etyn had hastely,\nHe had to slepe sa mekill will,\nFor quhen the wanys fillit ar,\nThe body worthis hevy evirmar;\nAnd to slepe drawis hevynes.\nSaw that hym worthit slep neidwais;\nTill his fostir brothir he sais,\n\u201cMay I trast the me to walk,\n\u2018Yha, Schir,\u2019 he said, \u2018till I may dre.\u2019\nThe Kyng than wynkit a litill we,\nAnd slepit nocht full ynkurly,\nFor he had drede of thai thre men,\nThat at the tothir fyre war then.\nThat thai his fais war he wyst;\n[153: H _And strake_ (S). C E as text.]\n[174: E _Men worthis_.]\nHere he slew the three traitors.\n[Sidenote: 1307] _Bruce\u2019s Foster-Brother is Slain_]\n  The Kyng slepit bot litill than,\nQuhen sic a slepe fell on his man\nThat he mycht nocht hald up his e,\nNow is the King in gret perell:\nFor slepe he swa a litill quhile,\nHe sall be ded, forouten dred.\nFor the thre tratouris tuk gud hede,                                 196\nThat he on slep wes and his man.\nIn full gret hy thai rais up than,\nAnd drew thair swerdis hastely,\nQuhen that thai saw he slepit swa,\nAnd slepand thoucht thai wald hym sla.\n*Till hym thai yheid a full gret pas,\nThe Kyng blenkit up hastely,\nAnd saw cumand the tratouris thre.\nDelyverly on fut gat he,\nAnd drew his suerd out and thame met,\nApon his man weill hevaly.\nHe walkynt, and rais all desaly:\nFor the sleip maisterit hym swa,\nThat com for to sla the Kyng,\nGaf hym a strake in his rysyng,\nSwa that he mycht help hym no mair.\nThat he wes never yheit swa stad;\nNa war the armyng that he had,\nHe had beyn ded foroutyn weyr.\nHe helpit hym swa in that bargane,\nThat thai thre tratouris he has slane,\nThrou Goddis grace and his manheid.\nThan wes he wounder will of wayn,\nQuhen he saw he wes left allane.\nHis fostir-brothir menyt he,\nAnd syne his way tuk hym allane,\nAnd richt toward his trist is gane.\n[*203, 204: Not in E, but in C and H (S).]\n[210: E omits _all_.]\nHere the King goes to his Tryst.\nThe Kyng went furth wrath and angry,\nAnd held his way all hym allane,\nAnd richt toward the hous is gane,\nQuhar he set trist to mete his men;\nHe come soyn in the hous, and fand\nThe gud wif on the bynk sytand\nScho askit hym soyn quhat he wes,\n\u201cA travalland man, dame,\u201d said he,\n\u201cThat travalys heir throu the cuntre.\u201d\nScho said, \u2018All that travaland ere,\nThe Kyng said, \u201cGud dame, quhat is he\n\u201cThat garris yhow have sik specialte\n\u201cTill men that travalis?\u201d \u2018Schir, perfay,\u2019\n\u2018Gud Kyng Robert the Bruce is he,\n\u2018That is rycht lord of this cuntre.\n\u2018His fayis him haldis now in thrang;\n\u2018Hym lord and kyng our all the land,\n\u2018That na fayis sall hym withstand.\u2019\n\u201cDame, lufis thou hym sa weill?\u201d said he.\n\u201cDame,\u201d said he, \u201clo! hym her the by,\n\u201cFor I am he\u201d;--\u2018Sa yhe suthly?\u2019\n\u201cYha, certis, dame.\u201d--\u2018And quhar are gane\n\u201cAt this tyme, dame, I have no ma.\u201d\nScho said, \u2018It may no wis be swa;\n\u2018I have twa sonnys wicht and hardy,\nAs scho devisit thai have done,\nHis sworn men becom thai sone.\nThe wif gart soyn him syt and et.\nSittyn, quhen he herd gret stampyng\nAbout the hous; than, but lettyng,\nThai stert up, the hous to defend;\nJames of Douglas: than wes he blith,\nAnd bad oppyn the dures swith:\nAnd thai com in, all at thai ware.\nAnd James als of Douglas,\nThat wes eschapit fra the chas,\nAnd with the Kyngis brothir met.\nSyne to the trist that thame wes set                                 280\nThai sped thame with thair cumpany,\nThat war ane hundreth and fyfty.\n[236: E _inwith nycht_.]\nHere meets he with his Company.\n[Sidenote: 1307] _Bruce Plans a Surprise_]\n  And quhen at thai has seyn the Kyng,\nAnd askit how he eschapit was,\nAnd he thaim tald all haill the cas;\nHow the five men him presit fast,\nAnd how he met the thevis thre,\nAnd how he slepand slayn suld be,\nQuhen he walknyt, throu Goddis grace;\nSlayne, he tald thame halely.\nThan lovyt thai God all comonly,\nThat thair lord wes eschapit swa.\nTill at the last the Kyng can say;\n\u201cFortoun has travalit us this day,\n\u201cThat scalit us sa suddandly.\n\u201cOur fayis this nycht sall trastly ly;\u201d                              300\n*And fled to-waverand her and thar,\n*That we sall nocht thir dayis thre\n*Tharfor this nycht thai sall trastly.\n\u201cBut wachis, tak thair eis and ly.\n\u201cQuharfor, quha knew thair herbery,\n\u201cAnd wald cum on thame suddanly,\n\u201cWith few menyhe mycht soyn thame scath,                             304\n\u201cAnd yhet eschape withouten vath.\u201d\n\u2018Perfay,\u2019 quoth James of Douglas,\n\u2018As I com hiddirward, per-cas\n\u2018That I can bring yhow quhar thai ly.\n\u2018And wald yhe speid yhow, yheit or day\n\u2018It may sa happyn that yhe may\n\u2018Than thai us all the day has done,\n\u2018For thai ly scalit as thame lest.\u2019\nThan thocht thai all it wes the best\nAnd thai did swa in full gret hy,\nAnd com on thame in the dawyng,\nRicht as the day begouth to spryng.\n[Linenote: *301-305 not in E, running on from the second _trastly_.]\nHere the King and his Company come hastily upon their Enemies,\nand slay Many.\n[Sidenote: 1307] _Sir Aymer praises Bruce_]\nHad in toune tane thair herbry,\nWeill fra the host a myle or mair;\nMen said that thai twa thousand war.\nAnd soyn eftir thair assemblyng,\nThai, that slepand assalyheit war,\nRycht hyduisly can cry and rar;\nRan furth rycht swa effraytly,\nThat sum of thame all nakyt war,\nFleand to-waverand heir and thair;\nAnd sum thair armys with thaim drew:                                 332\nAnd thai without mercy thame slew;\nAnd swa cruell vengeans can ta,\nThat the twa part of thame and ma,\nTill thar host the remanand fled.\nThe host, that herd the noyis and cry,\nAnd saw thair men sa wrechidly\nSum haill, and sum woundit sair,\nIn-to full gret affray thai rais,\nAnd ilk man to his baner gais:\nThe Kyng and thai that with hym weir,\nQuhen thai on steir the host saw swa,\nToward thair warrand can thai ga,\nAnd quhen Schir Amery herd say\nHow that the Kyng thar men had slayn,\nAnd how thai turnit war agane,\n\u201cThat nobill hert, quhar-evir it be,\n\u201cIs hard till ourcum throu mastry.\n\u201cFor quhar a hert is rycht worthy\n\u201cAnd, as I trow, thair may na dowt\n\u201cGer it all out discumfit be,\n\u201cQuhill body liffand is and fre;\n\u201cWe wend Robert the Bruce had beyn\n\u201cSwa discumfit that, be gud skill,\n\u201cHe suld nouthir haff hert no will\n\u201cFor he wes put at undir swa\n\u201cThat he wes left all hym allane,\n\u201cAnd all his folk war fra hym gane;\n\u201cTo put of thame that hym assalit,\n\u201cThat he suld haf yharnit restyng\n\u201cMair than fechtyng or travalyng.\n\u201cSwa that it vencust may nocht be.\u201d\n[331: E _to warrand_.]\n[359: C has _all fre_ (S).]\n[371: E _This nycht atcur all othir thing_. H as in C.]\nHere Sir Aymer passes to Carlisle.\nOn this wis spak Schir Amery.\nAnd quhen thai of his cumpany\nAnd how the Kyng thar men had slane,\nThat at his larges wes all free,\nThame thoucht it wes a nyste\nSen thai mycht nocht anoy the Kyng;\nAnd said that to Schir Amery,\nThat umbethoucht hym hastely\nAnd a quhill thar-in sojorn ma;\nAnd haf his spyis on the Kyng,\nTo knaw alwais his contenyng.\nFor quhen that he his poynt mycht se,                                388\nHe thoucht that with a gret menyhe\nHe suld schute on hym sodanly.\nTharfor, with all his cumpany,\nAnd ilk man till his hous is gane.\nIn hy till Carleill went is he.\nAnd thar-in thynkis for to be\nThat than with all his gaderyng\nWes in Carrik, quhar umbestount\nHe wald went with his men till hount.\n[378: E _And that his wes gane al fre_.]\nHere the King meets three Traitors.\n[Sidenote: 1307] _Bruce taunts the Bowmen_]\nHe went till hunt, for till assay\nQuhat gammyn wes in that cuntre.\nAnd swa hapynt that day that he\nWith his twa hundis, hym allane;\nBot he his swerd ay with hym bare.\nHe had bot schort quhill syttyn thare,\nThre men with bowis in thar hand,\nThat toward hym com spedely;\nAnd he persavit that in hy,\nThat thai lufit hym na kyn thyng.\nHe rais and his leysche till him drew he,\nAnd leit his houndis gang all fre.\nFor bot he now be wis and wicht,\nHe sall be set in mekill pres.\nFor thai thre men, withouten les,\nAnd had wachit so besaly,\nTo se quhen thai vengeans mycht tak\nOf the Kyng for Jhone Cumynys sak,\nThat thai thoucht than thai laser had;                               424\nAnd, sen he hym allane wes stad,\nIn hy thai thoucht thai suld him sla:\nAnd gif that thai mycht chevis swa,\nThat thai mycht wyn the wode agayn,\nHis men, thai thoucht, thai suld nocht dreid.\nIn hy towart the Kyng thai yheid,\nAnd bend thair bowis quhen thai war neir;                            432\nAnd he, that dred in gret maneir\nThar arowis, for he nakit was,\nIn hy ane spekyng to thame mais,\n\u201cSyn I am ane and yhe ar thre,\n\u201cFor to schut at me on fer.\n\u201cBot haf yhe hardyment, cum ner\n\u201cWyn me on sic wis gif yhe may;\n\u201cYhe sall weill mair all prisit be.\u201d\n\u2018Perfay,\u2019 quod ane than of the thre,\n\u2018That we with arrowis sall the sla.\u2019\n  With that thair bowis away thai kest,\nAnd com on fast, but langar frest.\nAnd smat the first so rigorusly,\nThat he fell ded doun on the greyn.\nAnd quhen the Kyngis hounde has seyn\nHe lap till ane and can hym ta\nRicht be the nek full felonly,\nTill top our taill he gert hym ly.\nSaw he so fair succour hym maid,\nOr he that fallyn wes mycht rys,\nHe hym assalyheit on sic wis,\nThe thrid, that saw his fallowis swa\nForouten recoveryng, be slayne,\nTuk till the wod his way agane.\nAnd als the hound that wes hym by,\nQuhen he the man saw gang hym fra,\nSchot till hym soyn, and can him ta\nRicht be the nek, and till hym dreuch;                               468\nAnd the Kyng, that wes neir eneuch,\nIn his risyng sik rowt hym gaf,\nThat stane-ded till the erd he draf.\nQuhen at thai saw on sic maneir\nThe Kyng assalit sa suddandly,\nThai sped thame toward hym in hy,\nAnd he all haly can thaim tell,\nHow thai assalyheit hym all thre.\n\u201cPerfay,\u201d quod thai, \u201cwe may weill se\n\u201cSic mellyng with yhow for to mak,\n\u201cThat so smertly has slayn thir thre\n\u201cForouten hurt.\u201d \u2018Perfay,\u2019 said he,\n\u2018God and my hund has slane the twa;\n\u2018Thair tresoune cumrit thame, perfay,\n\u2018For richt wicht men all thre war thai.\u2019\n[484: Not in E, which has after 485 _The thrid eschapyt nocht alsua_.\nH as in C.]\nHere Sir Aymer sets the King in Great Jeopardy.\n[Sidenote: 1307] _Bruce is in Glentrool_]\n  Qwhen that the Kyng, throu Goddis grace                            488\nOn this maner eschapit was,\nHe blew his home, and than in hy\nHis gud men till hym can rely;\nFor that day wald he hunt no mair.\nIn Glentruell a quhile he lay,\nAnd went weill oft to hunt and play,\nFor than the deir war in sesoun.\nIn all that tyme Schir Amery,\nWith nobill men in cumpany,\nAnd quhen he herd the certante\nThat in Glentruell wes the King,\nAnd went to hunt and to playing,\nTo cum apon hym suddanly;\nFra Carleill all on nychtis ryde,\nAnd in covert on dayis byde.\nHe thoucht he suld suppris the Kyng.\nThan he assemblit a gret menyhe\nOf folk of full gret renowne.\nThair way all sammyn held thai then,\nAnd raid on nychtis so prevaly,\nTill thai com to the wode neir by\nGlentruell, quhar lugit wes the Kyng,                                516\nThat wist richt nocht of thair cummyng.\nIn-to gret perell now is he,\nFor, bot God throu his gret powste,\nFor thai war sex quhar he wes ane.\n[494: C has _all a quhile_ (S), where _all_ seems a duplication of the\npreceding syllable.]\nHow Sir Aymer Valence sent the Woman to spy King Robert in Glentrool.\n  Qwhen Schir Amer, as I herd tald,\nWith his men that wes stout and bald,\nWar bot a myle fra hym away,\nHe tuk avisment with his men,\nOn quhat maner thai suld do then.\nLugit in-to so strate a place,\nThat hors-men mycht hym nocht assale;\nAnd gif fut-men gaf hym battale,\nOf thair cummyng ma warnit be:\n\u201cTharfor I rede, all prevaly\n\u201cWe send a woman hym to spy,\n\u201cScho may ask met per cherite,\n\u201cAnd se thair covyne halely,\n\u201cAnd on quhat maner at thai ly,\n\u201cCumand throu-out the wod may be\n\u201cOn fut, all arayit as we ar.\n\u201cMay we do swa, that we cum thar\n\u201cWe sall fynd in thame no styntyng.\u201d\n[Sidenote: 1307] _The Woman Discloses the Plot_]\n  This consall thoucht thaim wes the best,\nThan send thai furth, but langar frest,\nAnd scho hir way can hald in hy\nRicht to the logis, quhar the King,\nThat had no dreid of supprising,\nThe woman has he seyn alswith,\nHe saw hir uncouth, and for-thi\nHe beheld hir mayr ynkirly,\nThat for gud cummyn wes scho nocht.\nThan gert he men in hy hir ta;\nAnd scho, that dred men suld hir sla,\nWith the Cliffurd in cumpany,\nAnd the flour of Northumbirland,\nWar cummand on thame at thar hand.\n  Quhen at the King herd that tithing,                               564\nHe armyt hym but mair duelling;\nSa did thai all that evir thar war,\nSyne in a sop assemblit ar:\nAnd quhen thai all assemblit wer,\nThe King his baner gert display,\nAnd set his men in gude aray.\nRicht at thair hand quhen at thai saw\nThair fayis throu the wod cumand,\nArmyt on fut, with sper in hand,\nThe noyis begouth soyne and the cry;\nFor the gud King, that formast was,\nStoutly towart his fayis gais,\nThat neir besyde him wes gangand,\nA bow and a braid arrow als,\nAnd hyt the formast in the hals,\nTill throppill and wassand yheid in twa,                             584\nAnd he doune to the erd can ga.\nHere were Fifteen Hundred discomfited with Few Scots.\n  The laiff with that maid a stopping;\nThan, but mair baid, the nobill King\nAnd said, \u201cApon thame! for thai ar\n\u201cDiscomfit all!\u201d and with that word\nHe swappit swiftly out his sword,\nThat all thai of his cumpany\nTuk hardyment of his gud dede.\nFor sum, that first thar wayis yhede,\nAnd met thair fayis so rigorusly,\nThat all the formast ruschit war.\nAnd quhen thai that war hendirmar\nSaw that the formast left the stede,                                 600\nThai turnit soyn the bak and fled,\nAnd of the wod thai thaim with-drew.\nThe King a few men of thame slew,\nFor thai rycht soyn thair gat can ga;                                604\nIt discomfortyt thame all swa,\nThat the King with his menyhe was\nAll armyt to defend that plas,\nThat thai wend throu thar tranonting                                 608\nTill have wonnyn for-out fichting,\nThat thai effrayit war suddanly.\nAnd he thame soucht so angyrly,\nOut of the woud ran to the plane.\nFor thai falyheit of thair entent,\nThai war that tym sa fowly schent,\nWyth fewar war rebutit swa,\nThat thai with-drew thaim schamfully.\nTharfor emang thame sudanly\nThair rais debate and gret distans                                   620\nIlkane with othir of thar myschans;\nClyffurd and Vaus maid a melle,\nQuhar Cliffurd raucht him a cole;\nBot Schir Amer, that wes wis,\nDepartit thame with mekill pane,\nAnd went till Ingland hame agane.\nHe wist, fra stryff rais thame amang,                                628\nHe suld thame nocht hald sammyn lang\nFor-outen debat or melle;\nTharfor till Ingland turnit he\nWith mar schaym than he com of toune;                                632\nQuhen sa mony of sic renoun\nSaw sa few men bid thaim battale,\nQuhar thai ne war hardy to assale.\n[605: C _discumfit_ (S), which is metrically short, and does not suit\nthe context or the sense.]\n[623: E _roucht nocht him to lee_. H _raught him routes three_, which\nso far supports the reading of the text.]\nBOOK VIII\nHow James of Douglas discomfited then\nAt Ederford Philip Mowbray with many men.\n[Sidenote: 1307] _Bruce leaves the Mountains_]\n  The King, fra Schir Amer was gane,\nGadert his menyhe evirilkane;\nAnd left bath woddis and montanis,\nAnd held his way straucht to the planys.                               4\nFor he wald fayn that end war maid\nOf that at he begonnyn had,\nAnd he wist weill he mycht nocht bring\nTo Kyle first went he, and that land\nHe maid till him all obeysand:\nThe men mast fors com till his pes.\nOf Cunyngame the mast party\nHe gert helde till his senyhory.\n  In Bothwell than Schir Amer was,\nFor thai of Cunyngame and Kyle,\nThat war obeysand till hym quhile,\nLeft the Inglis menis fewte:\nAnd send Schir Philip the Mowbray,\nWith a thousand, as I herd say,\nOf men that war in his leding,\n  Bot James of Douglas, that all tyde,\nHad spyis out on ilka syde,\nWist of thar cummyng, and that thai\nHe tuk with hym all prevely\nThame that war of his cumpany,\nThat war sexty withouten ma.\nThat is in Makyrnokis way,\nThe Edry-furd it hat perfay;\nIt lyis betuix marras twa,\nOn the south half, quhar James was,\nIs ane upgang, ane narrow plas,\nAnd on the north half is the way\n[28: C _Machyrn-noxis_.]\n[31: E _fourty_. H _sixtie_.]\n[34: E _Nether-foord_, and so in H, differing from his own rubric.]\n[Sidenote: 1307] _Mowbray escapes with Difficulty_]\n  Douglas, with thame he with hym had,\nEnbuschit hym, and thame abaid.\nHe mycht weill fer se thair cummyng,\nThai maid enbuschement all the nycht,\nAnd quhen the sone wes schynand brycht,\nThai saw in battale cum arayit\nAnd syne soyn the remanand\nThai saw weill neir behynd cumand.\nThan held thai thaim still and preve,\nWar enterit in the furde thame by;\nThan schot thai on thame wyth a cry;\nAnd with wapnys that scharply schare\nAnd sum, with arrowes barblyt braid,\nSa gret martirdome on thame maid,\nThat thai gan draw to voyd the place;\nThe way, that thai fast mycht nocht fle,\nAnd that gert of thaim mony de.\nFor thai on na syde mycht away\nWald throu thair fayis hald thar gat;\nBot that way thoucht thame all to hat.\nThair fayis met thame so sturdely,\nThat thai so dredand war at thai\nQuha first mycht fle, first fled away.\nAnd quhen the reirward saw thaim swa\nThai fled on fer, and held thair way.\nBot Schir Philip the Mowbray,\nThat with the formast rydand was,\nQuhen that he saw how he wes stad,\nThrou the gret worschip that he had,\nWith spurys he strak the steid of pris,\nThrou the thikkest of thame he raid,\nAnd but challans eschapit had,\nNe war ane hynt hym by the brand;\nBot the guid steid, that wald nocht stand,                            84\nHe lansit furth deliverly;\nBot the tothir sa stalwardly\nHeld, that the belt brist of the brand,\nThat swerd and belt left in his hand.                                 88\nAnd he but swerd his wayis raid,\nWeill otow thame, and thair abaid,\nBehaldand how his menyhe fled,\nThat war betuix him and his men;\nTharfor the wayis tuk he then\nTo Kylmernok and Killwynnyn,\nSyne throu the Largys, him allane,\nTill Ennirkyp the way has tane,\nRicht till the castell that wes then\nThat him resavit in gret dante.\nAnd fra thai wist how-gat that he\nSa fer had ryddyn, hym allane,\nThrou thame that war his fais ilkane,                                104\nThai prisit him so gretumly,\nAnd alsua lovit his chevelry.\n[59: From E (S). _Thoucht throu the wode to pass_ (C).]\nSchir Philip thus eschapit was,\nQuhar he sexty has slane and ma;\nThe laiff fouly thar gat can ga,\nAnd fled to Bothwell hame agane;\nQuhen he herd tell on quhat maner\nThat his menyhe discumfit wer.\nBot quhen to King Robert wes tald,\nVencust sa feyll with few menyhe,\nRicht joyfull in his hert wes he.\nAnd all his men confortit war:\nFor thame thoucht weill, bath les and mair                           120\nThat thai suld les thar fayis drede,\nSen thair purpos sa wyth thaim yheide.\nHere Sir Aymer urges a Fight on the Plain.\n[Sidenote: 1307] _Bruce accepts the Challenge_]\n  The Kyng lay in-to Gawlistoun,\nAnd till his pes tuk the cuntre.\nQuhen Schir Amer and his menyhe,\nHerd how he rewlit all the land,\nAnd how that nane durst him withstand,                               128\nHe wes in-till his hert angry;\nAnd with ane of his cumpany\nHe send him word ande said, gif he\nHe suld the tend day of May\nCum undir Lowdoun hill away:\nAnd gif that he wald met him thair,\nAnd mair be turnit to nobillay,\nTo wyn him in the playn away,\nWith hard dyntis in evyn fichting,\nThe King, that herd his messinger,\nHad despit apon gret maner,\nThat Schir Amer spak sa hely,\nAnd till the messynger said he;\n\u201cSa to thi lord that, gif I be\n\u201cIn lif, he sall me se that day\n\u201cThat he has said; for sekirly\n\u201cBy Lowdoun hill mete hym sall I.\u201d\n[144: C has _ernystfully_ (S). H _angerly_, agrees with E.]\nHere King Robert provides for Advantage in the Place where they should\nFight.\n  The messinger, but mair abade,\nAnd his ansuer him tald alswith;\nThan wes na neid to mak him blithe.\nFor he thoucht, throu his mekill mycht,\nThat, throu the gret chevelry\nThat suld be in his cumpany,\nHe suld swa ourcum the Kyng,\nAnd the Kyng, on the tothir party,\nThat wes ay wis and a-verty,\nRaid for to se and ches the plas,\nApon a fair feild, evin and dry;\nBot apon athir syde thar-by\nWes a gret mos, mekill and braid,\nA bowdraucht neir on athir syde:\nAnd that place thocht hym all to wyde\nTill abyde men that horsit war.\nTharfor thre dykis ourthwort he schar,                               172\nFra bath the mosis to the way:\nThat war sa fer fra othir, that thai\nWar in-twyn a bow-draucht and mar.\nThat men mycht nocht, but mekill pane,\nPas thaim, thouch nane war thaim agane.\nBot sloppis in the way left he,\nThat fyffe hundir mycht sammyn ryde\nIn at the sloppis, syde for syde.\nThar thoucht he battale for to beid,\nHad at thai suld on syde assale,\nNa yheit behynd gif him battale.\nAnd befor hym thocht weill that he\nThre deip dykis he gert thar ma;\nFor gif he mycht nocht weill our-ta\nTo met thame at the first, that he\nOr than the thrid, gif it war swa\nAt thai had passit the tothir twa.\nOn this wis him ordanit he,\nThat war sex hundreth fechtand men,\nBut rangald, that wes with him then,\nThat war als feill as thai, or ma.\nThe evyn befor the battale suld be,\nTo litill Lowdoun, quhar that he\nWald abide to se thair cummyng;\nHe thoucht to speid hym, swa that he\nSuld at the dik befor thaim be.\n[154: E _Quharof he was bath glaid and blyth_. H agrees with C.]\nHere Sir Aymer comes with his Host in Sight.\n[Sidenote: 1307] _The Splendid Array of the English_]\n  Schir Amer, on the tothir party,\nThat he mycht be thre thousand neir,\nArmyt and dicht in gud maner;\nAnd than, as man of gret noblay,\nAnd quhen the set day cumin was,\nHe sped him fast toward the place\nThat he had nemmyt for to ficht.\nThe sone wes rysyn schynand bricht,                                  216\nThat blenknyt on the scheldis braid.\nIn twa eschelis ordanit he had\nThe folk that he had in leding.\nSaw first cumand thair first eschele,\nArrait sarraly and weill,\nAnd at thair bak, sum-deill neirhand,\nThair basnetis burnyst war all brycht,\nAgane the sone glemand of licht;\nThair speris, thair pennownys, and thar scheldis\nThair best and browdyn bricht baneris,\nAnd hors hewit on seir maneris,\nAnd cot-armouris off seir colour,\nAnd hawbrekis, that war quhit as flour,                              232\nMaid thame glitterand, as thai war lik\nTill angellis he of hevinis rik.\nHere King Robert meets him with Few.\nThe King said; \u201cLordingis, now yhe se\n\u201cHow yhon men, throu thar gret pouste,                               236\n\u201cWald, and thai mycht fulfill thar will,\n\u201cSlay us, and mak sembland thar-till.\n\u201cAnd sen we knaw thair felony,\n\u201cThat the stoutest of thair menyhe,\n\u201cOf our metyng abaysit be.\n\u201cFor gif the formast egirly\n\u201cThe henmast sall abasit be;\n\u201cAnd thouch that thai be ma than we,\n\u201cThat suld abais us litill thing;\n\u201cThar may met us no ma than we.\n\u201cTharfor, lordingis, ilkane suld be\n\u201cOf worschip and of gret valour,\n\u201cThinkis quhat gladschip us abydis,\n\u201cGif that we may, as us betydis,\n\u201cHaf victour of our fayis heir!\n\u201cIn all this land that us thar dout.\u201d\nThan said thai all that stude about,\n\u2018Schir, gif God will, we sall sa do,\n\u201cThan ga we furth now,\u201d said the King,\n\u201cAnd he, that maid of nocht all thing,\n\u201cLeyd us, and sauf us for his mycht,\nWith that thai held thar way in hy,\nWeill sex hundreth in cumpany,\nStalward and stout, worthy and wicht:\nAgane so feill to stand in stour,\nNe war thair outrageous valour.\n[Sidenote: MAY 10, 1307] _The Battle of Loudoun Hill_]\nNow gais the nobill Kyng his way,\nAnd to the formast dyk is gane,\nAnd in the slop the feld has tane.\nThe cariage-men and the pouerale,\nBehynd him levit he al still,\nStandand all sammyn on the hill.\nSchir Amery the King has seyn,\nCum to the playn doune fra the hill,\nAs him thoucht in-to full gud will\nFor to defend or till assaill,\nTharfor his men confortit he,\nAnd bad thame wicht and worthy be;\nFor gif at thai mycht wyn the Kyng,\nThai suld richt weill rewardit be,\nAnd gretly ek thair renownee.\nWith that thai war weill neir the Kyng,\nAnd gert trumpe to the assemble;\nAnd the formast of his menyhe\nEnbrasit with that thar scheldis braid,\nWith hedis stowpand and speris straucht\nRicht to the Kyng thar way thai raucht;\nThat met thame with sa gret vigour,\nWar laid at erd at thair metyng;\nQuhar men mycht her sic a brekyng\nOf speris that to-fruschyt war,\nThat it anoyus wes till her.\nFor thai, that first assemblit wer,\nFunyheit and fawcht full sturdely;\nHere King Robert wins in Plain Battle.\n  A! mychty God! quha thair had beyn,\nAnd had the Kyngis worschip seyn,\nAnd his brothir that wes hym by,\nThat thair gud deid and thar bounte,\nGaiff gret confort to thair menyhe;\nAnd how Dowglas so manfully\nHe suld weill say that thai had will\nTo wyn honor and cum thair-till.\nThe Kingis men, that worthy war,\nWith thair speris that scharply schar,                               320\nStekit men and stedis bath,\nTill red blud ran of woundis rath.\nThe hors that woundyt war can fling,\nAnd ruschit the folk in thair flynging,                              324\nSwa that thai that than formast war\nWar skalyt in soppis heir and thar.\nThe King that saw thame ruschit swa,\nRan apon thaim so egirly,\nAnd dang on thame sa hardely,\nHe gert feill of his fayis fall.\nThe feld wes weill neir coverit all                                  332\nBath with slayn hors and with men;\nFor the gud King thame followit then,\nWith weill fif hundreth that wapnys bar,\nThat wald thair fayis no thing spar.                                 336\nThai dang on thame so hardely,\nThat in schort tyme men mycht se ly\nAt erd ane hundreth and wele mar;\nThan thai begouth thame to withdraw;\nAnd quhen thai of the reirward saw\nThair vawarde be sa discomfit,\nAnd quhen Schir Amer hes seyn\nHis men fleand haly bedeyn,\nWit yhe weill he wes full way;\nThat ony for him wald turne agane.\nAnd quhen he saw he tynt his pane,\nHe turnit his bridill, and to-ga:\nThat sum war dede, and sum war tane;\nThe remanand thar gat ar gane.\n[326: C _stekit_ (S) for _skalyt_.]\n[339: C _weill and_ (S).]\nHere Sir Aymer passes to England.\n[Sidenote: MAY, 1307] _The Rejoicing of the Scots_]\nThe folk fled apon this maner\nAgane to Bothwell is he gane,\nMenand the scath that he had tane;\nSa schamfull that he vencust wes,\nRicht till the King, and schamfully\nHe gaf up thar his wardanry.\nNa never syne, for na kyne thing,\nCom he to warra Scotland.\nSa hevely he tuk on hand,\nThat the King, in set battalyhe,\nVencust him with a gret menyhe,\nThat wes renownit of gret bounte.\nSic anoy had Schir Amery:\nAbaid all still in-to the plas,\nTill that his men left all the chas;\nSyne with presoners that thai had tane,\nFast lovand God of thair weillfair.\nMen mycht haf seyn, quha had beyn thair,\nA folk that mery war and glad\nFor thair victour; and als thai haid                                 380\nA lord so swet and deboner,\nSo curtas, and of sa fair effer,\nSo blith als, and so weill bowrdand,\nSo wis, and richt sua avise,\nThat thai had gret caus blith to be.\nSo war thai blith forouten dout;\nFra thai the King saw help him swa,\nTill him thar homage can thai ma.\nThan wox his power mair and mair,\nAnd he thoucht weill that he wald fair                               392\nOutour the Month with his menyhe,\nTo luk quha that his frend wald be.\nIn-to Schir Alexandir the Freser\nAnd his brothir Symon, thai twa.\nHe had myster weill of ma,\nFor he hade fais mony ane;\nSchir Johne Cumyne Erll of Bouchane,                                 400\nAnd Schir Johne the Mowbray syne,\nAnd gud Schir David of Brechyne,\nWith all the folk in thair leding,\nAnd, for he wist thai war his fayis,\nHis viage northwardis he tais;\nFor he wald se quhat-kyn ending\nHow the Good King Robert the Bruce passed North beyond the Mounth.\nThe king buskit and maid him yhar,\nNorthwardis with his men to fair.\nHis brothir can he with hym ta,\nThe Erll of Lennax als wes thar,\nThat with the King was our all quhar;\nSchir Robert Boyd and othir ma.\nAnd left James of Douglas,\nWith all the folk that with him was,\nBehynd hym, for till luk gif he\nHe left him in-to gret perill;\nBot eftir, in ane litill quhill,\nThrou his gret worschip sa he wrocht,\nThe forest of Selcryk all hale,\nAnd alsua did he Douglasdale,\nAnd Gedword forest alsua.\nTo tell his worschippis ane and ane,\nHe suld fynd of thaim mony ane.\nFor in his tym, as men said me,\nAnd victory wan sevin and fifty.\nHe semyt nocht lang ydill to ly,\nBe his travale he had na will;\n[427: E _Jedworthis_.]\nHere Sir James wins Many Men, and makes First a Train on the Castle.\n[Sidenote: 1307] _The Activity of Douglas_]\n  This James, quhen the King wes gane,\nAll prevely his men has tane,\nAnd went to Douglasdaill agane,\nTill thaim that in the castell war.\nA buschement slely maid he thair;\nAnd of his men fourteyn and ma\nFillit with gyrs, and syne thame lay\nApon thair hors, and hald thair way\nRicht as thai wald to Lanrik fair,\nAnd quhen thai of the castell saw\nSo feill ladis gang on raw,\nOf that sight war thai wondir fayn,\nThat hicht Schir Johne off Webitoune.\nHe wes bath yhoung, stout, and felloun,\nRicht joly als, and volageous;\nHe wald ysche fer the blithlyer.\nHe gert his men all tak thar ger,\nAnd yschit to get that vittale,\nFor thar vittale all fast couth fale.                                460\nThai yschit all abaundanly,\nAnd prikit furth sa wilfully\nTo win the ladis at thai saw pas,\nQuhill that Douglas with his men was                                 464\nAll betuix thame and the castell.\nThe layd-men that persavit weill\nThai kest thair ladis doun in hy,\nThat helit thame, thai kest away,\nAnd in gret hy thair hors hint thai,\nAnd stert upon thame sturdely,\nThat had gret woundir, quhen thai saw\nThaim that war ere lurkand full law,\nCum apon thame so hardely,\nAnd at the castell wald haf beyn.\nQuhen thai, on the othir haf, has seyn\nDouglas brek his enbuschement,\nThat agane thame rycht stoutly went,                                 480\nThai wist nocht quhat till do no say.\nThar fayis at thair hand saw thai,\nThat strak on thame forout sparing,\nAnd thai mycht help thaim-self no thing,                             484\nBot fled to warrand quhar thai mocht;\nAnd thai so angirly on thame socht,\nThat of thame all eschapit nane.\nSchir Jhone of Webitoun thar wes slaine;                             488\nAnd quhen he ded wes, as yhe her,\nThai fand in-till his awmener\nA letter, that him send ane lady\nThat said, quhen he had yhemyt a yher\nIn wer, as ane gud bachiller,\nThe aventurus castell off Douglas,\nThan mycht he weill ask ane lady\nHir amouris and hir drowry.\n[482: E has _on othir sid_.]\n[491: E _his coffer_.]\n[*493, *495: From C (S); not in E or H. The first is probably\nmisplaced to begin with, and the second inserted to complete the\ncouplet (see note).]\n[Sidenote: 1307] _Douglas destroys his Castle_]\n  The letter spak on this maner.\nAnd quhen thai slayn on this wis wer,                                500\nDouglas richt to the castell raid,\nAnd thair so gret debate he maid,\nThat in the castell enterit he.\nQuhethir it wes throu strinth or slicht,\nBot he wrocht swa, throu his gret mycht,\nThat the constabill and all the lafe\nHe tuk, and gaf thame dispending,\nAnd send thame hame, but mair greving,\nTill the Cliffurde in thair cuntre.\nThat he all tumlit doune the wall,\nAnd distroit the hous all:\nSyne till the Forest held his way,\nAnd mony fair poynt of wer befell;\nQuha couth thame all rehers and tell,\nHe suld say that his name suld be\n[506: E _with mekill mycht_.]\n[520: C _ranowne_ (S). H _renounie_.]\nBOOK IX\nHow Good King Robert lay Sick in Inverury.\nNow leif we in-to the Forest\nDouglas, that sall haf litil rest,\nTill the cuntre deliverit be\nAnd turne we to the nobill Kyng;\nThat, with the folk of his leding,\nToward the Month has tane the way\nQuhar Alysandir Freser him met,\nAnd als his brothir, Symon het,\nWith all the folk thai with thaim hade.\nThe Kyng gud counternans thaim maid,                                  12\nThat wes richt blith of thair cummyng.\nThai tald the King all the covyng\nOf Jhone Cumyne the Erll of Bouchane,\nThat till help him had with him tane                                  16\nSchir John Mowbra and othir ma,\nSchir David the Brechyne alsua,\nWith all the folk of thair leding,\n\u201cVengeans on yhow, Schir Kyng, to tak,\n\u201cFor Schir John the Cumynis sak,\n\u201cThat quhilom in Drumfreis wes slayn.\u201d\n\u2018I had gret caus hym for to slay.\n\u2018And syn that thai on hand will ta,\n\u2018Becaus of hym, to warra me,\n\u2018On quhat wis that thai preif thar mycht.\n\u2018And gif it fall at thai will ficht,\n\u2018Giff thai assalyhe we mon defend;\n\u2018Syne fall quhatevir that God will send.\u2019                             32\n  Eftir this spek the Kyng in hy\nHeld straucht the way till Enverrowry:\nAnd thair him tuk sic ane seiknes,\nThat put him till full hard distres,                                  36\nThat he forbare bath drink and met.\nHis men no medicine couth get\nThat evir mycht to the King availyhe.\nThat he mycht nouthir ryde no ga.\nThan, wit yhe weill his, men wes wa!\nFor nane wes in that cumpany,\nFor till half seyn his brothir ded\nLyand befor hym in that sted,\nAs thai war all for his sekness;\n  But gud Schir Edward the worthy,\nHis brothir that wes so hardy,\nAnd wis and wicht, set mekill payn\nAnd quhen the lordis that war thair\nSaw that the evill ay mair and mair\nTravalit the King, thai thoucht in hy\nFor thair all playn wes the cuntre,\nAnd thai war bot ane few menyhe\nTo ly, but strinth, in-to the playn.\nWar coverit of his mekill ill,\nThai thoucht to wend sum strinth soyn til.\n[Sidenote: 1307] _The Importance of a Captain_]\n  For folk for-outen capitane,\nSall nocht be all so gud in deid,\nAs thai ane lord had thame to leid,\nThat dar put him in aventure,\nThat God will send: for quhen that he\nIs of sic will and sic bounte,\nThat he dar put him till assay,\nOf his gud deid and his bounte,\nThat ane of thame sall be worth thre\nOf thame that wikkid chiftane has;\nThat thai thair manlynes sall tyne\nThrou wrechidnes of his covyne.\nFor quhen the lord at thame suld leid,\nOr fra his folk haldis his way\nFleand, trow yhe nocht than that thai\nSall vencust in thair hertis be?\nBot gif thair hertis be so hye\nThai will nocht for thair worschip fle.\nAnd thouch sum be of sic bounte,\nSeis fle, yhit sall thai fle a-payn;\nFor all men fleis the ded richt fayn.\nSe quhat he dois, that swa fowly\nBath him and his, vencust is he,\nAnd gerris his fayis abovin be.\nBot he that, throu his gret nobillay,\nFor to reconfort his menyhe,\nGerris thame be of so gret bounte,\nThat mony tym unlikly thing\nThai bring richt weill to gud ending.                                100\n  So did this King that I of reid,\nAnd, for his outrageous manheid,\nConfortit his men on sic maneir,\n*Thai wald nocht ficht quhill that he wes\nLiand in-till sic seiknes;\nTharfor in littar thai him lay,\nAnd till the Slevach held their way,\nAnd thoucht thair in that strinth to ly,                             108\nTill passit war his malady.\nHere the Earl of Buchan gathers against the King.\n[Sidenote: NOV.-DEC. 1307] _Skirmishing at Slevach_]\nBot fra the Erll of Bouchane\nWist that thai war thiddir gane,\nThat men doutit of his coveryng,\nHe send eftir his men in hy,\nAnd assemblit gret cumpany.\nAnd als frendis with him war;\nThat wes Schir Johne the Mowbray,\nAnd his brothir, as I herd say,\nWith fele folk in thair leding.\nAnd quhan thai all assemblit war,\nIn hy thai tuk thair way till fair\nFor till assaill the King, that then\nWes liand in-till his seiknes.\nThis was eftir the Martymes,\nTo the Slevach thai com neirhand,\nArayit on thair best maneir.\nAnd than the Kingis men, that wer\nTill defend, gif thai thame assalit.\nAnd nocht-for-thi thair fayis war\nAy twa for ane that thai war thair.\nTrumpand and makand mekill fair,\nAnd maid knychtis quhen thai war neir.\nAnd thai, that in the wodsyde weir,\nAnd thoucht to byde thair hardely\nThe cummyng of thair enymys.\nBot thai wald apon nakyn wis\nYsche till assale thame in fichting,                                 144\nTill coverit war the nobill Kyng.\nBot gif othir wald thame assalyhe,\nThai wald defend, avalyhe que valyhe.\n[147: E _vailyhe quod vailyhe_.]\nSaw that thai wroucht so besaly,\nThat thai that strinth schup to defend,\nThair archaris furth to thame thai send\nAnd thai send archaris thame agayn,\nThat bykkirrit thame so sturdely,\nTill thai of the Erlis party\nIn-to thair battale withdrawin war.                                  156\nThre dayis on this wis lay thai thar,\nAnd bikkirrit thame evirilke day:\nBot thar bowmen the wer had ay.\nSaw thair fayis befor thame ly,\nThat ilka day wox ma and ma,\nAnd thai war quhoyn, and stad war swa\nBot gif thai travalit it to get,\nTharfor thai tuk consale in hy\nThat thai wald thar no langer ly,\nBot hald thair way quhar thai mycht get,                             168\nTill thaim and thairis vittale and met.\n  In a littar the Kyng thai lay,\nAnd redyit thame and held thar way,\nThat all thair fayis mycht thame se;                                 172\nIlk man buskit in his degre,\nTo ficht gif thai assalyheit war.\nIn myddis thame the King thai bair,\nAnd nocht full gretly can thame hy.\nThe Erll, and thai that with him war,\nSaw that thai buskit thame to fair;\nThai held furth with the King thar way,\nReddy to ficht quha walde assale,\nThair hertis all begouth to fale,\nAnd till thair hous hame went thai.\nHow the King discomfited at Inverury\nThe Earl of Buchan shamefully.\n[Sidenote: DEC. 23, 1307] _Brechin attacks at Inverury_]\nThe Erll his way tuk to Bouchane;\nAnd Schir Edward the Broys is gane\nAnd swa lang thair maid sojornyng,\nTill he begouth to cover and ga,\nAnd syne thair wayis can thai ta\nFor thai wald ly in-till the plane,\nThe wyntir sesoune; for vittale\nIn-to the playn mycht nocht thame fale.\nAnd gaderit his menyhe heir and thar,\nBrechyne, Mowbra, and thair men,\nAll to the Erll assemblit then,\nOf men arayit jolely.\nTill Ald Meldrom thai held the way,\nAnd thar with thair men lugit thai,\nBefore Yhoill-evyn ane nycht bot mair;                               204\nAnd thousand, trow I weill, thai war.\nThai lugit thame all thair that nycht;\nAnd on the morn, quhen day wes licht,\nIs went towart Inverrowry,\nTo luk gyff he on ony wys\nMycht do skaith till his ennemys.\nHe com ridand so suddandly,\nThat of the Kingis men he slew\nA part, and othir-sum thaim withdrew,\nThat, with the mast of his gaderyng,\nOn yhond half doun wes than lyand.\nAnd quhen men tald him the tithand,\nHis hors in hy he askit then,\nAnd bad his men all mak thame yhare\nIn-to gret hy, for he wald fare\nWith that he buskit for to ris,\nThat wes nocht all weill coverit then.\nThen said sum of his preve men;\n\u201cQuhat think yhe, Schir, thusgat to fair                             228\n\u201cTo ficht, and yheit nocht coverit ar?\u201d\n\u2018Yhis,\u2019 said the Kyng, \u2018forouten wer;\n\u2018Thair bost has maid me haill and fer.\n\u2018Haff coverit me, as thai haf done.\n\u2018Tharfor, sa God him-self me se!\n\u2018I sall outhir haf thaim, or thai me.\u2019\nSet him so haill for the fechting,\nOf his covering all blith thai war,\nAnd maid thame for the battale yhar.\n[210, 211: C omits; in E and H.]\nHere the Earl of Buchan flies, and Sir David Brechin yields himself to\nthe King.\nThat mycht weill neir sevin hundreth be,\nToward Ald Meldrome tuk the way,\nQuhar the Erll and his menyhe lay.\nThe discurrouris saw thame comande                                   244\nWith baneris to the wynd wafand;\nAnd tald it to thar lord in hy,\nThat gert arm his men hastely,\nBehynd thame set thai thar merdale,\nAnd maid gude sembland for the ficht.\nThe King com on with mekill mycht;\nTill thai neir at assemble war.\nBot quhen thai saw the nobill King\nCum stoutly on without stinting,\nA litill on bridill thai thaim with-drew;                            256\nAnd the King, that rycht weill knew\nThat thai war all discumfit neir,\nPressit on thame with his baneir;\nAnd thai with-drew thaim mair and mair.                              260\nAnd quhen the small folk thai had thar,\nSaw thair lordis with-draw thame swa,\nThai turnit thar bak all, and to-ga;\nThe lordis, that yheit to-giddir war,\nSaw that thair small folk war fleand,\nAnd saw the Kyng stoutly cumand,\nThat thai the bakkis gaf, and to-ga.\nA litill stound sammyn held thai,\nAnd syne ilk man has tane his way.\n[257: E gives _rycht_ (S). C has _thame_.]\n[Sidenote: DEC. 23, 1307] _Buchan is Defeated_]\nEftir so sturdy cuntyrnans.\nFor quhen the Kyngis cumpany\nSaw at thai fled so fowlely,\nThai chasyt thame with all thar mayn,                                276\nAnd sum thai tuk, and sum war slayn.\nThe remanand war fleand ay;\nQuha had gud hors gat best away!\nTill Ingland fled the Erll of Bouchane,                              280\nSchir Johne Mowbray is with him gane,\nAnd war resettit with the King.\nBot thai had bath bot schort lesting,\nAnd Schir David of Brechyne\nFled to Brechine, his awn castele,\nAnd warnyst it bath fair and wele.\nHis sone that wes in Kyldromy,\nCom syne, and him assegit thar.\nAnd he, that wald hald weyr no mair,\nCom syne his man with gud treting.\nHere the King burns all Buchan, and gets the Castle of Forfar\nand destroys it.\nNow ga we to the King agane,\nThat of his victor wes richt fane,\nFra end till end, and sparit nane;\nAnd heryit thame on sic maneir,\nThat eftir that, weile fifty yheir,\nMen menyt \u201cthe heirschip of Bouchane.\u201d                               300\nThe King than till his pes has tane\nThe north cuntre, that humylly\nObeysit till his senyhory.\nSwa that be north the Month war nane                                 304\nThat thai ne war his men ilkane.\nHis lordschip wox ay mair and mair.\nToward Angus than couth he fair,\nApon north half the Scottis Se.\nThe castell of Forfer wes then\nStuffit all with Inglis men.\nHas of his frendis with him tane,\nAnd with ledderis all prevely\nTo the castell he can hym hy,\nAnd swagat has the castell tan,\nThrou falt of wach, with litill payn.\nAnd syn all that he fand has slayn:\nThat maid hym richt gud rewarding,\nAnd syne gert brek doune the wall,\nAnd fordid well and castell all.\n[299: C _neir fifty_ (S). E _weile_.]\n[309: Skeat reads _Apon_ from _All on_ in C; _cf._ lines 329, 460. E\nhas _That wes on the_: H similarly.]\nHow Good King Robert the Bruce besieged the Town of Perth.\n[Sidenote: JAN. 1313] _Perth is too Strong for Assault_]\nAnd all the towris tumlit war\nDoun to the erd, as I haf tald,\nThe wis king, that wes wicht and bauld,\nThat thoucht that he wald mak all fre                                328\nApon north half the Scottis Se,\nTill Perth is went with all his rout,\nAnd umbeset the toune about,\nBot quhill it mycht haf men and met,\nIt mycht nocht, but gret payn, be tane\nFor the wallis war all of stane,\nAnd that tym war thar-in duelland\nMoffat, and als Olyfard;\nThai twa the toun had all in ward.\nBot his sone and of his men war\nWithout, in-to the Kingis rout.\nThar wes oft bikkyrring stith and stout,\nBot the gud King, that all vitty\nWe in his dedis evirilkane,\nSaw the wall so stith of stane,\nAnd how the toun wes hard to ta\nWith oppyn assale, be strinth or mycht,\nTharfor he thoucht to wirk with slicht.\nHe spyit, and slely gert assay\nQuhar of the dik the schawdest was;\nTill at the last he fand a place\nThat men mycht to thair schulderis waid.                             356\nAnd quhen he that place fundyn had,\nHe gert his menyhe busk ilkane,\nQuhen sex woukis of the sege wes gane.\nAnd left the sege all oppinly,\nAnd furth with all his folk can fair,\nAs he wald do thar-to no mair.\n[338: C has _Olifert_ (S), but _Olifard_ on record as in E.]\n[359: C gives _owkis_ (S).]\nHere he gets it with Jeopardy.\nQuhen thai to fair so saw him boune,\nThai schowtit hym and scornyng maid;\nAnd he furth on his wayis raid,\nNa besyde thame to mak sojorne.\nBot in aucht dais nocht-for-thi,\nHe gert mak ledderis prevely,\nThat mycht suffice till his entent,                                  372\nAnd in a myrk nycht syne is went\n*Toward the toun with his menyhe.\n*Bot hors and knafis all left he\n*Thair ledderis, and on fut are gane\nToward the toune all prevely.\nThai herd no wachis spek no cry:\nAs men that drede nocht, slepit all.\nThai had no dreid than of the King,\nFor thai of hym herd no tithing\nTharfor sekir and trast thai war.\nAnd quhen the King herd thame nocht steir,\nHe wes blith apon gret maneir;\nEnsampill till his men till ma,\nArayit weill in all his geir,\nSchot in the dik, and with his speir\nBot till his throt the wattir stude.\n[*374-*377: Four lines from C and H. E omits for usual reason.]\n[Sidenote: JAN. 1313] _Perth is captured_]\n  That tym wes in his cumpany\nA knycht of France, wicht and hardy;\nSaw the King pas, and with him ta\nHis leddir unabasitly,\nHa sanyt him for the ferly,\n\u201cOf our lordis of France, that ay\n\u201cWith gud morsellis farsis thair panch,\n\u201cAnd will bot et and drynk and dance,\n\u201cAs this is throu his chevelry,\n\u201cIn-to sic perill has hym set,\n\u201cTo wyn ane wrechit hamlet?\u201d\nAnd our eftir the Kyng he wan.\nAnd quhen the Kyngis menyhe saw\nThar lord pas our, in-till a thraw\nThair ledderis to the wall thai set;\nAnd to clym up fast pressit thai;\nBot the gud Kyng, as I herd say,\nWas the tothir man that tuk the wall,                                412\nAnd baid thair, till his menyhe all\nWar cummyn our in full gret hy;\nYheit rais thar nouthir nois nor cry.\nThat of thame first persaving had,\nSo that the cry rais throu the toune;\nBot he, that with his men wes boune\nAnd the mast of his menyhe sent\nAll scalit throu the toun, bot he\nHeld with him-self a gret menyhe,\nTo defend, gif he war assayit.\n  Bot thai, that he send throu the toune,\nPut soyn to gret confusioune\nOr scalit, fleand heir and thair;\nThat, or the sone rais, thai had tane\nThair fayis, or discumfit ilkane.\nAnd Malis of Strathern is gane\nTill his fader, the Erll Malis,\nAnd with strinth tuk him and all his;\nGaf hym his land in governyng.\nThe laif, that ran out throu the toune,\nSesit to thame in gret fusioune\nAnd othir gudis on syndri wis;\nQuhill thai, that war eir pouer and bare,\nOf that gude rych and mychty war.\nBot thair wes few slayne; for the King,                              444\nHad gevin thame in commandyng,\nOn gret payn, thai suld slay nane,\nThat, but gret bargane, mycht be tane;\nHe wist, and had of thame pite.\nOn this maner the toun wes tane.\nAnd syne the towris everilkane\nHe levit nocht about that toune\nTour standand, stane no wall,\nThat he na haly gert distroy all.\nHe send quhar thai mycht haldin be,\nAnd till his pes tuk all the land;\nWes nane that durst him than withstand.\nHere All Scots obey the King except Lorn.\nObeysit all till his majeste,\nOutane the Lord of Lorn, and thai\nOf Argile that wald with him ga.\nAnd hatit hyme atour all thing.\nBot yheit, or all the gammyn ga,\nI trow weill that the King sall ta\nAnd that him sair repent sall he,\nThat he the King contraryit ay,\nMay fall, quhen he no mend it may.\nHere Sir Edward Bruce is much commended.\n[Sidenote: JUNE 1308] _Edward Bruce is in Galloway_]\n  The Kingis brothir, quhen the towne                                472\nWes takyn thus and doungyn doune,\nSchir Edward, that wes so worthy,\nTuk with him a gret cumpany,\nFor with his men he walde assay\nGif he recover mycht that land,\nAnd wyn fra Inglis mennys hande.\nWes of his handis a nobill knycht,\nAnd in blithnes swet and joly;\nBot he wes outrageous hardy,\nThat he had nevir none abasing\nOf multitude of men; for-thi\nHe discumfit commonly\nOutour his peris renowne.\nAnd quha rehers wald all his deid,\nOf his hye worschipe and manheid\nAnd, nocht-for-thi, I think till tak\nOn hand off hym to say sum thing,\nBot nocht the tend part his travaling.\nWith all the folk that with hym weir,\nWeill soyn to Galloway cummyn is,\nAll that he fand he maid it his;\nBot than in Galloway war wonnand\nSchir Ingerame Umphrevell, that wes\nRenownit of so hye prowes,\nThat he of worschip passit the rout:                                 504\nTharfor he gert ay ber about\nApon a sper ane red bonat,\nIn-to the takyn that he wes set\nOf Sanct Johne als Schir Amery.\nThai twa the land had in stering,\nAnd quhen thai herd of the cummyng\nOur-raid the land, than in gret hy\nThai assemblit all thair menyhe.\nI trow twelf hundreth thai mycht be.\nHere Sir Edward Bruce discomfits the Englishmen at Cree.\nBesyde Cre, and so hard thame set,\nWith hard battale in stalwarde ficht,\nThat he thame all put to the flicht,\nAnd the chiftanis in hy can ta\nThair way to Buttill, for till be\nResavit in-to gude savite.\nAnd Schir Edward thame chasit fast;                                  524\nBot till the castell at the last\nGat Schir Ingerame and Schir Amery;\nBoth the best of thair cumpany\nAnd quhen Schir Edward saw the chas\nWes falit, he gert seys the pray;\nA swa gret cattell had away,\nOf Buttill tour thai saw how he\nGert his men drif with him thar pray,\nBot no let set tharin mycht thai.\n[Sidenote: JUNE 1308] _Umfraville thinks to surprise Edward_]\nGalloway wes stonayit gretumly,\nAnd doutit hym for his bounte.\nSum of the men of the cuntre\nBoth Schir Amery, that had the scath\nOf the bargane I tald of er,\nRaid till Ingland, and purchast ther\nTo venge hym of the velany\nThat Schir Edwarde, the nobill knycht,\nHim did by Cre in-till the ficht.\nWeill fyftene hundreth men and mar,\nThat war of rycht gude renowne.\nHis way with all that folk tuk he,\nHe enterit with that chevelry;\nThinkand Schir Edward to suppris,\nGif that he mycht on ony wis:\nOr that he left, in playn batale.\nNow may yhe heir of gret ferly,\nAnd of richt hye chevelry.\nWes with his menyhe neir at hand;\nAnd in the mornyng richt airly\nHe herd the cuntre men mak cry,\nAnd had wittering of thair cummyng.                                  564\nThan buskit he him but delaying.\nAnd lap on hors deliverly.\nHe had than in his rowt fifty,\nHis small folk gert he ilk deill\nWith-draw thame till a strate neir by:\nAnd he raid furth with his fifty.\nHere he discomfits far more manfully, that is to say, Fifteen\nHundred with Fifty.\nWorthy and wicht, stalward and stout,\nCurtas and fair, and of gude fame,\nSchir Alane of Catkert be name,\nGret myst in-to the mornyng fell,\nSwa that men mycht nocht se thaim by,\nFor myst, ane bow-draucht fullely.\nQuhar at the rout furth passit was\nOf thair fayis, that forouth raid.\nSchir Edward, that gret yharnyng had\nWith all his rout in full gret hy,\nFollowit the tras quhar gane war thai:\nAnd, before myd-morne of the day\nThan he and all his cumpany\nWar nocht ane bow-draucht fra the rout.\nThan schot thai on thame with a schout;\nFor gif thai fled, thai wist that thai                               592\nSuld nocht weill ferd part get away.\nTharfor in aventure till de\nHe wald him put or he wald fle.\nSaw on thame cum so suddanly\nSic folk, forouten abasing,\nThai war stonayit for affraying.\nSo hardely emang thame raid,\nThat fele of thame to erde thai bare.\nRicht gretly thus stonayit thai ware\nThat thai war in-to gret affray,\nAnd wend be fer thai had beyn ma,\nFor that thai war assalyhit swa.\nQuhen thai had thrillit thame hastely,\nSet stoutly in the hedis agane,\nAnd at that cours borne doun and slane\nThat than affrait war so gretly,\nThat thai war scalit gretly then.\nAnd quhen Schir Edward and his men\nThe thrid tyme on thame prikid thai.\nAnd thai that saw thame so stoutly\nCum on thame, dred thame gretumly,\nThat all thair rout, bath les and mair,                              620\nFled, ilkane scalit, heir and thair.\nWes nane emang thame so hardy\nTo byde, bot all comonly\nThat wilfull till distroy thame was:\nFor sum he tuk, and sum war slayn,\nBot Schir Amery with mekill payn\nHis men discumfit war ilkane;\nSum tane, sum slayn, sum gat away.\nThis wes a richt fair point, perfay!\n[575: C _Carcat_: S adopts _Catcart_.]\nSir Edward Bruce in a Year won Thirteen Castles.\n[Sidenote: 1308] _Edward Bruce subdues Galloway_]\nAnd drivin syne till end scharply,\nMay ger oft-sis unlikly thyngis\nCum to richt fair and gud endingis!\nFor hardyment, withouten weir,\nWan fyftene hundreth with fifty,\nQuhar ay for ane thai war thretty:\nBot ure thame led on sic maner,\nThat thai discumfit war ilkane.\nSchir Amery hame his gate is gane,\nI trow he sall nocht mony day\nHave will to warra that cuntre,\nWith-thi Schir Edward tharin be!\nThame that rebelland war warrand,\nAnd in a yheir so warrait he,\nThat he wan quytly that cuntre\nBot that wes nocht but hard fichting.\nFor in that time thair him befell\nMony fair poynt, as I herd tell,\nThe quhilk that ar nocht writin heir.                                656\nBot weill I wat that, in that yheir,\nThretten castellis with strynth he wan,\nAnd ourcom mony a mody man.\nHad he had mesur in his deid,\nI trow that worthyar than he\nMicht nocht in his tyme fundyn be,\nTo quhom, in-to gude chevelry,\nI dar peir nane wes in his day.\nFor he led hym with mesure ay,\nHe governit ay sa worthely,\nThat he oft full unlikly thing\nBrocht rycht weill to gud ending.\n[666: E _Lyk wes nane in his day_. Neither reading is quite\nsatisfactory. Skeat puts a comma after _nane_, but what, then, is the\nsubject of _wes_? Is it not a suppressed relative?--that? _Cf._ x. 86.]\n[671: C omits _rycht_ and inserts _full gud_. Skeat adopts both, but\none is surely superfluous.]\nHere Sir James Douglas meets with Sir Alexander Stewart, Lord Bonkill.\nIn the Forest travaland was,\nAnd it throu hardiment and slicht\nOccupyit, magre all the mycht\nOf his feill fayis, the-quhethir thai                                676\nSet him full oft in hard assay.\nBot oft throu wit and throu bounte\nHis purpos to gud end brocht he.\nA nycht, as he travaland was,\nAnd thought for till have tan restyne\nIn a hous on the wattir of Lyne;\nNeirhand the hous, swa lisnyt he,\nAnd herd thair sawis ilke deill,\nAnd be that he persavit weill\nThat nycht thar-in herberyit wair.\nAnd as he thoucht it fell, per cas;\nFor of Bonkill the lord thar was,\nWith othir ma of gret bounte,\nThomas Randole of gret renown,\nAnd Adame alsua of Gordoun,\nAnd thoucht in the Forest to ly,\nAnd occupy it throu thar gret mycht,\nBath with travale and stallwart ficht,\nBot othir wayis than yheid the gle.\n[686: E has _And herd ane say tharin, \u201cThe devill!\u201d_ H like C.]\n[Sidenote: 1308] _Randolph is Taken_]\n  For quhen James had witteryng\nThat strange men had tane herbreyng\nHe till the hous went hastely,\nAnd umbeset it all about.\nQuhen thai within herd sic a rout\nAnd tuk thair geir rycht hastely,\nAnd schot furth, fra thai harnast war.\nThair fayis thaim met with wapnys bar,\nAnd thai defendit douchtely\nWith all thair mycht, till at the last\nThar fais pressit thame so fast,\nThat thair folk falyheit thame ilkane.                               716\nThomas Randoll thar wes tane;\nAnd Alexander Stewarde alsua\nWes woundit in a place or twa.\nQuhat throu slicht and quhat throu mycht,\nEschapit, and feill of his men;\nBot thai that war arestit then,\nBot nedlyngis thame behufit be swa.\nHere Sir James Douglas comes to the King with Sir Alexander\nStewart and Thomas Randolph.\n  That nycht the gud lord of Douglas\nMaid to Schir Alysander, that was\nSa did he als, forouten weir,\nTill Thomas Randole, for that he\nWes till the King in neir degre\nAnd on the morn, forouten mare,\nToward the nobill King he raid,\nAnd with him bath thai twa he had.\nAnd thankit him tharof feill sith.\nAnd till his nevo can he say,\n\u201cThou has a quhill renyit thi fay;\nThen to the King soyn anseurd he,\nAnd saide, \u2018Yhe chasty me, bot yhe\n\u2018Aw bettir chastyit for till be.\n\u2018Of Ingland in-to playn fichting\n\u2018Yhe suld pres till derenyhe yhour richt,\n\u2018And nocht with voidre na with slicht.\u2019\n\u201cCum, or oucht lang, to sic assay.\n\u201cBot sen thou spekis so ryaly,\n\u201cIt is gret skill at men chasty\n\u201cThi prowd wourdis till at thou knaw                                 752\n\u201cThe richt, and bow it as thou aw.\u201d\nThe King, for-out mair delaying,\nSend hym to be in ferm keping,\nNocht all apon his awn pouste.\nBOOK X\nHere the King passes against John of Lorn.\n[Sidenote: 1308] _John of Lorn occupies a Pass_]\nQwhen Thomas Randol, on this wis\nWes takyn, as I heir devis,\nAnd send to duell in gud keping,\nThe gud King, that thoucht on the scath,\nThe dispit and felony bath,\nThat John of Lorne had till him done,\nAnd toward Lorn he tuk the way,\nWith his men in-to gude aray.\nBot Johne of Lorn of his cummyng,\nAnd men on ilk syde gaderit he,\nI trow twa thousand thai mycht be;\nAnd send thame for to stop the way,\nAnd that wes in ane evill place,\nThat so strat and so narrow was,\nThat twa men sammyn mycht nocht ryde\nThe nethir half wes perelous;\nFor a schoir crag, hye and hyduous,\nRaucht till the se, doun fra the pas.\nSo cumrous and ek so stay,\nThat it wes hard to pas that way.\nCrechanben hecht that montane.\nAye hyer hill may fundyn be.\nThar Johne of Lorne gert his menyhe\nEnbuschit be abovyn the way;\nHe thoucht he suld soyn vencust be;\nAnd hym-self held hym on the se,\nWeill neir the pas with his galays.\nWes fundyn wis and averte,\nPersavit thair subtilite,\nAnd that he neid that gat suld ga.\nAnd to the gud lorde of Douglas,\nQuham in all wit and worschip was,\nHe taucht the archaris evirilkane.\nSchir Alysander Freser the wicht,\nAnd Williame Wisman, a gud knycht,\nAnd with thame gud Schir Androu Gray:\nThir with thair menyhe held thar way,                                 48\nAnd clam the hill delyverly.\nAnd, or thai of the tothir party\nPersavit thame, thai had ilkane\nHere the King meets with John of Lorn\u2019s Company.\n[Sidenote: 1308] _The Fight for the Bridge_]\n  The King and his men held thar way,\nAnd quhen in-to the pas war thai\nEnterit, the folk off Lorne in hy\nAnd schot, and tumlit on hym stanys,\nRicht gret and hevy for the nanys.\nBot thai scathit nocht gretly the King;\nMen that licht and delyver war,\nAnd licht arming had on thaim thar,\nSwa that thai stoutly clam the hill,\nAnd lettit thair fayis to fullfill                                    64\nThe mast part off thar felony.\nAnd als, apon the tothir party,\nCom James of Douglas and his rout,\nAnd woundit thame with arrowis fast.\nSyne with thair swerdis, at the last,\nThai ruschit emang thame hardely.\nGrete and apert defens can ma.\nBet quhen thai saw at thai war swa\nAssalyheit apon twa parteis,\nHad all the farer off the ficht,\nIn full gret hy thai tuk the flicht.\nAnd thai a felloun chas can ma,\nAnd thai that mycht eschap, perfay,\nRicht till ane wattir held thair way,\nThat ran doun by the hillis syde,\nAnd wes rycht styth, bath deip and wyde,                              84\nThat men in na place mycht it pas\nBot at ane brig beneth thaim was.\nTo that brig held thai fast thair way,\nBot thai that chassit, quhen thai thaim saw,\nMak thair arest, but dreid or aw\nThai ruschit apon thame hardely,\nAnd held the brig haill, quhill the King,\nWith all the folk of his leding,\nPassit the bryg all at thair ese.\nTill Johne of Lorne it suld displese,                                 96\nI trow, quhen he his men mycht se,\nOut of his schippis fra the se,\nBe slayn and chassit fra the hill,\nFor it angeris als gretumly,\nTo gud hertis that ar worthy,\nTill se thair fais fulfill thair will,\n[72: C _manfully_ (S), which is not a rhyme.]\n[81: E _but delay_.]\nHere the King besieges and wins Dunstaffnage Castle.\nAt sic myscheiff war thai of Lorne;\nFor feill the lyffis thair has lorne,\nAnd othir sum thai flede away.\nOf all the land; quhar men mycht se\nSo gret aboundans cum off fe,\nThat it war woundir till behald.\nThe King, that stout wes, stark and bald,                            112\nTill Dunstaffynch richt suddanely\nHe past, and segit it sturdely\nAnd assalyheit, the castell to get.\nIn sic thrang, that tharin war than,\nThat, magre tharis, he it wan,\nAnd a gud wardane thair-in set,\nSwa that he thair lang tym mycht be,\nMagre thaim all of that cuntre.\nSchir Alexander of Argill that saw\nHis land, send tretis to the King,\nAnd com his man but tarying;\nAnd he resavit him till his pes.\nRebell, as he wes wont to be,\nAnd fled with schippes to the see.\nA sege set; and besyly\nAssaylit_, etc.]\n[118: C _is wan_ (S), which is certainly wrong.]\n[126: E _mar duelling_.]\n[Sidenote: 1313] _William Bunnock\u2019s Stratagem_]\n  Bot thai that left apon the land\nAnd he thar homage all has tane;\nSyne toward Perth is passit agane,\nTo play hym thair in-to the playn:\nAnd at Lythkow wes than a peill,\nMekill and stark, and stuffit weill\nWith Inglis men, that wes reset\nTill thaim that with armouris or met                                 140\nFra Edinburgh wald to Strevilling ga,\nAnd fra Strevilling again alsua;\nAnd till the cuntre did gret ill.\nInterludys and juperdys,\nThat men assayit on mony wis,\nCastellis and pelis for till ta.\nAnd I sall tell how it wes tane.\nIn the cuntre thar wonnyt ane\nThat husband wes, and with his fee\nWilyhame Bunnok to nayme he hicht,\n*That stalward man wes in-to ficht.\nHe saw sa hard the cuntre stad,\n*That he gret noy and pite had\nThrou fortrassis that war then\nThai travalit men outour mesur.\nHe wes a stout carle and a sture,\nAnd of him-self dour and hardy,\nAnd schew till sum his prevate;\nThat apon his covyn gat he\nMen that mycht ane enbuschement ma,\nQuhill that he with his wayn suld ga                                 164\nTill lede thaim hay in-to the peill.\nBot his wayn suld be stuffit weill:\nFor aucht men armyt in the body\nAnd with hay helyt be about.\nAnd hym-self, that wes dour and stout,\nSuld by the wayn gang ydilly;\nBefor suld dryf the wayn, and ber\nAne hachit, that war scharp to scher,\nUndir his belt; and quhen the yhet\nQuhen he herd hym cry sturdely,\n\u201cCall all! Call all!\u201d than hastyly\nHe suld stryk with the ax in twa\nThat war within the wayn, cum out,\nAnd mak debat, quhill at thar rout,\nThat suld neir by enbuscht be,\n  This wes in-till the harvist tyde,\nQuhen feldis, that war fair and wyde,\nChargit with corne assoverit war;\nWoxe rype to wyn to mannys fude;\nAnd the treis all sammyn stude\nChargit with froytis on syndri wis.\nThai of the peill had wonnyn hay,\nAnd with this Bunnok spokin had thai\nTo leid thair hay, for he wes neir;\nAnd said that in-to the mornyng\nWeill soyn ane fudyr he suld bring,\nFarer and greter, and weill mor\nThan eny he broucht that yher befor:                                 200\nAnd held thaim cunnand sekirly.\nFor that nycht warnyt he prevaly\nThaim that in the wayn suld ga,\nAnd thai so grathly sped thaim thar,\nThat or day thai enbuschit war\nWeill neir the peill, quhar thai mycht heir\nAnd held thame swa still but stering,\nThat nane of thame had persavyng.\n[192: E and H have _In this swete tyme_.]\n[Sidenote: 1313] _Linlithgow Castle is Taken_]\n  And this Bunnok fast can him payn\nAnd all a quhile befor the day,\nHe had thaim helit with the hay;\nThan maid he him to yhok his fee,\nTill men the sone schynande mycht se.                                216\nAnd sum that war within the peill\nWar yschit, on thair awn unseill,\nTo wyn thair harvist neir thar-by.\nThat in his wayn closit he had,\nWent on his way but mair abaid,\nAnd callit his wayn toward the peill.\nCum neir the yhat, it opnyt soyn:\nAnd than Bunnok, forouten hoyn,\nGert call the wayn deliverly.\nBetuix the chekys of the yhet,\nSwa that men mycht it spar na gat,\nHe cryit, \u201cTheif! Call all! Call all!\u201d\nAnd hewit in twa the soym in hy.\nBunnok with that deliverly\nRaucht till the portar sic ane rout\nAnd thai that war within the wayn\nLap out belif, and soyn has slayn\nMen of the castell that war by.\nAnd thai that neir enbuschit war\nLap out, and com with swerdis bar,\nAnd tuk the castell all but payn,\nAnd thame that tharin wes has slayn.                                 244\nAnd thai that war went furth beforn,\nQuhen thai the castell saw forlorn,\nThai fled to warrand to and fra;\nAnd till Strevilling ar othir gane,\nAnd sum in-to the way war slayn.\n[230: C has _And he that wald no longer let_.]\nHow Earl Thomas Randolph became Man to the Good King Robert the Bruce.\nBunnok on this wis, wyth his wayn,\nSyne taucht it to the Kyng in hy,\nThat hym rewardit worthely;\nAnd gert doun driff it to the ground;\nSettand in pes all the cuntre,\nThat till hym obeisand wald be.\n  And quhen a litill tym wes went,\nAnd with hym so weill tretit he,\nThat he his man hecht for till be.\nAnd the king him soyn forgaf:\nMurref, and tharof Erll hym maid\nAnd othir syndri landis braid\nHe gaf him in-till heritage.\nAnd his gret wit and his avis,\nHis trast hart and his leill servis.\nTharfor in hym affyit he,\nAs it wes certis richt worthy.\n*For, and men spek of him trewly,\n*He was so curageous a knycht,\n*So wis, so worthy, and so wycht,\nAnd of so soverane gret bounte,\nThat mekill of him may spokin be.\nAnd till schaw part of his gud deid,\nAnd till discryve yhow his fassoun\nWith part of his condicioun.\nAnd portrait weill at all mesure,\nWith braid visage, plesand and fair,\nCurtas at poynt, and debonar;\nLaute he lufit atour all thing;\nFalsade, tresoune, and felony,\nHe stude agayne ay ythandly.\nAnd ay mantemyt richtwisnes.\nIn cumpany solacious\nHe wes, and thar-with amorus.\nFor gif that I the suth sall say,\nHe wes fullfillit of all bunte,\nAnd off all vertuis maid wes he.\nBot yhe sall weill heir forthirmar\nThat he, for his dedis worthy,\nSuld weill be prisit soveranly.\n[*274-*276: In E, but omitted by Pinkerton.]\n[Sidenote: 1314] _Randolph besieges Edinburgh Castle_]\nQwhen the King wes thus with him saucht,                             300\nAnd gret lordschippis had him betaucht,\nHe wex so wis and avise,\nThat his land first weill stablist he;\nTill help his eym and his effere.\nWith the consent of the gud Kyng,\nBot with a sympill apparalyng,\nWith gud men in-till cumpany,\nAnd set a sege to the castele,\nThat than wes warnyst wondir wele\nSo that it dred no mannis mycht.\nBot this gud Erll nocht-for-thi\nThe sege tuk full apertly:\nAnd presyt the folk that thar-in was                                 316\nSwa that nocht ane the yhet durst pas.\nThai may abyde thar-in and et\nThair victaill, quhill thai oucht mai get:\nTo purchas mair in the cuntre.\n[305: E _in his myster_.]\n[319: C _mycht get_ (S).]\nThat tym Edward, of Ingland Kyng,\nHad gevin the castell in keping\nTill Schir Peris Lumbard a Gascoun.                                  324\nAnd quhen thai of his warnysoun\nSaw the sege set thair stithly,\nThai mystrowit hym of tratory,\nFor that he spokin had with the King.                                328\nAnd, for that ilk mystrowing\nThai tuk him and put in presoun;\nAnd off thair awne nacioun\nThai maid a constabill thaim to leid,                                332\nRicht war and wis and wicht of deid.\nAnd he set wit and strinth and slicht\nTo kepe the castell at his mycht.\nAnd spek a litill quhill I will\nOf the douchty lord Dowglas,\nAt that tym in the Forest was.\nAnd fair poyntis off chevelry,\nPrevit, als weill be nycht as day,\nTill thame that in the castellis lay,\nWill let fele of thame pas forby.\nFor I can nocht rehers thame all,\nAnd thouch I couth, trow weill yhe sall,\nSa mekill suld be thair ado.\nBot thai that I wat wittirly,\nEftir my wit rehers sall I.\nThe winning of the Castle of Roxburgh by the Douglas\nthrough the Sleight of John Ledhouse.\n[Sidenote: FEB. 27, 1314] _The Scots are taken for Oxen_]\nAssegit, as the lettir sais,\nEdinburgh, James of Douglas\nSet all his wit for till purchas\nOr ony craft, mycht wonnyn be;\nTill he gert Sym of the Ledows,\nA crafty man and a curious,\nWith treyn steppis bundin swa,\nThat wald brek apon nakyn wis.\nA cruk thai maid, at thair devis,\nThat, fra it in ane kyrnaill ware,\nAnd the leddir thar-fra stratly\nStrekit, it suld stand sekirly.\nAs this devisit wes and done,\nGaderit gud men in prevate;\nThre score I trow at thai mycht be.\nIn the begynnyng of the nycht,\nTill the castell thai tuk the way.\nWith blak froggis all helit thai\nThai com ner by thar but abaid,\nAnd send haly thair hors thame fra,\nAnd on range in ane rod can ga\nOn handis and feit, quhen thai war neir,                             380\nRicht as thai ky and oxin weir,\nThat war unbondyn left therout.\nIt wes richt merk forouten dout:\nThe-quhethir ane, on the wall that lay,                              384\nBesyde him till his feir can say,\n\u201cThis man thinkis to mak gude chere,\u201d\n(And nemmyt ane husband thar-by neir)\nThe tothir said, \u2018It is na dout\n\u2018He sall mak merye this nycht, thouch thai\n\u2018Be with the Douglas led away.\u2019\nHad beyn oxyne, for thai yheid then\nOn handis and feit, ay ane and ane.\nThe Dowglas rycht gud tent has tane\nTill all thar speke, bot als-soyn thai                               396\nHeld carpand inward on thar way.\n[359: C has _That wes a man rycht craftyus_. Text from E and H (S).]\n  The Douglas men thar-of wes blith.\nAnd till the wall thai sped thame swith,\nThat maid a clap, quhen the cleket\nWes festnyt fast in the kyrnell.\nThat herd ane of the wachis wele,\nBot Ledous, that the leddyr maid,\nSped hym to clym first to the wall:\nBot, or he wes up gottin all,\nMet him rycht at the up-cummyng;\nAnd for he thoucht to dyng hym doune,\nHe maid na noyis na cry na sowne,\nAnd he that wes in juperdy\nTill de, a lans till him he maid,\nAnd gat him be the nek but baid,\nAnd stekit him upward with ane knyff,                                416\nQuhill in his hand he left the liff.\nAnd quhen he ded sa saw him ly,\nUpon the wall he went in hy,\nAnd said, \u201cAll gangis as we will.\n\u201cSpeid yhow upward deliverly.\u201d\nAnd thai did swa in full gret hy.\nAnd saw Ledows stand him allane,\nAnd knew he wes nocht of thar men.\nIn hy he ruschit till hym then,\nBot he hym slew deliverly,\nFor he wes armyt and wes wycht,\nThe tothir nakyt wes, I hicht,\nAnd had nocht for till stynt no strak.                               432\nSic melle tharup can he mak,\nQuhill Douglas, and his menyhe all\nWar wonnyn up apon the wall.\n[Sidenote: FEB. 27, 1314] _Douglas holds the Hall_]\nThe folk that tym wes halely\nIn-to the hall at thair dansyng,\nSynging, and othir wayis playing:\nThe custom to mak joy and blis,\nTo folk that ar in-to savite;\nSwa trowit thai that tym to be.\nDouglas and his men cummyn war all.\nAnd cryit on hicht, \u201cDouglas! Douglas!\u201d\nAnd thai, that ma war than he was,\nHerd \u201cDowglas!\u201d cryit richt hidwisly,                                448\nThai war abasit for the cry,\nAnd schupe richt na defens to ma.\nAnd thai but pite can thame sla,\nThe tothir fled to seyk warrand,\nThat out-our mesure dede can dreid.\nThe wardane saw how that it yheid,\nIn the gret toure he gotten is,\nAnd othir of his cumpany,\nAnd sparit the entre hastily.\nWar tane or slane, forouten dout,\nBot giff that ony lap the wall.\nThe Douglas held that nycht the hall,\nHis men war gangand to and fra\nThrou-out the castell all that nycht,\nTill on the morn that day wes lycht.\nThat wes a man of gret valour,\nGylmyne the Fynis, quhen he saw\nThe castell tynt, bath hye and law,\nThe tour; but thai without him send\nArrowes in so gret quantite,\nThat anoyit tharof wes he.\nHe held the tour full sturdely,\nAnd than at ane assalt he was\nWoundit so felly in the face,\nTharfor he tretit thame belif,\nAnd yhald the tour on sic maner,\nThat he and all that with hym weir\nDouglas held thame gud cunnand,\nAnd convoyit thame to thair cuntre.\nBot thar full schort tym liffit he;\nFor throu the wound in-till the face                                 488\nHe deit soyn, and beryit was.\nDouglas the castell sesit all,\nAt than wes closit with stalward wall,\nAnd send this Leydous till the Kyng,                                 492\nThat maid hym full gret rewarding.\nAnd his brothir in full gret hy,\nSchir Edward, that wes sa douchty,\nHe send thiddir to tummyll it doune                                  496\nBath tour, castell, and dungeoune.\nAnd he com with gret cumpany,\nAnd gert travale so besaly,\nThat tour and wall rycht to the ground                               500\nWar tumlyt in ane litill stound:\nAnd duelt still thar, quhill Tevydaie\nCom to the Kyngis pes all haill,\nOutane Jedworth and othir that neir,                                 504\nThe Inglis mennis bowndis weir.\n[471: E has _be clene_; _cf._ line 124.]\nHere Sir Thomas Randolph besieges Edinburgh.\nQwhen Roxborgh won wes on this wis,\nThe Erll Thomas, that hye enpris\nAt Edinburgh with his menyhe\nWas lyand at the sege, as I\nTald yhow befor all oppynly.\nTane with a trane, all his purchas,\nWith wit and besynes, I hicht,\nHe set to purches him sum slicht,\nMellit with full hye chevelry,\nTo wyn the wall of the castell\nThrou sumkyn slicht; for he wist weill\nThat no strinth mycht it planly get,                                 520\nQuhill thai within had men and met.\nTharfor prevely sperit he\nGif ony man mycht fundin be,\nTo clym the wallis prevelye;\nAnd he suld haf his warisoune.\nFor it wes his entencioune\nOr at that sege on him forfure.\n[516: C has _throu vietory_, from which S adopts _voidry_ = \u201ccunning\u201d\nas \u201ca shrewd guess.\u201d Text from E.]\n[Sidenote: MARCH, 1314] _William Francis offers to Guide_]\n  Than wes thair ane William Francas,\nWicht and apert, wis and curtas,\nThat in-till his yhouthede had beyn                                  532\nIn the castell; quhen he has seyn\nThe Erll sa ynkirly hym set\nSum sutelte or wile to get,\nQuhar-throu the castell haf mycht he,                                536\nHe com till hym in prevate,\nAnd said; \u201cMe think yhe wald blithly\n\u201cThat men fand yhow sum juperdy,\n\u201cAnd certis gif yhe will begyn\n\u201cFor till assay on sic a wis,\n\u201cI undirtak, for my service,\n\u201cAnd I sall formast be off all;\n\u201cQuhar with a schort leddir may we,\n\u201cI trow of tuelf fut it may be,\n\u201cAnd gif that yhe will wit how I\n\u201cWat this, I sall yhow lichtly say.\n\u201cQuhen I wes yhoung this hendir day,\n\u201cAnd I wes sumdele volageous,\n\u201cAnd lufit ane wench her in the toune;\n\u201cAnd for I, but suspicioun,\n\u201cOf rapis ane leddir to me maid I,\n\u201cAnd tharwith our the wall I slaid.\n\u201cAne strat rod, that I spyit had\n\u201cAnd oftsis com to myne entent;\n\u201cAnd quhen it neir drew to the day,\n\u201cI held agane that ilke way,\n\u201cI oysit lang that travailing,\n\u201cSo that I can that rod ga richt,\n\u201cThouch men se nevir so myrk the nycht.\n\u201cAnd gif yhow thinkis yhe will assay                                 568\n\u201cTo pass up eftir me that way,\n\u201cUp to the wall I sall yhow bring,\n\u201cGif God us kepis fra persaving\n\u201cAnd gif that us so fair may fall,\n\u201cThat we our leddir up may set,\n\u201cGiff a man on the wall may get,\n\u201cQuhill the remanand up thaim speid.\u201d\nThe Erll wes blith of his carping,\nAnd hicht him full fair rewardyng;\nAnd bad him soyn his leddir ma,\nAnd hald him preve quhill thai mycht\nSet for thair purpos on ane nycht.\n[529: E H _mysfure_.]\n[531: In C _pert_, E _curyus_ (S).]\n[568: E _yhe think_.]\nThe winning of the Castle of Edinburgh by Good Earl Thomas Randolph.\n[Sidenote: MARCH 14, 1314] _A Dangerous Climb_]\nAnd than the Erll, but mair abaid,\nPurvait hym on a nycht prevaly,\nWith thritty men, wicht and hardy;\nThai put thame in full hard assay,\nAnd to gret perell sekyrly.\nI trow, mycht thai haf seyne cleirly,\nThouch thai to let thame had nocht ane.\nFor the crag wes hye and hidwous,\nAnd the clymbyng rycht perelus:\nHe suld be soyne to-fruschit all.\nThe nycht wes myrk, as I herd say,\nAnd till the fut soyn cummyn ar thai\nThan Williame Francous thame befor\nClam in the crykis forouth thaim ay,\nAnd at the bak him followit thai,\nWith mekill payne, quhill to, quhill fra;                            604\nThai clam in-to the crykis swa,\nQuhill half the craggis thai clummyn had,\nAnd thair ane place thai fand so braid,\nAnd thai war ayndles and wery,\nAnd thair abaid thair aynd to ta.\nAnd richt as thai war syttand swa,\nThe chak-wachis assemblit all.\nNow help thame God that all thing may!\nFor in full gret perell ar thai.\nFor, mycht thai se thame, thair suld nane                            616\nEschap out of that place unslane;\nTill ded with stanys thai suld thaim dyng,\nThat thai mycht help thame-self no thing.\nSwa that thai had of thame na sycht.\nAnd nocht-for-thi yheit wes thar ane\nOf thame that swappit doun a stane,\nThe-quhethir he saw thame nocht a deill.\nOut-our thair hedis flaw the stane,\nAnd thai sat still, lurkande ilkane.\nThe wachis, quhen thai herd nocht stere,                             628\nFra that ward passit all sammyn were,\nAnd carpand held fer by thair way.\nErll Thomas than alsoyne, and thai\nToward the wall clam hastely,\nAnd thiddir com with mekill mayne,\nAnd nocht but gret perell and payne.\nTo clym up, na be-neth be fer.\nBot quhatkyn payn at evir thai had,\nRicht to the wall thai com but baid,\nThat had weill neir tuelf fut on hicht.                              640\nAnd, for-owt persaving or sicht,\nThai set their ledder to the wall,\nAnd syne Francous, befor thame all,\nAnd syne the Erll him-self, perfay,\nWes the thrid man the wall can ta.\nQuhen thai thair doun thair lord swa\nAs wood men thai clame eftir all.\n  Bot or up cummyn all wer thai,\nThai that war wachis till assay\nAnd alswa fraying of armyng,\nAnd on thame schot full sturdely:\nAnd thai met thame richt hardely;\nThan throu the castell ras the cry,\n\u201cTresoune! Tresoune!\u201d thai cryit fast.\nThan sum of tham war sa agast,\nBot to say suth, thai fled nocht all;\nFor the constabill, that wes hardy,\nAll armyt schot furth to the cry,\nYheit wes the Erll with his rout,\nFechtand with thame apon the wall;\nBot soyn he thame discomfit all.\nUp at the wall, and he has tane\nHis way doune to the castell soyne.\nIn gret perell he has hym done;\nAnd thai had beyn of gude covyn,\nThan he; bot thai effrayit war.\nAnd nocht-for-thi with wapnys bar,\nMet hym and his richt hardely,\n[650: E _clumbene_.]\n[Sidenote: MARCH 14, 1314] _The Fight for the Castle_]\n  Thar men micht se gret bargane rys,\nFor with wapnys, on mony wis,\nQuhill swerdis, that war fayr and brycht,\nWar till the hyltis all bludy.\nThen hidwisly begouth the cry;\nWith gret noyis can cry and rar.\nThe gud Erll and his cumpany\nFaucht in that ficht so sturdely,\nThe constabill wes slayn richt thar:\nAnd fra he fell, the remanand\nFled quhar thai best mycht to warrand:\nThe Erll wes handlyt thair sa hat,\nThat had it nocht hapnyt throw cas,\nThat the constabill thair slayn was,\nBot than thai fled, thar was no mar,\nIlke man for to sauf his lif,\nAnd furth his dayis for to drif;\nAnd sum slaid doune out our the wall.                                700\nThe Erll has tane the castell all,\nFor than wes nane durst him withstand.\nI hard nevir quhar in ane land,\nOutakyn Tyre all anerly,\nQuhen Alexander the Conquerour,\nThat conquerit Babilonys tour,\nQuhar he emang his fayis al\nDefendit him full douchtely,\nQuhill that his noble chevelry\nWith ledderis our the wallis yheid,                                  712\nThat nouthir left for ded no dreid;\nFor fra thai wist weill at the king\nWes in the toune, ther wes no thing\nIn-till that tyme that stint thame mocht,                            716\nFor all perell thai set at nocht.\nThai clam the wallis, quhar Arestee\nCom first to the gude king, quhar he\nThat than wes set so hard, I hicht,\nThat he wes fellit on a kne:\nHe till his bak had set ane tre,\nFor dreid thai suld behynd assalyhe.                                 724\nArestee then to the battalyhe\nSped him in all hye sturdely,\nAnd dang on thame so douchtely,\nFor his men, in-to syndry plas,\nClam our the wall and soucht the kyng,\nAnd him reskewit with hard fichting;\nOutakyn this takyng all anerly,\nI herd nevir in na tyme gane\nQuhar castell wes sa stoutly tane.\n[Sidenote: 1314] _The Prophecy of Queen Margaret_]\nSanct Mergaret, the gud haly queyne,\nWist in hir tyme, throw reveling\nOf him that knawis and wat all thing.\nScho left ane takyne richt joly,\nThat is that scho in hir chapell\nGert weill be portrait ane castell,\nAnd a man thar-on clymande,\nAnd wrat owth him, as old men sayis,\nIn Franch, _Gardis vous de Francois_.\nAnd for this word scho gert writ swa,                                748\nMen wend the Franch-men suld it ta.\nBot for Francois hattyn wes he,\nThat swa clam up in prevate,\nAnd it fell eftirward suthly\nRicht as scho said; for tane it was,\nAnd _Francois_ led thame up that place.\n[742: E _That is yheit in-till_; but _cf._ line 746.]\nAnd thai that war tharin ilkane\nWar tane, or slane, or lap the wall;\nThair gudis haff thai sessit all,\nSchir Peris Lumbard that wes tane,\nAs I said ere befor, thai fand\nIn presoune, fetterit with boyis, sittand.\nAnd he gert lows hym hastely;\nThan he becom the Kingis man.\nThai send word to the King rycht than,\nAnd he in hy is thiddir gane,\nWith mony men in cumpany,\nAnd gert myne doune all halely\nBath tour and wall richt to the ground:                              772\nAnd syne our all the land can found,\nSesand the cuntre till his pes.\nOf this deid, that so worthy wes,\nThe King, that saw him sa worthy,\nWes blith and joyfull our the laif,\nAnd to manteym his stat, him gaff\nAnd he to sa gret worschip dreuch,\nThat all spak of his gret bounte.\nHis fayis gretly stonayit he,\nFor he fled nevir throu fors of ficht.                               784\nQuhat sall I mair say of his mycht?\nHis gret manheid, and his bountee\nGerris him yheit oft renownyt be.\nHow Sir Edward won Ru\u2019glen peel\nAnd Dundee, then Stirling, besieged well.\nOn thir castellis, that I devis,\nWar eschevit swa hardely,\nSchir Edward the Brois, the worthy,\nWonnyn till his liking all haill;\nAnd doungyn doune the castellis all\nRicht in the dik, bath tour and wall.\nThat in Ruglyne wes ane peill.\nThiddir he went with his menyhe,\nAnd wonnyn it in schort tym has he.\nThat than wes haldin, as I herd say,\nAgane the King; tharfor in hy\nHe set ane sege thar-to stoutly,\nTill Strevilling syne the way he tais,\nQuhar gud Schir Philip the Mowbra,\nThat wes full douchty at assay,\nThat castell of the Inglis Kyng.\nThar-till ane sege he set stythly;\nThai bykkirrit oftsis sturdely;\nSchir Edward, fra the sege wes tane,\nA weill lang tyme about it lay,\nFra the Lenteryne, that is to say,\nQuhill forrouth the Saint Johnnis mes.                               816\nThe Inglis folk, that tha-rin wes,\nBegouth to fale the vittale than.\nThan Schir Philip, the douchty man,\nTretit, quhill thai consentit weir,                                  820\nThat gif at Mydsummer tyme ane yheir\nTo cum, it war nocht with bataill\nReskewit, that than, withouten faill,\nThat cunnand band thai sekirly.\nBOOK XI\n[Sidenote: 1313] _The Compact about Stirling_]\n  And quhen this cunnand thus wes maid,\nSchir Philip in-to Ingland raid,\nAnd tald the King all haill this tale,\nHow he a tuelf moneth all hale\nTill reskew Strevilling with battale.\nAnd quhen he herd Schir Philip say\nThat Scottis men had set ane day\nTo fecht, and at sic space he had\nAnd said, it wes gret succuddry\nThat set thame apon sic folye;\nFor he thocht to be, or that day,\nSo purvait, and in sic aray,\nThat thair suld na strinth him with-stand.                            15\nAnd quhen the lordis of Ingland\nHerd at this day wes set planly,\nThai jugit it to gret foly,\nAnd thoucht till haff all thair liking,\nBot oft falyheis the fulys thoucht:\nAnd wis mennis etling cumis nocht\nTill sic end as thai weyn alwayis.\nA litill stane oft, as men sayis,\nNa manis mycht may stand agane\nThe grace of God, that all thing steris;\nHe wat quhat-to all thing efferis,\nAnd disponis at his liking,\nThe winning of Stirling by Sir Edward the Bruce, though the\nBattle was set over a Year and a Day, betwixt him and\nSir Philip the Mowbray.\nQwhen Schir Edward, as I yhow say,\nHad gevyn sa outrageous a day\nTo yheld or reskew Strevilling,\nRicht soyne he went on-to the King.\nAnd quhat day he thame gevyn had.\nThe King said, quhen he herd the day,\n\u201cThat wes unwisly done, perfay;\n\u201cI herd nevir quhar so lang warnyng\n\u201cAs is the Kyng of England.\n\u201cFor he has now in-till his hand\n\u201cIngland, Irland, and Walys alsua,\n\u201cAnd Akatane yhet, with all tha\n\u201cAnd of Scotland a gret party.\n\u201cAnd off tresour so stuffit is he,\n\u201cThat he may wageowris haf plente.\n\u201cAnd we ar qwheyn agane so fele;\n\u201cGod may richt weill our werdis deill,                                50\n\u201cBot we ar set in juperdy\n\u201cTo tyne or wyn than hastely.\u201d\nSchir Edward said; \u2018Sa God me reid!\n\u2018Thouch he and all that he may leid\nQuhen the King herd his brothir swa\nSpek to the battale so hardely,\nHe prysit hym in his hert gretly,\nAnd said; \u201cBrothir, sen swa is gane\n\u201cSchap we us tharfor manfully;\n\u201cAnd all that lufis us tendirly\n\u201cAnd the fredome of this cuntre,\n\u201cPurvay thaim at that time to be\n\u201cBowne with all mycht that evir thai may;                             65\n\u201cSwa that gif our fayis assay\n\u201cTo reskew Strevillyng throu battale,\n\u201cThat we of purpos ger thame faill.\u201d\nThe assembling of the English host,\nThat with great power came and boast.\n[Sidenote: 1314] _The Preparations in both Countries_]\n[Sidenote: JUNE, 1314] _The English Host at Berwick_]\nTill this all thai assentit ar,\nAnd bad thair men all mak thaim yhare                                 70\nFor to be boune agane that day\nOn the best wis that evir thai may.\n  Than all, that worthi war to ficht\nOf Scotland, set all haill thair mycht\nWapnys and armowris purvayit thai,\nAnd all that efferis to fichting.\nAnd of Ingland the mychty Kyng\nPurvait hym on so gret aray,\nThat Inglis men mair aparaile\nMaid, than thai did than for battale.\nAnd quhen the tym wes cummyn ner,\nHe assemblit all his power.\nThat wes so gret it wes ferly,\nHe had of mony a fer cuntre\nWith hym gud men of gret bounte.\nOf Frans ane worthy chevelry\nThe Erll of Hennaut als wes thar,\nAnd wyth him men that worthy war;\nOf Gascon and of Almanyhe;\nOf Duche als and of Bretanyhe\nArmyt clenly at fut and hand.\nThat he left nane mycht wapnys welde,\nOr worthy war to ficht in felde.\nOf Walis als wyth hym had he,\nOf Pouty, Aquytane, and Bayon\nHe had full mony of gret renoun.\n*A gret menyhe of worthy men.\n*Quhen all thir sammyn assemblit war,\nAne hundreth thousand men and ma:\nAnd fourty thousand war of tha\nAnd yheit of thai war thre thousand\nWyth helit hors in plate and mailyhe,\nTill mak the front of the batailyhe\nAnd fifty thousand of archerys\nWith men on fut and small rangale,\nThat yhemyt harnas and vittale\nHe had so fele it wes ferly.\nOf cartis als that yheid thame by\nHarnas, and als that chargit war\nOf palyheonys and veschall with-all,\nAnd apparall of chalmyr and hall,\nAnd wyne and wax, schot and vittale,\nThai war so fele quhar at thai raid,\nAnd thar batalis war ek so braid,\nAnd so gret rowme held thar charre,\nThat men that mekill host mycht se\nMen mycht se than, that had beyn by,\nMony ane worthy man and wycht,\nAnd mony ane gayly armyt knycht,\nAnd mony ane sturdy sterand steid\nAnd mony helmys, and hawbyrschownys,\n*Scheldis and speris, and pennownys,\nAnd so mony a cumly knycht,\nAt semyt weill that in-to ficht\nThai suld vencus the warld all hale.\nTill Berwik ar thai cummyn ilkane,\nAnd sum thar-in thar innys has tane,\nAnd sum lugit without the townys,\nIn tentis and in palyheownis.\n[93: E has _And off the worthyast of Bretangny_.]\n[*97, *98: omitted by P.]\n[109: C _in-till playn male ... battale_ (S). H as in E.]\n[120: E viii.: _pulaile_. H as in C.]\nHow Englishmen menaced at will\nThe Scots and dealt their lands till.\nAnd quhen the Kyng his host has seyne                                140\nSo gret, so gud men, and so cleyne,\nHe wes richt joyfull in his thoucht,\nAnd weil presumyt thar wes nocht\nIn warld a Kyng mycht him withstand.\nHym thoucht all wonnyn till his hand,                                145\nAnd largely emang his men\nThe landis of Scotland delt he then.\nOf othir mennis landis large wes he.\nAnd thai, that war of his menyhe,\nWith gret wordis; but, nocht-for-thi,\nOr thai cum all to thair entent,\nHowis in haill clath sall be rent!\nIn ten battles the English men\nWere dealt and taught to chieftains then.\n  The Kyng, throu consall of his men,\nIn ilkane war weill ten thousand,\nThat thoucht thai stalwardly suld stand\nIn the battale and stoutly ficht,\nAnd leif nocht for thair fayis mycht.\nKnawyn war of gud governale.\nAnd till renownyt erllis twa,\nOf Glowcister and Herfurd war thai,\nHe gaf the vangard in ledyng,\nOrdanit in-till full gret aray.\nThai war so chevelrus, that thai\nTrowit, gif thai com to the ficht,\nThair suld no strynth with-stand thar mycht.\nDevisit in-to battalis ser,\nHis awne battale ordanit he,\nAnd quha suld at his bridill be.\nSchir Gylys de Argente he set\nAnd of Vallanch Schir Amery\nOn othir half, that wes worthy;\nFor in thair soverane gret bownte\nAtour the layff affyit he.\n[161: E _That knawin_.]\nHow all the noble chivalry\nAt Edinburgh took harbery.\n[Sidenote: JUNE 18, 1314] _The Splendour of the English March_]\nHad ordanit, as I heir devis,\nHis battalis and his stering,\nArly he rais in ane mornyng,\nAnd fra Berwik he tuk the way.\nBath hyllis and valayis helit thai,                                  185\nAnd the battalis that war so braid\nDepartit, our the feldis raid.\nThe sonne wes brycht and schynand cler,\nAnd armys, that new burnyst wer,\nThat all the land wes in ane leyme\nWith baneris richt freschly flawmand,\nAnd pensalis to the wynd waffand,\nSo fele thai war of ser quyntis,\nFor suld I tell all thar effer,\nThair countynans and thar maner,\nThouch I couth, I suld cummerryt be.\nThe King, with all that gret menyhe,\nThai war all out to fele to ficht\nWith few folk of ane sympill land;\nBot quhar God helpis quhat may withstand?\nHow in this time assembled then,\nTo King Robert have certain men.\nThe Kyng Robert, quhen he herd say\nAnd in-to sa gret quantite,\nCom in his land, in hy gert he\nHis men be summond generaly;\nAnd thai come all full willfully\nHad ordanit to mak thar meting.\nSchir Edward the Bruce, that wes worthy,\nCom with a full gret cumpany\nOf gud men, armyt weill and dicht,\nWaltir, Steward of Scotland, syne,\nThat than wes bot ane berdlas hyne,\nCom with a rout of nobill men,\nThat all be contynans mycht ken.\nBrocht with him men, I undir-ta,\nThat weill war oysit in fichting;\nThai sall the les haf abaysing,\nGiff men betyd in thrang to be;\nFor till stonay thar fayis mycht,\nThan men that oysis nocht to ficht.\nThe Erll of Murreff, with his men\nArrayit weill, com alsua then\nIn gret will to maynteyme thar rycht;\nWith othir mony gud baroune,\nAnd knychtis of full gret renoune,\nCom with thair men full stalwardly.\nOf fechtand men I trow thai ware\nThretty thousand and sum deill mare,\nForoutyn cariage and pouerale,\nThat yhemyt harnas and vittale.\n[235: C has _assemblit worthely_ (S). H _hailly_, as in E.]\n  Our all the host than yheid the Kyng,                              240\nAnd beheld to thair contenyng,\nAnd saw thame of full fair effer;\nOf hardy contynans thai wer,\nBe liklynes the mast cowart\nThe King has seyn all thair having,\nThat knew hym weill in-to sic thing,\nAnd saw thame all comonly\nOf sekyr contynans and hardy,\nIn his hert had he gret liking.\nAnd thoucht that men of sa gret will,\nGif thai wald set thair mycht thair-till,\nSuld be full hard till wyn, perfay.\nHe welcummyt thame with gladsum fair,\nSpekand gud wordis heir and thair.\nAnd thai, that thar lord so mekly\nSaw welcum thame and so hamly,\nJoyfull thai war, and thoucht at thai                                260\nMicht weill put thame in-till assay\nOf hard fechting in stalwart stour,\nFor till maynteym weill his honour.\n[259: E _hamly_. H _hamely_. C _myldly_ (S).]\nThe parting of the Scots men,\nThat in four battles dealt were then.\n[Sidenote: JUNE, 1314] _Bruce explains his Plan_]\nThe worthy Kyng, quhen he has seyn\nAnd saw thame wilfull to fulfill\nHis liking, with gud hert and will;\nAnd to maynteym weill thair franchis,\nHe wes rejosit on mony wis;\nAnd said thame; \u201cLordingis, now yhe se\n\u201cThat Inglis men with mekill mycht\n\u201cHas all disponit thame for the ficht;\n\u201cFor thai yhon castell wald reskew.\n\u201cHow we may let thame of purpos,\n\u201cAnd swa to thame the wayis clos\n\u201cThat thai pas nocht but gret lettyng.\n\u201cWe haf heir with us at byddyng\n\u201cMak we four battalis of all thai;\n\u201cAnd ordane us on sic maner,\n\u201cThat, quhen our fayis cummys neir,\n\u201cWe till the New Park hald our way;\n\u201cFor thair behufis thaim pas, perfay,                                285\n\u201cBot gif that thai beneth us ga\n\u201cAnd our the marras pas, and swa\n\u201cWe sall be at avantage thair.\n\u201cFor me think that richt speidfull war\n\u201cArmyt bot in-to licht armyng;\n\u201cFor schupe we us on hors to ficht,\n\u201cSyn our fayis ar mar of mycht,\n\u201cAnd bettir horsit than ar we,\n\u201cAnd gif we fecht on fut, perfay,\n\u201cAt avantage we sall be ay;\n\u201cFor in the park emang the treis,\n\u201cThe hors men alwais cummerit beis.\n\u201cSall put thame to confusioune.\u201d\n[285: E _nede away_. C _neidwais gay_. Reading from H (S).]\n[287: E _passand_. There is a difficulty in either reading.]\n  All thai consentit to that saw,\nAnd than, in-till ane litill thraw,\nThair four battalis ordanit thai.\nHe gaf the vaward in leding;\nFor in his nobill governyng\nAnd in his hye chevelry\nThai assoueryt rycht soveranly.\nLordis, that of gret worschip wer,\nWar assignit with thair menyhe,\nIn-till his battale for till be.\nThe tothir battale wes gevin to lede\nAnd prisit of gret chevelry,\nThat wes Schir Edward the worthy;\nI trow he sall manteyme him swa\nThat, how sa evir the gammyn ga,\nHis fayis to plenyhe sall mater haf.                                 320\nAnd syne the thrid battale he gaf\nTo Waltir Stewart for to leid,\nAnd till Dowglas douchty of deid.\nThai war cosyngis in neir degre,\nFor he wes yhoung; but nocht-for-thi\nI trow he sall sa manfully\nDo his devour, and wirk so weill,\nThat hym sall neyd no mar yheymseill.\nTuk till hym-self in governyng,\nAnd had in-till his cumpany\nThe men of Carryk all halely,\nAnd of Argile and of Kentyre,\nAngus of Ile, and But, all tha.\nHe of the playne-land had alsua\nOf armyt men ane mekill rout;\nHis battale stalward wes and stout.\nAnd evyn forrouth hym suld ga\nThe vaward, and on athir hand\nThe tothir battalis suld be gangand\nBehynd, on syde a litell space:\nSuld se quhar thair war mast mystir,\nAnd relief thaim with his baneir.\n[309: C _Thai had assouerans, trast trewly!_ (S). H _Thai had affiance\nsoverainely._]\n[326: C _and nocht_ (S).]\n[336: C _of Ilis_ (S). He was \u201c_of Islay_.\u201d]\nHow King Robert gart pots make\nAnd cover them well, I undertake.\n[Sidenote: JUNE 21, 1314] _The Scots march to the New Park_]\nThe King thus, that wes wicht and wis,\nAnd richt worthy at all devis,\nOrdanit his men for the fechting.\nAnd on the morn, on Settirday,\nThe King herd his discurrouris say\nThat Inglis men with mekill mycht\nTharfor, forouten mair delay,\nHe to the New Park held his way\nWith all that in his leding war,\nAnd in the Park thame herbryit thar.\nQuhar he thoucht neid behufit away\nThe Inglis men, gif that thai wald\nThrow the Park to the castell hald,\nHe gert men mony pottis ma,\nWar deip up till ane manis kne,\nSwa thik, that thai mycht liknyt be\nTill ane wax-cayme that beis mais.\nAll that nycht travaland he was;\nThai pottis, and thame helit had\nWith stikis and with gyrs al greyne,\nSwa that thai mycht nocht weill be seyne.\n[350: E omits. In C and H. E gives after line 351 _In gud aray in\nalkin thing_.]\n  On Sonday than in the mornyng,\nThai herd the mes full reverently.\nAnd mony shraf thame devotly,\nThat thoucht till de in that melle,\nOr than to mak thar cuntre fre.\nThair dynit nane of thame that day,\nBot, for the vigill of Sanct Johne,\nThai fastit bred and wattir ilkone.\nThe King, quhen that the mes wes done,\nAnd at his liking saw thaim maid.\nOn athir syde the way weill braid\nIt wes pottit, as I haf tald.\nGif that thair fais on hors will hald\nNocht weill eschew foroutyn fall.\nThrou-out the host syne gert he cry\nThat all suld arme thame hastely,\nAnd busk thame on thar best maner.\nHe gert aray thame for the ficht,\nAnd syne our all gert cry on hicht,\nThat quhat sa evir he war that fand\nHis hert nocht sekir for till stand\nFor to maynteyme that stalward stour,\nThat he be tyme suld tak his way;\nAnd nane suld duell with him bot thai\nThat wald stand with him to the end,\nThen all ansuerd with a cry,\nAnd with a voce said generaly;\nThat nane for dout of dede suld fale,\nQuhill discumfit war the battale.\n[376: E _thair mess commounaly_.]\n[Sidenote: JUNE 23, 1314] _The Camp-followers in a Valley_]\nSa hardely him ansuer then,\nSayand that nouthir ded no dreid\nTill sic discomfort suld thame leid,\nThat thai suld eschew the fechting,\nFor him thoucht men of sic covyne,\nSo gud so hardy and so fyne,\nSuld weill in battall hald thair rycht\nAgane men of full mekill mycht.\nSyne all the small folk and pouerale                                 420\nHe send with harnase and vittale\nIn-till the Park, weill fer him fra,\nAnd fra the battall gert thame ga;\nAnd as he bad, thai went thair way;\nTwenty thousand weill neir war thai.                                 425\nThair way thai held till ane vale,\nThe King left with ane clene menyhe;\nThe-quhethir thai war thretty thowsand.\nI trow they stalwardly sall stand,\nThai stude than rangit all on raw,\nReddy for till byde battale,\nGif ony folk wald thame assale.\nHow the King bad the Earl Murray\nTo keep beside the Kirk the way.\n  The King gert thame all buskit be,\nThat his fayis all nycht lay\nAt the Fawkirk, and syne at thai\nHeld toward him the way all straucht,\nWith mony men of mekill mawcht.\nThe Erll of Murreff, with his menyhe,\nBesyd the kirk till kepe the way,\nThat na man pass that gat away,\nFor-out debat, to the castele.\nKepe the entre with his battale,\nGif that ony wald thair assale.\nAnd syne his brothir, Schir Edward,\nAnd yhoung Waltir, the gud Steward,\nWith thair menyhe, gud tent suld ta,\nQuhilk of thaim had of help mister,\nAnd help with thame that with him weir.\n[443: C _past_ (S). H _sould passe_.]\n[Sidenote: JUNE 23, 1314] _The Scots are Encouraged_]\n  The King send than James of Douglas\nMarshal of all the host of fee,\nThe Inglis mennys com to se.\nAnd thai lap on and furth thai raid;\nWeill horsit men with thame thai had:\nAnd soyn the gret host haf thai seyne                                460\nQuhar scheldis schynand war so scheyne,\nAnd basnetis weill burnyst bricht,\nThat gaf agane the sonne gret licht.\nThai saw so fele browdyn baneris,\nAnd so feill knychtis apon stedis,\nAll flawamand in-to thair wedis,\nAnd so fele battalis and so braid,\nThat tuk so gret rowme as thai raid,\nThat the mast host and the stoutest                                  470\nOf Crystyndome, and ek the best,\nSuld be abasit for till se\nThair fais in-to sic quantite,\nAnd swa arayit for to ficht.\nQuhen the discurrowris has had sicht                                 475\nOf thair fais, as I herd say,\nTowart the King thai tuk the way,\nAnd tald him, in gret prevate,\nThe multitude and the bewte\nAnd of the gret mycht at thai had.\nThan the King bad thame thai suld ma\nNa contynans that it war swa;\nBot bad thame in-to commoune say\nAnd confort his man on that wis.\nFor oftsis of ane word may ris\nDiscomfort and tynsall with-all.\nAnd throu a word, als weill may fall,\nThat gerris men cum to thair entent.\nAnd on the sammyn wis it did her;\nThair comfort and thair hardy cher\nConfortit thame so gretumly,\nBe countinans, wald formast be\nFor till begin the gret melle.\n[453: C _Suld help_ (S).]\nHow with a hundred the Earl Murray\nTo eight hundred battle gave.\nApon this wis the nobill King\nGaf all his men reconforting,\nThat he maid on sa gud maner.\nThame thoucht that na myscheif mycht be\nSa gret with-thi thai him mycht se\nBefor thame, that suld swa engreiff,\nThat na hys worschip suld thame releif.                              505\nHis worschip thame confortit swa,\nAnd contenans that he can ma,\nThat the mast coward wes hardy.\nOn athir half, full stalwardly,\nAs yhe haf herd me forouth say,\nCom with thair battalis approchand,\nThe banerys to the wynd waffand.\nAnd quhen thai cummyn war so neir,\nThai chesit ane gud cumpany\nOf men that wicht war and hardy,\nOn fair courseris armyt at rycht:\nThre banrentis of full mekill mycht\nThe lord Clyffurd, that wes so stout,\nWes of thame all soverane ledeir,\nAucht hundreth armyt, I trow, thai weir.\nThai war all yhong men and joly,\nThe best of all the host war thai\nOff contenans and of aray:\nThai war the farast cumpany\nThat men mycht find of sa mony.\n[519: E _Four lordys off_.]\n[Sidenote: JUNE 23, 1314] _The English pass Murray_]\n  To the castell thai thoucht to fair:                               530\nFor, gif that thai mycht weill cum thair,\nThai thoucht it suld reskewit be.\nFurth on thair way held this menyhe,\nAnd toward Strevilling tuk the way.\nFor thai wist weill the King wes thair;\nBeneth the New Park can thai fair,\nQuhill neuth the kirk, in-till a rout.\nThe Erll Thomas, that wes so stout,\nQuhen he saw thame swa tak the playne,                               540\nIn gret hye went he thame agane\nWith fif hundreth, forouten ma,\nAnoyit in his hert and wa\nThat thai so fer war passit by.\nThat ane rose of his chaplet\nWes faldyn; for, quhar he wes set\nTo kep the way, thai men war past.\nTharfor he hastit hym so fast\nTo the playn feld with his menyhe.\nFor he thoucht that he suld amend\nThat he trespassit had, or than end.\nAnd quhen the Inglis men him saw\nAnd tak sa hardely the playne,\nIn hy thai sped thame him agane,\nAnd strak with spuris the stedis stith,\nThat bar thame evyn hard and swith.\nCum so stoutly, tiil his said he;\n\u201cBeis nocht abasit for thair schor,\n\u201cBot settis speris yhow befor,\n\u201cAnd bak to bak set all yhour rout\n\u201cSwagat defend us best may we,\n\u201cEnveronyt with thame gif we be.\u201d\n[537: C _And beneth_, but S drops the _And_. E _And newth_. H _And\nbeneath_.]\n[538: E _Weill newth_.]\n[Sidenote: JUNE 13, 1314] _The Dusk darkens the Air_]\n  And as he bad thame thai haf done;\nAnd the tothir come alsoyne.\nBefore thame all thair com prikand                                   570\nA knycht, hardy of hert and hand;\nHe wes a weill gret lord at hame,\nSchir Wilyhame Dencort wes his name;\nHe prekit on thame so hardely,\nThat he and hors war born all doune\nAnd slayne rycht thair for-out ransoune.\nWith Inglis men gretly wes he\nMenyt that day, and his bountee.\nBot nane of thame so hardely\nRuschit emang thame as did he.\nBot with fer mair maturite,\nThai assemblit all in ane rout,\nAssalyheand thame on ilka syde.\nAnd thai with speris woundis wyde\nGaf to the hors that com thame neir:\nAnd thai that rydand on thame weir,\nThat doune war born, lossit the lyvis.                               590\nAnd mony speris, dartis and knyvis,\nAnd wapnys apon seir maneir,\nKest emang thame that fechtand weir,\nThat thame defendit so wittandly\nFor sum wald schut out of thar rout,\nAnd of thame that assalyheit about,\nStryk stedis, and ber doune men.\nThe Inglis men so roydly then\nThat inwith thame ane montane was\nOf wapnys, that war warpit thair.\nThe Erll and his thus fechtand war\nAt gret myscheiff, as I yhow say;\nThan thair fayis, and all about\nEnveronyt war, quhar mony a rout\nWar roucht, and full dyspitfully--\nThair fayis demanit thaim rycht stratly.\nFor the rycht gret heit that thai had\nOf fechting and of sonnys het,\nThat all thair flesche of swat wes wete.\nAnd sic ane stew rais owth thame then\nAnd of powdir, that sic myrknes\nIn-till the ayr abovyn thame wes,\nThat it wes woundir for till se:\nThai war in gret perplexite.\nBot with gret travale nocht-for-thi                                  620\nThai thame defendit manfully,\nAnd set bath will and strenth and mycht\nTill rusch thair fais in that ficht,\nThat than demanit thame angrely.\nThai sall thar fill haf of fechtyng!\nHow good James of Douglas asked of King Robert the Bruce\nLeave to go to support Earl Thomas Randolph.\n  Bot quhen the nobill renownyt Kyng,\nWith othir lordis that war hym by,\nSaw how the Erll abaundonly\nTuk the playn feld, James of Douglas                                 630\nCome to the Kyng richt quhar he was,\nAnd said; \u201cA Schir! Sanct Mary!\n\u201cThe Erll of Murreff oppynly\n\u201cTakis the playne feld with his menyhe.\n\u201cSoyne helpit, for his fayis ar ma\n\u201cThan he, and horssit weill alsua.\n\u201cAnd, with yhour leif, I will me speid\n\u201cTo help him, for that he has neid;\nThe King said; \u2018Sa our Lord me se,\n\u2018A fut till hym thou sall nocht ga.\n\u2018Giff he weill dois, let him weill ta.\n\u2018Quhethir him happin to win or los,\n\u201cCertis,\u201d he said, \u201cI will no wis\n\u201cSe that his fayis him suppris,\n\u201cQuhen that I may set help thar-till.\n\u201cWith yhour leiff, sekirly I will\n\u2018Do than, and speid the soyn agane,\u2019\nThe King said: and he held his way.\nGyff he may cum in tyme, perfay,\nI trow he sall hym help so weill,\n[655: _It_ in E H. C omits (S).]\nBOOK XII.\nHow the King slew Sir Henry Boune,\nWith his handaxe, and struck him down.\nNow Douglas furth his wayis tais,\nAnd in that self tyme fell, throu cas,\nThat the Kyng of Ingland, quhen he\nWes cummyn with his gret menyhe\nQuhar Scottis men arayit war,\nHe gert arest all his battale\nAt othir als to tak consale,\nQuhethir thai wald herbery thame that nycht,\nThe vaward, that wist no kyn thing\nOf this arest na thair duelling,\nRaid to the Park all straucht thar way,\nForout styntyng, in gude aray.\nAnd quhen the Kyng wist at thai weir                                  15\nIn haill battale cummand so neir,\nHis battale gert he weill aray.\nHe raid apon ane gray palfray,\nLitill and joly, arayande\nAnd on his basnet hye he bar\nAne hat off quyrbolle ay-quhar,\nAnd thar-upon, in-to taknyng,\nAne hye croune, that he wes ane kyng.\n[18: C _ane gay_. E _a litill_. H _a gray_ (S).]\n[Sidenote: JUNE 23, 1314] _Bruce and De Boune_]\n  And quhen Glowcister and Herfurd wer,                               25\nWith thair battalis, approchand ner,\nBefor thame all thar com rydand,\nWith helme on hed and sper in hand,\nSchir Henry of Boune, the worthy,\nAnd to the Erll of Herfurd cosyne,\nArmyt in armys gude and fyne;\nCom on a steid, a merk-schote neir\nBefore all othir that thair wer,\nHym swa araynge his men on raw,\nAnd be the croun that wes set\nAbovin his hed on the basnet;\nAnd toward him he went in hy.\nSaw hym cum forrouth all his feris,\nIn hy till hym his hors he steris;\nAnd quhen Schir Henry saw the Kyng\nCum on for-outen abaysyng,\nHe thoucht that he suld weill lichtly\nWyn him, and haf hym at his will,\nSen he hym horsit saw so ill.\nThan sprent thai sammyn in-till a lyng;\nSchir Henry myssit the nobill Kyng;                                   50\nAnd he, that in his sterapis stude,\nWith ax that wes bath hard and gude\nWith so gret mayn roucht hym ane dynt,\nThat nouthir hat no helm mycht stynt\nThat he the hed till harnys claf.\nThe hand-ax-schaft frushcit in twa,\nAnd he doune till the erd can ga\nAll flatlyngis, for hym falyheit mycht;\nThis wes the first strak of the ficht                                 60\nThat wes perfornyst douchtely.\nAnd quhen the Kingis men so stoutly\nSaw him, richt at the first metyng,\nFor-outen dout or abaysing,\nHave slayn ane knycht swa at ane strak,                               65\nSic hardyment than can thai tak,\nThat thai com on richt hardely.\nQuhen Inglis men saw thame stoutly\nCum on, thai had gret abaysyng;\nSo smertly that gud knycht had slayne;\nThan thai with-drew thaim evir-ilkane,\nAnd durst nocht than abyde to ficht,\nSa dred thai the Kyngis mycht.\n[25: C omits _quhen_ (S).]\n[33: E H _bow-schote_.]\n[57: C _ruschit_ (S).]\nSwa in haill battale thame withdraw,\nA gret schot till thame can thai mak,\nAnd thai in hy tuk all the bak,\nAnd thai, that followit thame, has slayne\nBot thai war few, forsuth to say;\nThar hors fete had ner all away.\nBot, how sa quheyn deit thair,\nRebotyt fellely thai war,\nAnd raid thair gait with weill mair schame,                           85\nBe full fer, than thai com fra hame.\nQwhen at the King reparit was,\nThat gert his men leif all the chas,\nThe lordis of his cumpany\nThat he hym put in aventure\nTo mete so stith a knycht and sture,\nIn sic poynt as he than wes seyn;\nFor thai said, weill it mycht haf beyne\nCaus of thair tynsale evirilkane.\nBot menyt his hand-ax-schaft, that swa\nWes with ane strak brokyn in twa.\n[Sidenote: JUNE 23, 1314] _Randolph\u2019s Success_]\n  The Erll Thomas wes yheit fechtand\nAnd slew of thame ane quantite,\nBot wery war his men and he.\nThe-quhethir with wapnys sturdely\nThai thame defendit manfully,\nQuhill that the lord Dowglas come neir,                              105\nThat sped hyme apon gret maneir.\nThe Inglis men, that war fechtand,\nQuhen thai the Douglas saw at hand,\nThai wayndist and maid ane opnyng.\nSchir James Dowglas, be thair relyng,                                110\nKnew at thai war discumfit neir:\nThan bad he thame that with him weir\nStand still, and pres no forthirmar;\n\u201cFor thai that yhondir fechtand ar,\u201d\n\u201cThat thair fayis weill soyn sall be\n\u201cDiscumfit throu thair awn mycht,\n\u201cThouch no man help thaim for to ficht.\n\u201cAnd cum we now in-to fechting,\n\u201cMen suld say we thame ruschit had,\n\u201cAnd swa suld thai, that caus has mad\n\u201cWith gret travaill and hard fechting,\n\u201cLeis ane part of thair lovyng.\n\u201cThat of sa soverane bounte is,\n\u201cThat he, throu playn and hard fechting,\n\u201cHas heir eschewit unlikly thing;\n\u201cHe sall haf that he wonnyn has.\u201d\nThe Erll with thame that fechtand was,                               130\nQuhen he his fayis saw brawll swa,\nIn hy apon thame can he ga,\nAnd pressit thame so woundir fast\nWith hard strakis, quhill, at the last,\nThai fled and durst nocht byde no mar.                               135\nBath men and horse slayn left thai thar,\nAnd held thair way in full gret hy,\nNocht all to-gidder bot syndrely,\nAnd thai that war ourtane war slayne.\nOff thair tynsall sary and wa.\nThe Erll, that had hym helpit swa,\nAnd his men als that war wery,\nHynt of thair basnetis in-till hy\nThai war all helit in-to swat.\nThame semyt men forsuth, I hicht,\nThat had fayndit thair fayis in ficht;\nAnd swa thai did full douchtely.\nThat thar wes bot ane yheman slayn,\nThan lovit thai God and war full fayn,\nAnd blith that thai eschapit swa.\nToward the King than can thai ga,\nHe askit thame of thair weill-fair,\nAnd gladsum cher to thame he maid,\nFor thai so weill than born thame had.\nThan all ran in-to gret dantee\nFor his hye worschip and valour\nAll yharnit till do him honour.\nSo fast thai ran till se hym thair,\nThat neir all sammyn assemblit war.\nBefor him swa assemblit be,\nBlith and glad that thair fayis war\nSa reboytit, as said wes ar,\nA litill quhil he held him still,\n[121: E _fruschit_.]\n[168: E _Rabutyt apon sic maner_. H similarly.]\n\u201cLordyngis,\u201d he said, \u201cwe aucht to luf\n\u201cAlmychty God that sittis abuf,\n\u201cThat sendis us so fair begynnyng.\n\u201cIt is ane gret disconfortyng\n\u201cSa soyn reboytit has beyn twis.\n[Sidenote: JUNE 23, 1314] _The Scots determine to Fight_]\n\u201cFor quhen thai of thair host sall heir,\n\u201cAnd knaw suthly on quhat maneir\n\u201cThair avaward, that wes so stout,\n\u201cThat I trow of the best men war\n\u201cThat thai mycht get emang thame thar,\n\u201cWar reboytit so suddandly,\n\u201cI trow, and knawis it all cleirly,\n\u201cThat mony ane hert sall waverand be                                 185\n\u201cThat semyt ere of gret bounte.\n\u201cAnd fra the hert be discumfite,\n\u201cThe body is nocht worth a myt.\n\u201cThar-for I trow that gud ending\n\u201cThe-quhethir I say nocht this yhow till,\n\u201cFor that yhe suld follow my will\n\u201cTo ficht, for in yhow sall all be.\n\u201cFor gif yhe think spedfull that we\n\u201cFecht, we sall ficht; and gif yhe will,                             195\n\u201cWe leiff, yhour liking to fulfill.\n\u201cI shall consent on alkyn wis\n\u201cTill do richt as yhe will devis;\n\u201cTharfor sais on yhour will planly.\u201d\n\u2018Gud King, forouten mair delay,\n\u2018To-morn als soyn as yhe se day,\n\u2018Ordane yhow haill for the battale,\n\u2018For dout of ded we sall nocht fale;\n\u2018Quhill we have maid our cuntre fre!\u2019\n[Sidenote: JUNE 23, 1314] _Bruce\u2019s Address to his Men_]\nQwhen the King herd thaim so manly\nSpek to the ficht and hardely,\nIn hert gret gladschip can he ta,\n\u201cSchapis us tharfor in the mornyng\n\u201cHaf herd mes, and be buskit weill\n\u201cIlk man in-till his awne yscheill,\n\u201cIn battales with baneris displayit.\n\u201cAnd luk yhe na way brek aray;\n\u201cAnd, as yhe luf me, I yhow pray\n\u201cThat ilk man for his awne honour\n\u201cAnd quhen it cummys to the ficht,\n\u201cIlk man set his hert and mycht\n\u201cTo stynt our fais mekill pryd.\n\u201cOn hors thai sall arayit ryd,\n\u201cMeit thame with speris hardely,\n\u201cAnd wreik on thame the mekill ill\n\u201cThat thai and tharis has done us till,\n\u201cAnd ar in will yheit for till do,\n\u201cAnd, certis, me think weill that we,\n\u201cForout abasyng, aucht till be\n\u201cWorthy and of gret vassalage;\n\u201cFor we have thre gret avantage.\n\u201cAnd for the richt ay God will ficht.\n\u201cThe tothir is, thai ar cummyn heir\n\u201cFor lypnyng in thair gret power,\n\u201cTo seik us in our awne land;\n\u201cAnd has broucht her, richt till our hand,                           240\n\u201cRiches in-to so gret plentee,\n\u201cThat the pouerest of yhow sall be\n\u201cBath rych, and mychty thar-with-all,\n\u201cGif that we wyn, as weill may fall.\n\u201cAnd for our childer and our wyvis,\n\u201cAnd for the fredome of our land,\n\u201cAr strenyheit in battale for to stand.\n\u201cAnd thai for thair mycht anerly,\n\u201cAnd for thai wald distroy us all,\n\u201cMais thame to ficht: bot yhet ma fall\n\u201cThat thai sall rew thar barganyng.\n\u201cAnd, certis, I warne yhow of a thing,\n\u201cTill fynd fantis in-till our deid,\n\u201cSwa that thai wyn us opynly,\n\u201cThai sall haf of us no mercy.\n\u201cAnd, sen we knaw thar felloune will,\n\u201cMe think it suld accorde till skill                                 260\n\u201cTo set stoutnes agane felony,\n\u201cAnd mak swagat ane juperdy.\n\u201cQuharfor I yhow requeir and pray,\n\u201cThat, with all mycht that evir yhe may,\n\u201cBut cowardis or abaysing,\n\u201cTo meit thame that first sall assemmyll\n\u201cSo stoutly that the henmast trymmyll.\n\u201cAnd menys on yhour gret manheid,\n\u201cYhour worschip, and yhour douchty deid,                             270\n\u201cAnd of the joy that yhe abyd,\n\u201cGiff that us fallis, as weill may tyd,\n\u201cHap to vencus the gret battale.\n\u201cIn-till yhour handis, forouten faill\n\u201cFredome, welth, and gret blithnes,\n\u201cGif yhe conteyn yhow manfully;\n\u201cAnd the contrar all halely\n\u201cSall fall, gif yhe let cowardis\n\u201cAnd wikkidness yhour hertis surpris.                                280\n\u201cYhe mycht haf lifit in-to thrildome,\n\u201cBot, for yhe yharnyt till haf fredome,\n\u201cYhe ar assemblit heir with me;\n\u201cTharfor is neidful that yhe be\n\u201cI warne yhow weill yheit of a thing,\n\u201cThat mair myscheif may fall us nane\n\u201cThan in thair handis to be tane:\n\u201cFor thai suld slay us, I wat weill,\n\u201cBot quhen I meyn of yhour stoutnes,\n\u201cAnd on the mony gret prowes\n\u201cThat yhe have done so worthely,\n\u201cI trast and trowis sekirly\n\u201cTill have playne victor in this ficht.                              295\n\u201cFor thouch our fayis have mekill mycht,\n\u201cThai haf the wrang, and succudry\n\u201cAnd covatis of senyhory\n\u201cAmovis thame forouten mor.\n\u201cFor strynth of this place, as yhe se,\n\u201cSall let us enveronyt to be.\n\u201cAnd I pray yhow als specialy,\n\u201cBoth mor and les all comonly,\n\u201cHaf e till tak of thair riches,\n\u201cNa presoners yheit for till ta,\n\u201cQuhill yhe se thame cumrayit swa,\n\u201cThat the feld planly ouris be.\n\u201cTak all the riches that thar is.\n\u201cGif yhe will wirk apon this wis,\n\u201cYhe sall haf victor sekirly.\n\u201cI wat nocht quhat mar say sall I;\n\u201cConteyn yhow tharfor on sic wis\n\u201cThat yhour honour ay savit be.\n\u201cAnd I hecht heir, in my lawte,\n\u201cGif ony deis in this battaill,\n\u201cOn the first day his land sall weild,\n\u201cAll be he nevir so yhoung of eild.\n\u201cNow makis yhow reddy till the ficht.\n\u201cGod help us, that is mast of mycht!\n\u201cPurvait in battale, sa that we\n\u201cTo meit our fais ay be boune.\u201d\nThan ansuerd thai all with a sowne,\n\u2018As yhe devis sa sall be done.\u2019\nThan till thair innys went thai soyne,                               330\nAnd ordanit thame for the fichting;\nSyne assemblit in the evynnyng,\nAnd swa-gat all the nycht baid thai\nTill on the morn that it wes day.\n_Saying that nouther life nor dead      *209\nTo sik discomfort sould them lead\nThat they sould eschew the feghting.\nIn heart he had great rejoycing._       *212\nThese lines in H only, not in C E. They do not fit into the text. Line\n*212 is a doublet of 209.]\n[214: C _yscheill_ (S).]\n[216: C _battale_ (S). E _bataillis_.]\n[234: C _ilk man suld_ (S). E H _ay God will_.]\n[256: E _That deyt on roid for mankyn heid_. H _For to prevaile into\nthis steed_.]\n[Sidenote: JUNE 23, 1314] _The English are Discouraged_]\n[Sidenote: JUNE 24, 1314] _The English encamp on the Carse_]\nAnd all his rowt reboytit war,\nAnd thar gret vaward alsua\nWes distrenyheit the bak till ta,\nAnd thai haf tald thair reboyting,\nSlew at a strak, sa apertly,\nA knycht that wycht wes and hardy;\nAnd how all haill the Kyngis battaill\nSchupe thame richt stoutly till assaill,\nQuhen thai all haill the bak can ta:\nAnd how thai lessit off thair men:\nAnd Cliffurd had tald alsua then,\nHow Thomas Randall tuk the playne\nSchir Wilyhame Dancort the worthy;\nAnd how the Erll faucht manfully,\nThat, as ane hyrcheoune, all his rout\nGert set out speris all about;\nAnd part of thair gud men wes slane:\nThe Inglis men sic abaysing\nTuk, and sik dreid of that tithing,\nThat in fyve hundreth placis and ma\nMen mycht thame sammyn se rownand ga,                                360\nSayand; \u201cOur lordis, for thar mycht,\n\u201cWill all-gat ficht agane the richt.\n\u201cBot quha sa warrayis wrangwisly,\n\u201cThai faynd God all too gretumly,\n\u201cAnd sa may tyd that her we sall.\u201d\nAnd quhen thir lordis had persaving\nOf the discomford, and the rownyng,\nThat thai held sammyn twa and twa,\nThrou-out the hoost soyne gert thai ga                               370\nHeraldis, for till mak ane crye,\nThat nane discomford suld it be;\nFor in punyheis is oft hapnyne\nQuhill for to wyne, and quhill to tyne;\nThat apon na maner may fale;\nBot, gif the Scottis flee away,\nSall all amendit be, perfay.\nTharfor thai monyst thame to be\nAnd stithly in the battale stand,\nAnd tak amendis at thair hand.\nThai may weill monyss as thai will,\nAnd thai may als hecht till fulfill\nWith stalwart strakis thair byddingis all;                           385\nBot nocht-for-thi I trow thai sall\nIn-till thair hertis dredande be.\nThe King, with his consell preve,\nHas tane to rede that he wald nocht\nThair thai herbryit thame that nycht\nDoune in the Kers, and gert all dicht,\nAnd mak reddy ther apparale,\nAgane the morne for the battale.\nHowsis and thak thai brak, and bar\nTo mak bryggis quhar thai mycht pas.\nAnd sum sais yheit, the folk that wes\nIn the castell, quhen nycht can fall,\nFor at thai knew thair myscheiff all,                                400\nThai went furth neir all at thai war,\nAnd durys and wyndowis with thaim bar,\nSwa that thai had befor the day\nBriggit the pollis, swa that thai\nArayit in till thair apparaill.\n[342: C _The best knycht of thair chevelry_ (S). H as E.]\n[371: C _Herrodis_ (S). _Cf._ _Language: l_.]\n[395: C _For in the Kers pollis ther war_ (S).]\n[397: C _Ta mak_ (S), where _ta_ is clearly a slip.]\n[Linenote: For 405 E has _ilkane all hale_.]\n[*406, *407: Not in E, but in C and H.]\nThe Battle of Bannockburn.\nThe Scottis men, quhen it wes day,\nThair mes devotly herd thai say,\nSyne tuk a sop, and maid thame yhar.\nAnd in thair battalis all purvait,\nWith thair braid baneris all displayit,\nThai maid knychtis, as it afferis\nTo men that oysis thai mysteris.\nThe Kyng maid Walter Stewart knycht,                                 415\nAnd James of Douglas, that wes wicht,\nAnd othir als of gret bounte\nHe maid, ilkane in thair degre.\nQuhen this wes done, that I yhou say,\nAnd tuk the playne full apertly.\nMony wicht man, gud and hardy,\nThat wer fulfillit of gret bounte,\nIn-till thair rowtis men mycht se.\nThat richt as angelis schane brichtly,\nWar nocht arayit on sic maner;\nFor all thair batalis sammyn wer\nIn a schiltrum; bot quhethir it wes\nThrou the gret stratnes of the plas                                  430\nThat thai war in, till byd fichting,\nOr that it wes for abaysing,\nI wat nocht; bot in a schiltrum\nIt semyt thai war all and some,\nThat with ane richt gret cumpany\nBe thame-selvin arayit war.\nQuha had bene by mycht have sene thar\nThat folk ourtak ane mekill feld\nOn breid; quhar mony a schynand scheld,                              440\nAnd mony a burnyst bricht armour,\nAnd mony man of gret valour,\nAnd mony a baner bricht and scheyne,\nMicht in that gret schiltrum be seyne.\n[438-9: C _And till the battale maid thame yhar_ (S). H as in E.]\n[Sidenote: JUNE 24, 1314] _The Scots kneel in Prayer_]\nSaw Scottis men saw tak on hand\nTo tak the hard feild sa opynly,\nAnd apon fut, he had ferly,\nAnd said, \u201cQuhat! will yhon Scottis ficht?\u201d\n\u2018Yhaa sekirly, Schir!\u2019 than said a knycht,                           450\nSchir Ingerame the Umphrevell hat he,\nAnd said, \u2018Forsuth, Schir, now I se\n\u2018All the mast ferlifull sycht\n\u2018That evir I saw, quhen for to ficht\n\u2018Agane the gret mycht of Ingland,\n\u2018In plane hard feild to gif battale.\n\u2018Bot and yhe will trow my consale,\n\u2018Yhe sall discomfit thame lichtly.\n\u2018With battalis, baneris and pennownys,\n\u2018Quhill that we pas our palyheownys;\n\u2018And yhe sall se als soyne at thai,\n\u2018Magre thair lordis, sall brek aray,\n\u2018And, quhen we se thame scalit swa,\n\u2018Prik we than on thame hardely,\n\u2018And we sall haf thame weill lichtly.\n\u2018For than sall nane be knyt to ficht,\n\u2018That may withstand our mekill mycht.\u2019                               470\n\u201cI will nocht,\u201d said the King, \u201cperfay,\n\u201cDo sa: for ther sall no man say,\n\u201cThat I suld eschewe the battale,\n\u201cNa withdraw me for sic rangale.\u201d\nThe Scottis men full devotly\nKnelyt all doune, till God to pray,\nAnd a schort prayer thair maid thai\nTill God, till help thame in that ficht.\nAnd quhen the Inglis King had sicht                                  480\nOf thame kneland, he said in hy--\n\u201cYhon folk knelis till ask mercy.\u201d\nSchir Ingerame said; \u2018Yhe say suth now;\n\u2018Thai ask mercy, bot nocht at yhow:\n\u2018I tell yhow a thing sekirly,\n\u2018That yhon men will wyn all or de,\n\u2018For dout of ded thar sall nane fle.\u2019\n\u201cNow be it swa,\u201d than said the Kyng.\nThai gert trump up to the assemble.\nOn athir syd than men mycht se\nFull mony wycht men and worthy,\nAll ready till do chevelry.\n[447: C _So plainly_ (S).]\n[460: C _Yhe sall withdraw_ (S); so too in H. E as in text.]\n[490: C _We sall it se but delaying_ (S). E H as in text.]\nAnd Inglis men, with mekill prid,\nThat war in-till thar avaward,\nTill the battall that Schir Edward\nGovernyt and led, held straucht thair way.\nAnd prikit apon thame sturdely;\nAnd thai met thame richt hardely:\nSwa that, at the assemble thair,\nSic a frusching of speris wair\nAt thar metyng, for outen wer,\nWer stedis stekit mony ane;\nMony gud man borne doune and slane,\nAnd mony ane hardyment douchtely\nThai dang on othir with wapnys ser;\nSum of the hors, that stekit wer,\nRuschit and relit rycht roydly.\nBot the remanant, nocht-for-thi,\nFor that lat maid rycht no stynting,\nBot assemblit full hardely.\nAnd thai met thame full sturdely,\nWith speris that wer scharp to scher,\nQuhar-with wes roucht full mony rout.\nThe ficht wes thair so fell and stout,\nThat mony worthy men and wicht\nThrou fors wes fellit in that ficht,\nThe Scottis men fast can thame payne\nThair fais mekill mycht to rus.\nI trow thai sall no payne refus,\nNa perell, quhill thar fais be\n[527: E _frusch_. H _frush_.]\n[Sidenote: JUNE 24, 1314] _The Earl of Murray attacks_]\nAnd quhen the Erll of Murref sa\nThair avaward saw stoutly ta\nThe way to Schir Edward all straucht,\nThat met thame with full mekill maucht.\nTill the gret rout, quhar sammyn wer\nThe nyne battales that wes so braid,\nThat so feill baneris with thame had,\nAnd of men sa gret quantite,\nThe gud Erll thiddir tuk the way\nWith his battale in gud aray,\nAnd assemblit so hardely,\nThat men mycht her, that had beyn by,\nA gret frusche of the speres that brast.                             545\nFor thair fais assalyheit fast,\nThat on stedis, with mekill prid,\nCom prikand as thai wald our-ryd\nThe Erll and all his cumpany.\nThat mony of thame till erd thai bar.\nFor mony a steid wes stekit thar,\nAnd mony gud man fellit undir feit\nThat had no power to ris yheit.\nAnd sum defend and sum assale,\nAnd mony a riall rymmyll ryde\nBe roucht thair, apon athir syde,\nQuhill throu the byrneis brist the blud,\nThat till the erd doune stremand yhud.                               560\nThe Erll of Murreff and his men\nSo stoutly thame contenit then,\nThat thai wan plas ay mair and mair\nOn thair fais; the-quhethir thai war\nSwa that it semyt weill that thai\nWar tynt emang so gret menyhe,\nAs thai war plungit in the se.\nAnd quhen the Inglis men has seyne\nFecht sa stoutly, but effraying,\nRycht as thai had nane abaysing,\nThai pressit thame with all thar mycht.\nAnd thai, with speris and suerdis brycht,\nAnd axis that rycht scharply schar,                                  575\nIn-myd the visage met thame thar.\nThar men mycht se a stalwart stour,\nAnd mony men of gret valour\nWith speris, macys, and with knyvis,\nAnd othyr wapnys, vissill thair lyvis,                               580\nSwa that mony fell doune all ded;\nThe gyrs wox with the blude all red.\nThe Erll, that wicht wes and worthy,\nAnd his men faucht so manfully,\nThat quha sa had seyne thaim that day,                               585\nI trow forsuth that thai suld say\nThat thai suld do thair devour wele,\nSwa that thair fayis suld it feill.\nBOOK XIII.\nHow Walter Stewart and Douglas\nCame with their battle that worthy was.\nQwhen that thir twa first batellis wer\nAssemblit, as I said yhow er,\nThe Steward, Walter that than was,\nAnd the gud lord als of Douglas,\nThe Erll, for outen dreid or aw,\nAssemmyll with his cumpany\nOn all the folk so sturdely,\nFor till help him thai held thar way\nAnd assemmyllit so hardely\nBesyd the Erll a litill by,\nThair fais feld thair cummyng weill;\nFor with wapnys stalwart of steill\nThai dang on thame with all thar mycht.                               15\nThar fayis resavit them weill, I hycht,\nWith swerdis, speris, and with macys.\nThe battale thair so felloune was,\nAnd sua richt gret spilling of blud,\nThe Scottis men so weill thame bar,\nAnd sua gret slauchtir maid thai thar,\nAnd fra so feill the livis revit,\nThat all the feild wes bludy levit.\nAll syde be syde fechtand weill neir.\nThar mycht man her richt mony dynt,\nAnd wapnys apon armour stynt,\nAnd see tummyll knychtis and stedis,\nDefoulit roydly under feit.\nSum held on loft, sum tynt the suet.\nA long quhill thus fechtand thai wer,\nThat men no noyis na cry mycht her;\nMen hard nocht ellis bot granys and dyntis                            35\nThat slew fire, as men dois on flyntis.\nSa faucht thai ilkane egirly,\nThat thai maid nouthir noyis no cry,\nBot dang on othir at thar mycht,\nWith wapnys that war burnyst brycht.                                  40\nThe arrows als so thik thai flaw,\nThat thai mycht say weill, at thaim saw,\nThat thai ane hydwis schour can ma:\nFor quhar thai fell, I undirta,\nThat sall neid, as I trow, lechyng.\n[Sidenote: JUNE 24, 1314] _The English Archers dispersed_]\n[Sidenote: JUNE 24, 1314] _Bruce brings up his Reserve_]\n  The Inglis archeris schot so fast,\nThat, mycht thar schot haf had last,\nIt had beyne hard to Scottis men.\nThat the archeris war perelous,\nAnd thar schot hard and richt grevous,\nOrdanit forrouth the assemble\nHis Marschall with a gret menyhe,\nFiff hundreth armyt weill in steill                                   55\nThat on licht hors war horsyt weill,\nFor to prik emang the archeris,\nAnd sua assailyhe thame with speris\nThat thai no laser haf to schute.\nThat Schir Robert of Keth wes cald,\nAs I befor has to yhow tald,\nQuhen that he saw the battalis swa\nAssemmyll and to-giddir ga,\nAnd saw the archeris schut stoutly,                                   65\nWith all thame of his cumpany\nIn hy apon thame can he ryde,\nAnd our-tuk thame at a syde,\nAnd rushit emang thame sa roydly,\nAnd in sic fusioune berand doune,\nAnd slayand thame without ransoune,\nThat thai thame scalit evirilkane;\nAnd fra that time furth ther wes nane\nQuhen Scottis archeris saw at swa\nThai war rebutit, thai wox hardy,\nWith all thar mycht schot egirly\nEmang the hors-men that thar raid,\nAnd woundis wyde to thame thai maid,                                  80\nAnd slew of thame a wele gret dele;\nThai bar thame hardely and weill.\nFor fra thair fais archeris were\nScalit, as I have said yhow ere,\nSwa that thai dred nocht thar schuting,\nThai wox so hardy that thame thoucht\nThai suld set all thair fais at noucht.\nThe Marschall and his cumpany\nAmang the archeris, quhar thai maid\nWith speris rowme quhar at thai raid,\nAnd slew all that thai mycht ourta.\nAnd thai weill lichtly mycht do swa,\nNa for to hald agane a dynt.\nAnd agane armyt men to ficht\nMay nakit men haff litill mycht.\nThai scalit thame on sic maner,\nWithdrawin thaim in full gret hy,\nAnd sum war fled all utrely.\nBot the folk that behynd thame was,\nThat for thair awne folk had no space\nYheit than to cum to the assemblyng,                                 105\nIn agane smertly can thai ding\nThe archeris, that thai met fleand,\nThat than war maid so recryand,\nThat thair hertis war tynt cleirly,\nI trow thai sall nocht scath gretly                                  110\nThe Scottis men with schot that day.\nAnd the gud King Robert, that ay\nWas fillit of full gret bounte,\nSaw how that his battellis thre\nAnd so weill in the ficht thame bar,\nAnd so fast on thair fais can dyng\nThat him thoucht nane had abaysing,\nAnd how the archeris war scalit then,\nHe said; \u201cLordingis, now luk that yhe\n\u201cWorthy and of gud covyne be\n\u201cAt this assemble, and hardy;\n\u201cAnd assemmyll so sturdely\n\u201cOur men so freschly ar fechtand,\n\u201cThat thai thair fais has cumrait swa\n\u201cThat, be thai presit, I undirta,\n\u201cA litill fastar, yhe sall se\n[109: E _tynt clenly_.]\n[127: E _grathyt sua_. H _cumbred_.]\n[Sidenote: JUNE 24, 1314] _The English Van driven back_]\n  Quhen this wes said, thai held thar way,\nAnd on a syde assemblit thai\nSo stoutly, that at thar cummyng\nThair fais wer ruschit a gret thing.\nTher men mycht se men freschly ficht,                                135\nAnd men that worthy war and wycht\nDo mony worthy vassalage;\nThai faucht as thai war in a rage.\nFor quhen the Scottis ynkirly\nStand in-to battale thame agane,\nWith all thar mycht and all thar mayne\nThai layd on, as men out of wit;\nAnd quhar thai with full strak mycht hit,\nThar mycht no armyng stynt thar strak;                               145\nThai to-fruschit thame thai mycht our-tak,\nAnd with axis sic duschis gaff\nThat thai helmys and hedis claff.\nAnd thair fais richt hardely\nWith wapnys that war stith of steill:\nThar wes the battell strikyn weill.\nSo gret dynnyng ther wes of dyntis,\nAs wapnys apon armor styntis,\nAnd sic thrawing and sic thristing,\nSic gyrnyng, granyng, and so gret\nA noyis, as thai can othir bet,\nAnd cryit ensenyheis on everilk syd,\nThat it wes hydwiss for till her\nAll four the bataillis wicht that wer\nFechtand in-till a front haly.\nAlmychty God! how douchtely\nAmang thair fais contenyt thame then!\nFechtand in-to sa gud covyne,\nSo hardy, worthy and so fyne,\nThat thar avaward ruschit was,\nAnd to thar gret rowt to warrand\nThai went, that than had apon hand\nSo gret not, that thai war effrait,\nFor Scottis men thame hard assait,\nQuha hapnit in that ficht to fall,\nI trow agane he suld nocht ris.\nTher men mycht se on mony wis\nHardyment eschevit douchtely,\nDoune under feit lyand all dede,\nQuhar all the feild of blud wes red.\nArmoris and quyntis that thai bare,\nWith blud wes swa defowlit thar,\nThat thai mycht nocht discrivit be.                                  185\nA! mychty God! quha than mycht se\nThe Steward, Walter, and his rout\nAnd the gud Douglas that wes stout\nFechtand in-to that stalward stour,\nThai war worthy, that in that ficht\nSa fast presit thair fais mycht,\nThat thai thame ruschit quhar thai yheid.\nThair mycht men se mony a steid\nA! Lord! quha than gud tent had tane\nTo the gud Erll off Murreff\nAnd his, that swa gret rowtis gaf,\nAnd faucht sa fast in that battale,\nThat thai and thairis maid sic debat,\nThat quhar thai come thai maid thaim gat.\nThan mycht men heir ensenyheis cry,\nAnd Scottis men cry hardely,\n\u201cOn thame! On thame! On thame! Thai faill!\u201d                          205\nWith that so hard thai can assaill,\nAnd slew all that thai mycht our-ta.\nAnd the Scottis archeris alsua\nSchot emang thame so sturdely,\nThat quhat for thame that with thame faucht\nAnd swa gret rowtis to thame raucht,\nAnd presit thame full egirly;\nAnd quhat for arrowes that felly\nAnd slew fast of thair hors alsua,\nThat thai wayndist a litell we;\nThai dred so gretly thane till de\nThat thair covyne wes war than eir:\nFor thai that with thame fechtand weir,                              220\nSet hardyment and strynth and will\nAnd hart and corage als, thar-till,\nAnd all thair mayne, and all thar mycht,\nTo put thame fully to the flycht.\n_Now ga we on them sa hardely,              *131\nAnd ding on them sa doughtely,\nThat they may feele, at our comming,\nThat we them hate in meekle thing:\nFor great cause they have us made,          *135\nThat occupied our landis brade,\nAnd put all to subjectioun:\nYour goodis made all theirs commoun:\nOur kyn and frendis, for their awne,\nDispitteously hanged and drawne:            *140\nAnd wald destroy us gif they might.\nBot, I trow, God, through his foresight,\nThis day hes granted us his grace\nTo wrek us on them in this place._          *144\nFrom H: not in C E. These remarks seem quite out of place. The spirit\nof animosity is not in harmony with the tenour of Bruce\u2019s other\nspeeches; the language at certain points is not Barbour-like; and the\nwhole passage is thus of questionable authenticity. See _Preface_, pp.\nvii-viii.]\n[144: C _For quhar_ (S).]\n[164: C _full douchtely_ (S). E H _how_, in accord with the\nexclamatory phrase.]\n[173: E _gret anoy_.]\n[183: E _quhytys_. H _coates_. (See note.)]\n[209: E _deliverly_.]\n[224: C _thame fouly_ (S). H _fully_.]\nHow the Yeomen and the Poor Men made of Sheets the Manner of Banners in\nSupport of King Robert the Bruce and his Folk.\n[Sidenote: JUNE 24, 1314] _The Camp-followers appear_]\nThat the battall on this maner\nWes strikin, quhar on athir party\nThai war fechtand richt manfully,\nYhemen, swanys, and poueraill,\nWar left; quhen thai wist but lesing\nThat thair lordis, with fell fichtyng,\nOn thair fais assemblit war,\nAne of them-selvyne that wes thar\nAnd schetis, that war sum-deill braid,\nThai festnyt in steid of baneris\nApon lang treis and on speris,\nAnd said that thai wald se the ficht,\nQuhen her-till all assentit war,\nAnd in a rowt assemblit ar,\nFiften thousand thai war and ma.\nAnd than in gret hy thai can ga\nAs thai had men beyn stith and stout.\nThai com, with all that assemble,\nRicht quhill thai mycht the battale se;\nThan all at anys thai gaf ane cry,\nAnd thar-with all cumand ar thai:\nBot thai war yheit weill far away,\nAnd Inglis men, that ruschit war\nThrou fors of ficht, as I said air,\nToward thame sic ane cumpany,\nThat thai thoucht weill als mony war\nAs at war fechtand with thame thar,\nAnd thai befor had thame nocht seyne,\nThan, wit yhe weill, withouten weyne,                                260\nThai war abasit so gretumly,\nThat the best and the mast hardy\nThat war in-till the oost that day,\nWald with thair mensk have beyn away.\n[250: C _Apon thame! on thame hardely!_ (S). H as in E.]\nSaw thai war neir discomfyting,\nAnd his ensenyhe can hely cry.\nThan, with thame of his cumpany,\nHis fais presit so fast that thai\nThat thai left place ay mar and mar.\nFor all the Scottis men that war thar,\nQuhen thai saw thame eschew the ficht,\nDang on thame swa with all thar mycht,\nAnd till discumfitur war ner;\nAnd sum of thame fled all planly.\nBot thai that wicht war and hardy,\nThat schame letit till ta the flicht,\nAt gret myschef mantemyt the ficht,                                  280\nAnd stithly in the stour can stand.\nAnd quhen the King of Ingland\nSaw his men fle in syndry place,\nAnd saw his fais rout, that was\nThat all his folk war halely\nSwa stonayit, that thai had no mycht\nTo stynt thair fais in the ficht,\nHe was abaysit so gretumly\nFif hundreth armyt weill at rycht,\nIn-till a frusche all tuk the flycht,\nAnd till the castell held ther way.\nAnd yheit, as I herd sum men say,\nQuhen he the feld saw vencust ner,\nBy the renyhe led away the King,\nAgane his will, fra the fichting.\n[Sidenote: JUNE 24, 1314] _Death of Argentine_]\n  And quhen Schir Gelis de Argente\nSchape thame to fle so spedely,\nHe com richt to the King in hy\nAnd said; \u201cSchir, sen that it is swa\n\u201cThat yhe thusgat yhour gat will ga,\n\u201cYheit fled I nevir sekirly,\n\u201cAnd I cheis heir to byde and de\n\u201cThan till lif heir and schamfully fle.\u201d\nHis brydill than but mar abaid\nAnd on Schir Edward the Brusis rout,\nThat wes so sturdy and so stout,\nAs dreid of nakyn thing had he,\nHe prikit, cryand, \u201cArgente!\u201d\nAnd swa feill speris on hym set,\nThat he and hors war chargit swa\nThat bath doune to the erd can ga:\nAnd in that place than slayne wes he.\nHe wes the thrid best knycht, perfay,\nThat men wist liffand in his day:\nHe did mony a fair journe.\nOn Sarisenis thre derenyheis did he;\nHe vencust Sarisenis twa;\nHis gret worschip tuk thar ending.\nAnd fra Schir Amer with the King\nWes fled, wes nane that durst abyde,\nAnd thair fais thame presit fast,\nThai war, to say suth, all agast,\nAnd fled swa, richt effrayitly,\nThat of thame a full gret party\nFled to the wattir of Forth; and thar                                335\nThe mast part of thame drownit war.\nAnd Bannokburn, betuix the brais,\nOf hors and men so chargit was,\nThat apon drownit hors and men\nAnd laddis, swanys, and rangall,\nQuhen thai saw vencust the battall,\nRan emang thame, and swa can sla\nThai folk that na defens mycht ma,\nI herd nevir quhar, in na cuntre,\nFolk at swa gret myschef war stad;\nOn a syde thai thair fais had,\nThat slew thame doune without mercy,\nBannokburne, that sa cummyrsum was\nOf slyk and depnes, for till pas,\nThat thair mycht nane atour it ryde.\nThame worthit, magre tharis, abyde;\nSwa that sum slayne, sum drownit war;                                355\nMicht nane eschap that evir com thar.\nThe-quhethir mony gat away,\nThat ellis-whar fled, as I herd say.\n[299: E _the Argente_.]\n[308: E _Than for to lyve schamly, and fley_.]\n[Sidenote: JUNE 24, 1314] _The Flight of King Edward_]\n  The Kyng, with thame he with him had,\nAnd wald have beyn tharin, for thai\nWist nocht quhat gat to get away.\nBot Philip the Mowbray said him till,\n\u201cThe castell, Schir, is at yhour will;\n\u201cThat yhe sall soyne assegit be.\n\u201cAnd thar sall nane of all Ingland\n\u201cTo mak yhow rescours tak on hand.\n\u201cAnd, but rescours, may no castele\n\u201cTharfor confort yhow, and relye\n\u201cYour men about yhow richt straitlye,\n\u201cAnd haldis about the Park the way.\n\u201cKnyt yhow als sadly as yhe may,\n\u201cThat chassis, with so feill to ficht.\u201d\nAnd as he consalit thai have done;\nBeneth the castell went thai soyne,\nRicht by the Rownde Tabill thair way,\nAnd toward Lithkew held in hy.\nBut, I trow, thai sall hastely\nBe convoyit with folk that thai,\nI trow, mycht suffer weill away!\nCom till his Kyng and askit the chas,\nAnd he gaf him leif but abaid.\nBot all to few of hors he hade;\nHe had nocht in his rowt sexty,\nThe way eftir the King to ta.\nNow let him on his wayis ga,\nAnd eftir this we sall weill tell\nQuhat till hym in his chas byfell.\n[377: E _And his consaill_.]\nHow Good Douglas chased the King of England after the Battles of\nBannockburn.\nWes discumfit, as I devis,\nQuhar thretty thousand thar wes ded,\nOr drownit in-to that ilk sted;\nAnd sum war in-to handis tane;\nThe Erll of Herfurd fra the melle\nDepartit, with a gret menyhe\nAnd straucht to Bothwell tuk the vay,\nThat than at Inglis mennys fay\nSchir Walter Gilbertson wes ther\nCapitane, and it had in ward.\nThe Erl of Herfurde thiddirward\nHeld, and wes tane in our the wall,\nAnd sett in housis syndrely,\nSwa that thai had thar no mastry.\nThe layff went toward Ingland.\nBot of that rout, I tak on hand,\nThe thre parteis war tane or slayne:                                 415\nThe layff with gret payne hame ar gane.\n[406: C _Gilbertstoune_ (S), but see note.]\nSchir Moris alsua de Berclay\nFra the gret battell held his way,\nWith a gret rout of Walis men;\nQuhar-evir thai yheid men mycht tham ken;                            420\nFor thai weill neir all nakid war,\nOr lynyng clothis had but mair.\nThai held thair wayis in full gret hy;\nBot mony of thair cumpany,\nAnd mony als of thame war slane.\nThai fled als othir wais ser,\nBot to the castell, that wes ner,\nOf Strevilling fled sic a menyhe,\nFor the craggis all helit war\nAbout the castell, heir and thar,\nOf thame that, for strinth of that sted,\nThiddirward till warrande fled.\nAnd for thai war sa feill that thair                                 435\nFlede under the castell war,\nThe King Robert, that wes witty,\nHeld ay his gude men neir him by,\nFor dreid that ris againe suld thai.\nQuhar-throu the King of Ingland\nEschapit hame in-to his land.\n[417: E H _the Berclay_.]\nQwhen that the feld so cleyn wes maid\nOf Inglis men, that nane abad,\nOf tharis all that evir thai fand,\nAs silver, gold, clathis, and armyng,      *447\nWith vessel and all other thing\nThat evir thai mycht lay on thar hand;\nSo gret a riches thair thai fand,          *450\nThat mony man wes mychty maid\nOf the riches that thai thar had.\n[Sidenote: JUNE 24, 1314] _The Knights who fell_]\n  Quhen this wes done that ere said I,\nUp to the crag, thame till assale\nThat war fled fra the gret battale;\nAnd thai thame yhald for-out debat,\nAnd in hand has thame tane fut-hat,\nThai dispendit haly that day\nIn spoulyheing and riches taking,\nFra end wes maid of the fechting.\nAnd quhen thai nakit spulyheit war\nThat war slayne in the battale thar,                                 460\nIt wes forsuth a gret ferly\nTill se sammyn so feill dede ly.\nTwa hundreth payr of spuris rede\nWar tane of knychtis that war dede.\nThe Erll of Glowcister ded wes thar,                                 465\nThat men callit Schir Gilbert of Clar;\nAnd Schir Gelis de Argente alsua,\nAnd Payne Typtot, and othir ma,\nThat thair namys nocht tell can I.\nThar wes slayne worthy knychtis twa;\nWilyhame Vepownt wes ane of tha,\nAnd Schir Walter the Ros ane othir,\nThat Schir Edward, the Kyngis brothir,\nThat as him-self him lufit he.\nAnd quhen he wist that he wes dede,\nHe wes so wa and will of rede,\nThat he said, makand full evill cher,\nThat him war levar that journye wer                                  480\nUndone, than he swa ded had bene.\nOutaken him, men has nocht seyn\nQuhar he for ony man maid menyng;\nAnd the caus wes of his lufing,\nLufit, and held all at rebouris\nHis awyne wif dame Esobell.\nAnd tharfor swa gret distans fell\nBetwix him and the Erll Davy\nThat he, apon Sanct Johnnis nycht,\nQuhen bath the Kyngis war boune to ficht,\nIn Cambuskynneth the Kyngis vittale\nHe tuk, and sadly gert assale\nSchir Wilyham of Herth, and him slew,                                495\nAnd with hym ma men than enew.\nQuharfor syne in-till Ingland\nHe wes banyst, and all his land\nWas sesit and forfalt to the Kyng,\n[463: C _Sevin hundreth paris_ (S). _Twa_ E H.]\n[490: E H _Athole_.]\n[493: R _Camyskynnell_.]\n[495: E _Keth_. H _Airth_.]\n[Sidenote: JUNE 25, 1314] _Stirling Castle is surrendered_]\nQwhen the feld, as I said air,\nWes dispulyheit and left all bair,\nThe King and all his cumpany\nJoyfull and blyth war and mery\nTowards thar innys thair wayis tais\nTill rest thame; for thai wery war.\nBot for the Erll Gilbert of Clar,\nThat slayne wes in the battale-place,\nFor till hym neir syb wes he.\nThan till a kirk he gert hym be\nBrocht, and walkit all that nycht.\nAnd on the morn, quhen day wes licht,\nThan till ane Inglis knycht, throu cas,\nHapnyt that he yheid waverand,\nSwa that na man laid on hym hand,\nAnd in a busk hyd his armyng,\nIn the mornyng cum forth airly:\nTill him than is he went in hy.\nSchir Marmeduk the Twengue he hecht.\nHe rakit till the Kyng all richt,\n\u201cWelcome, Schir Marmeduk,\u201d said he,\n\u201cTui quhat man art thou presoner?\u201d\n\u2018To nane,\u2019 he said, \u2018bot till yhow her\n\u2018I yheld me at yhour will to be.\u2019\nThan gert he trete hym curtasly.\nHe dwelt lang in his cumpany:\nAnd syne in Ingland him send he\nArayit weill, but ransoune fre,\nA worthy man that wald swa do\nMicht mak him gretly for to pris.\nQuhen Marmeduk, apon this wis,\nWes yholden, as I to yhow say,\nAnd to the king yhald the castele;\nHis cunnand has he haldyne wele,\nAnd with him tretit swa the King,\nThat he become of his duellyng;\nQuhill the last end of his lyf-day.\n[516: C _wille wes_ (S).]\n[523: C _Marmadak Betung_ (S), but see note.]\nNow will we of the Lord Dowglas\nTell, how that he followit the chas.\nHe had quheyne in his cumpany,\nAnd as he by the Torwode fur,\nSa met he, rydand on the mur\nSchir Lowrens of Abyrnethy,\nThat, with four scor in cumpany,\nFor he was Inglis man yheit then.\nBot quhen that he herd how it wes,\nHe left the Inglis mennys pes,\nAnd till the lord Douglas richt thar\nAnd than thai bath followit the chas.\nAnd, or the Kyng of Ingland was\nPassit Lythkew, thai com so neir,\nWith all the folk that with thame wer,\nThat weill emang thame schut thai mycht;                             565\nBot thai thoucht thame our few to ficht\nWith the gret rowt that thai had thar,\nFor fif hundreth men armyt thai war.\nTo-giddir sarraly raid thai,\nThai war governit full wittely;\nFor it semit ay thai war redy\nFor till defend thame at thar mycht,\nGif thai assalyheit war in ficht.\nThoucht thai wald nocht purpos then\nFor to ficht with thame all planly,\nHe convoyit thame so narrowly,\nThat of the henmast ay tuk he:\nNocht a stane cast, bot he in hy\nWes ded, or tane delyverly,\nThat nane rescours wald till hym ma,\nAll-thouch he lufit hym nevir swa.\n[581: _A pennystane cast_ E H.]\n[Sidenote: 1314] _The English King escapes_]\nQuhill at the Kyng and his menyhe\nTo Wynchburch all cummyne ar.\nThan lichtit thai, all that war thar,\nTill bayt thar hors that war wery;\nBaytit alsua besyde thame neir.\nThai war so feill, withouten weir,\nAnd in armys so clenly dicht,\nAnd swa arayit ay to ficht,\nThat he wald nocht in playne fichting,\nAssaill thaim; bot ay raid thame by,\nWaytand his poynt ay ythandly.\nA litill quhile thai baitit thar,\nAnd he wes alwais by thame neir;\nHe leit thame nocht haf sic laseir\nAs anys wattir for to ma;\nAnd gif ony stad war swa,\nSesit all soyne in hand he was.\nThai convoit thame apon this wis,\nQuhill that the King and his rout is\nCummyn to the castell of Dunbar,\nResavit richt weill; for yheit than\nThe Erll Patrik wes Inglis man,\nThat gert with met and drink alsua\nRefresche thame weill, and syne gert ta\nTill Balmeburch in his awne cuntre.\nThair hors thar left thai all on stray,\nBot sesit wele soyne I trow war thai:\nThe laiff, that levit war without,\nAnd till Berwik helde straucht the way\nIn rout; bot, and we suth sall say,\nThai levit of thair rout party,\nOr thai come thar; bot nocht for-thi,\nThai come till Berwik weill; and thar                                625\nIn-till the toune resavit war;\nEllis at gret myscheiff had thai beyne.\nAnd quhen the lord Douglas has seyne\nThat he had lesit thar his payne,\n[595: E _but supleyng_. H as in C.]\n[616: E _Bawmburgh_.]\n[623: E _Stad thai war full narrowly_.]\nThe Kyng eschapit on this wis.\nLo! quhat falding in fortoune is!\nThat quhile apon a man will smyle,\nAnd prik him syne ane othir quhile.\nIn na tyme stabilly can sche stande.                                 635\nThis mychty Kyng of Ingland\nScho had set on her quheill on hicht,\nQuhen, with so ferlifull a mycht,\nOf men of armys and archeris,\nHe com rydand out of his land,\nAs I befor has borne on hand.\nAnd in a nycht syne and a day,\nScho set hym in so hard assay,\nWes fayne for to hald hame his gat!\nBot of this ilk quhelis turnyng\nKyng Robert suld mak no murnyng;\nFor on his syd the quheyle on hycht\nRaiss, quhen the tothyr doun gan lycht.                              650\n*Set agane othir on a quhele;\n*Quhen ane is hye, the tothir is law,\n*And gif it fall that fortoune thraw\n*The quheill about, it that on hicht\nWas ere, on force it most doune lycht;                              *656\nAnd it, that wondir lawch were ere,\nMon lowp on loft in the contrere.\nSo fure it of thir Kyngis twa;\nQuhen that King Robert stad wes sua,\nThe tothir wes in his majeste.\nAnd quhen the Kyng Edwardis mycht\nWes lawit, Kyng Robert lap on hicht:\nAnd now sic fortoune fell hym till,\n[645: E H _with few men_.]\n_For his syde, throu the quhele on hicht,\nVencust thar fais, wes mekill of mycht._\nH as in E.]\n[*651-*656: In C H. Not in E. Similar rhymes occur just before and at\nend.]\n[654, 655: C _two-so_ (S); _two_ only here. Text from E.]\n[Sidenote: 1314] _The Exchange of Prisoners_]\n  At Strevilling wes he yheit lyand;\nAnd the gret lordis that he fand\nDed in the felde, he gert berye\nIn haly placis honorabilly;\nAnd the laiff syne that dede war thar                                665\nIn-to gret pittes erdit war.\nThe castell and the towrys syne\nRicht to the grund doune gert he myne,\nAnd syne to Bothwell send has he\nFor thar wes fra thine send him worde\nThat the riche Erll of Herfurde,\nAnd othir mychty als, wes thar.\nSoyne tretit he with Schir Waltar,\nThat Erle and castell and the laiff                                  675\nIn-to Schir Edwardis hand he gaf.\nAnd to the King the Erll send he,\nThat gert him richt weill yhemyt be,\nQuhill at the last thai tretit swa\nWithout paying of ransoune, fre;\nAnd that for hym suld changit be\nBischop Robert, that blynd wes maid,\nWith the queyne, that thai takin had\nAnd hyr douchtir dame Marjory.\nThe Erll wes changit for thir thre;\nAnd, quhen they cummyn hame war fre,\nThe Kyngis douchter, that wes fair,\nWith Walter Stewart can he wed;\nAnd thai weill soyne gat of thar bed\nAne knaiff child, throu our Lordis grace,\nThat eftir his gude eld-fadir was\nAnd had the land in governyng,\nEftir his worthy eyme, Davy,\nThat regnyt twa yher and fourty;\nAnd in tyme of the compyling\nAnd of his kynrik passit was\nFif yheir; and wes the yher of grace\nAne thousand thre hundreth and sevinty\nAnd fif, and of his elde sexty.\nAnd that wes aftir that the gud King,                                705\nRobert, wes brocht till his ending,\nSex and fourty wyntir but mar.\nGod grant that thai, that cummyne ar,\nOf his ofspring, maynteyme the land,\nAnd manteyme rycht and ek laute,\nAs weill as in his tyme did he!\n[Sidenote: 1314-15] _The Scots abound in Riches_]\nKyng Robert now wes weill at hycht,\nFor ilk day than grew mair his mycht.\nAboundanit weill of corne and fee,\nAnd of alkynd othir riches:\nMyrth, solas and ek blithnes\nWes in the land all comonly,\nThe King, eftir the gret journee,\nThrou consell of his folk preve,\nIn seir townys gert cry on hicht,\nThat quha so clamyt to haf richt\nThat in that tuelf moneth suld he\nCum and clayme it; and tharfor do\nTo the King that pertenyt thar-to.\nAnd gif thai come nocht in that yher,\nThat herd thar-eftir nane suld be.\nThe King, that wes of gret bounte\nAnd besynes, quhen this wes done,\nAne hoost gert summond eftir sone,\nAnd went syne soyne in-till Ingland,                                 735\nAnd our-raid all Northumbirland,\nAnd brynt hous, and tuk the pray,\nAnd syne went hame agane thar way.\nI let it shortly pass for-by;\nProvit, that is till spek of heir.\nThe King went oft on this maneir\nIn Ingland, for till riche his men,\nThat in riches aboundanit then.\nBOOK XIV.\nHow the Earl of Carrick passed into Ireland to win it, and with\nhim Earl Thomas Randolph and Sir Philip the Mowbray,\nSir John Stewart, Sir John Soulis, and Ramsay of Ochterhouse.\nThe Erll of Carrik, Schir Edward,\nThat stowtar wes than ane libbard,\nAnd had no will till be in pes,\nThoucht that Scotland to litill wes\nTharfor till purpos can he ta,\nThat he of Irland wald be kyng.\nTharfor he send and had treting\nWith the Erischry of Irland,\nOf Irland for to mak hym king,\nWith-thi that he with hard fechting\nMicht our-cum the Inglis men,\nThat in the land war wonnand then;\nAnd thai suld help with all thair mycht.                              15\nAnd he, that hard thame mak sic hicht,\nIn-till his hert had gret liking:\nAnd, with the consent of the King,\nGaderit hym men of gret bounte,\nIn-till the next moneth of Maii;\nTill Irland held he straucht his way.\nHe had thair in his cumpany\nThe Erll Thomas that wes worthy,\nThat sekir wes in herd assay;\nSchir Johne the Sowlis, a gude knycht,\nAnd Schir Johne Steward that wes wicht;\nThe Ramsay als of Ouchtirhous,\nThat wes richt wicht and chevelrous;                                  30\nAnd Schir Fergus de Ardrossane,\nAnd othir knychtis mony ane.\n  In Wokingis Fyrth arivit thai\nSaufly, but bargane or assay,\nAnd send thair schippis home ilkane.                                  35\nA gret thing have thai undertane,\nThat with sa quheyne as thai war thar,\nThat wes sex thousand men but mar,\nSchupe for to warray all Irland,\nCum armyt on thame for to ficht.\nBot thouch thai quheyne war, thai war wicht,\nAnd, for-outen dreid or effray,\nIn twa battelis thai tuk the way\nBot the lordis of that cuntre,\nMaundwell, Byset, and Logane,\nThar men assemblit evirilkane;\nThe Savagis wes alsua thair.\nThai war weill neir tuenty thousand.\nQuhen thai wist that in-till thar land\nSic a menyhe arivit war,\nWith all the folk that thai had thar\nAnd fra Schir Edward wist suthly\nThat neir till him cumand war thai,\nHis men he gert richt weill aray.\nThe vaward had the Erll Thomas,\nAnd in the rerward Schir Edward was.                                  60\n[33: C _Wavering Fyrth_ (S). _Wolyngs_ H.]\n[49: C _De Savagis_ (S).]\nThe first battle that Sir Edward\nWon in Ireland, with fighting hard.\n[Sidenote: 1315] _The Flower of Ulster defeated_]\n  Thar fais approchit to the fichting,\nAnd thai met thame but abaysing.\nThar mycht men se a gret melle\nFor Erll Thomas and his menyhe\nThat in schort tym men mycht se ly\nAne hundreth that all bludy war.\nFor hobynis, that war stekit thar,\nRerit, and flang, and gret rowme maid,\nAnd kest thame that apon thame raid.                                  70\nAnd Schir Edwardis cumpany\nAssemblit syne so hardely\nThat thai thar fais ruschit all.\nQuha hapnyt in that ficht to fall,\nThe Scottis men in that fechting\nSwa apertly and weille thame bar,\nThat thair fayis swa ruschit war,\nThat thai haly the flicht has tane.\nAll hale the flour of Ullister.\nThe Erll of Murreff gret pris had ther;\nFor his richt worthy chevelry\nConfortit all his cumpany.\nFor, newlyngis at thair arivyng,\nIn playne ficht thai discomfit thar\nThar fais, that ay fowr for ane war.\nSyne to Cragfergus ar thai gane,\nThe castell wele wes stuffit then\nOf-new with vittale and with men;\nThar-till thai set ane sege in hy.\nMony ysche full apertly\nQuhill trewis at the last tuk thai.\nThe Withletting of the Pass of Endnellan\n  Quhen that the folk of Ullister\nTill his pes haly cummyn wer,\nFor Schir Edward wald tak on hand\nThair come till hym and maide fewte\nSum of the kyngis of that cuntre,\nWeill ten or tuelf, as I herd say:\nBot thai held hym schort quhile thar fay.\nAnd ane othir hat Makartane,\nWith-set ane place in-till his way,\nQuhar him behufit neyd away,\nWith twa thousand of men with speris,\nAnd all the cattale of the land\nWar drawin thidder to warrand.\nMen callis that place Endwillane:\nIn all Irland strater is nane.\nThai thoucht he suld nocht thar away.\nBot he his viage soyne has tane,\nAnd straucht toward the plas is gane.\nThe Erll of Murreff, Schir Thomas,\nLichtit on fut, with his menyhe,\nAnd apertly the plas tuk he.\nThir Erische kyngis I spak of ar,\nWith al the folk that with thame war,\nAssalyheit swa with his menyhe,\nThat, magre thairis, thai wan the plas:\nSlayne of thair fayis fele thar was.\nThrou-out the wod thame chasit thai,\nThat all the folk of thar host war\nRefreschit weill ane owk or mair.\n[Sidenote: 1315] _Edward Bruce marches to Dundalk_]\n  At Kilsaggart Schir Edward lay;\nAnd thar weill soyne he has herd say,\nMaid of the lordis of that cuntre;\nIn host thai war assemblit thar.\nThar wes first Schir Richard of Clare,\nThat in all Irland luf-tenand\nThe Erll of Desmownt als wes thar,\nAnd the Erll alsua of Kyldare;\nThe Bremayne with the Wardoune;\nThir war lordis of gret renoune.\nAnd Schir Moris le Fyss-Thomas.\nThir with thair men ar cummyn thar,\nA rycht gret hoost forsuth thai war.\nAnd quhen Schir Edward wist suthly\nHis host in hy he gert aray,\nAnd thiddirwardis he tuk the way;\nAnd neir the toune he tuk herbery.\nBot for he wyst all utirly\nHis battalis he arrayit then,\nAnd stude arayit in battale\nTo kep thame, gif thai wald assale.\n[148: C _thair wes_ (S).]\n  And quhen that Schir Richard of Clare,\nWist at the Scottis men so neir\nWith thar battellis than cummyne weir,\nThai tuk to consell at that nycht,\nFor it wes layt, thai wald nocht ficht:\nWeill soyn eftir the sone-rysing,\nThai suld ysch furth all that war thair;\nTherfor that nycht thai did no mair:\nBot herbreyt thame on athir party.\nWar wachit rycht weill, all at richt;\nAnd on the morn, quhen day wes licht,\nIn twa battellis thai thame arayit;\nThai stude with baneris all displayit,\nAnd thai that war within the toune,\nQuhen sone wes rysyn schynand clere,\nSend furth of thame that within were\nFifty, till se the contenyng\nAnd thai raid furth and saw thaim soyne,\nSyne come agane forouten hoyne.\nAnd quhen thai sammyn lichtit war,\nThai tald thair lordis that wes thar,\nWorthye and of full gret bounte,\n\u201cBot thai ar nocht, withouten wer,\n\u201cHalf-deill ane dyner till us here!\u201d\nThe lordis had of this tithyng\nAnd gert men throu the cit\u00e9 cry\nThat all suld arme thame hastely.\n[178: C _that with him_ (S).]\n[Sidenote: JUNE 29, 1315] _The Scots enter Dundalk_]\n  Quhen thai war armyt and purvayit,\nAnd for to ficht all haill arayit,\nSoyn with thair fayis assemblit thai,\nThat kepit thame richt hardely.\nThe stour begouth thair cruelly;\nFor athir part set all thair mycht\nTill rusche thair fayis in the ficht;                                200\nAnd with all mycht on other dang.\nThe stalward stour lestit weill lang,\nThat men mycht nocht persave, no se,\nQuha mast at thar abovin mycht be.\nQuhill eftir mydmorne, the fichting\nLestit in-till sic ane dout;\nBot than Schir Edward, that wes stout,\nWith all thame of his cumpany,\nThat thai mycht thole no mar the ficht.\nAll in a frusche thai tuk the flicht,\nAnd thai followit full egirly:\nIn-to the toune all comonly\nThair mycht men felloune slauchtir se;\nFor the richt nobil Erll Thomas,\nThat with his rout followit the chas,\nMaid sic a slauchtir in the toune,\nThat the rewis all bludy war\nOf slayne men that war liand thar.\nThe lords war gottin all away.\nAnd quhen the toune, as I yhow say,\nWes throu gret fors of fechting tane,                                225\nAnd all thair fayis fled or slane,\nThai herbryit thame all in the toune,\nQuhar of vittale was sic fusione,\nAnd swa gret aboundans of wyne,\nThat of thair men suld dronken be,\nAnd mak in drunkynnes sum melle.\nTharfor he maid of wyne lufre\nTill ilk man, that he payit suld be;\nThat nycht rycht weill at eis war thai,\nAnd richt blith of the gret honour\nThat thame befell for thair valour.\nThe third battle in Ireland\nThat good Sir Edward took on hand.\nEftir this ficht thai sojornyt thair,\nSyne tuk thai southwardis thar way.\nThe Erll Thomas wes forrouth ay.\nAnd, as thai raid throu the cuntre,\nThai mycht apon the hillis se\nAnd quhen the Erll wald sturdely\nDress him to thame with his baner,\nThai wald fle all that evir thai wer,\nSwa that in ficht nocht ane abaid.\nAnd thai southwardis thair wais raid,                                250\nQuhill till a gret forest come thai;\nKilros it hat, as I herd say:\nAnd thai tuk all thar herbiry thair.\nIn all this tyme Richard of Clare,\nOf all of the barnage of Irland\nA gret hoost he assemblit had.\nThai war fyve bataillis, gret and braid,\nThat soucht Schir Edward and his men;\nWeill neir him war thai cummyn then.                                 260\nHe gat soyne wittyng that thai weir\nCumand on him, and war so neir.\nHis men addressit he thame agane,\nAnd gert thame stoutly tak the plane;\nAnd Schir Philip the Mowbra send he,\nAnd Schir Johne Steward went alsua,\nFurth till discovir thair way thai ta.\nThai saw the host cum soyne at hand;\nHaym to Schir Edward raid thai then,\nAnd said weill thai war mony men.\nHe said agane, \u201cThe ma thai be,\n\u201cThe mair honour allout have we,\n\u201cWe are set heir in juperdy\n\u201cTill wyn honour, or for till de.\n\u201cWe ar fra hayme to fer to fley,\n\u201cTharfor let ilk man worthy be.\n\u201cAnd thai sall fle, I trow, lichtly,\n\u201cAnd men assail thaim manfully.\u201d\nAll said thai than, thai weill suld do.\nWith that approchand neir thame to,\nAnd thai met thame with mekill mycht,\nThat war ten thousand worthy men.\nThe Scottis all on fut war then,\nAnd thai on stedis trappit weill,\n[Sidenote: 1315] _The Scots make merry in the Forest_]\n  Bot Scottis men, at thair metyng,\nWith speris perssit thar armyng,\nAnd stekit hors, and men doune bar.\nAne felloune fechting wes than thair.\nNa quha in ficht gert othir fall;\nBot in schort tyme, I undirta,\nThai of Irland war cummyrrit swa\nThat thai durst nane abyde no mar,\nAnd levit in the battell-stede\nWeill mony of thar gud men ded.\nOf wapnys, armyng, and ded men\nThe feld wes haly strewit then.\nThat gret hoost roydly ruschit wes;                                  305\nBot Schir Edward leit no man chas;\nBot with presoners, that thai had tane,\nThai till the wod agane ar gane,\nQuhar that thair harnes levit wer.\nThat nycht thai maid thame mery cher,                                310\nAnd lovit God fast of his grace.\nThis gud knycht, that so worthy was,\nTill Judas, Machabeus that hicht,\nMicht liknyt weill be in that ficht;\nQuhill he hade ane aganis ten.\nThus, as I said, Richard of Clare\nAnd his gret hoost rebutit war.\nBot he about him nocht-for-thi\nFor he thoucht yheit to covir his cast.\nIt angerit him richt ferly fast,\nThat twis in-to battell wes he\nDiscumfit with ane few menyhe.\nWar ryddin, for till tak thair rest,\nAll thai twa nychtis thair thai lay,\nAnd maid thame myrth, solace, and play.\nToward Odymsy syne thai rayde,\nAne Erische kyng, that ayth had mayd                                 330\nTill Schir Edwarde of fewte.\nFor forrouth that him prayit he\nTo se his land, and na vittale,\nNa nocht that mycht him help, suld fale.\nAnd with his rout raid thiddir richt.\nA gret revar he gert hym pas;\nAnd in a richt fair place, that was\nLawch by a brym, he gert thame ta\nTo ger men vittale to thame bring.\nHe held his way but mair duelling:\nFor till betrais thame wes his thoucht.\nIn sic ane place he has thame broucht,\nQuhar of journeis weill twa and mair                                 345\nAll the cattell withdrawin war.\nSwa that thai in that land mycht get\nNo thing that worth war for to et.\nWith hungyr he thoucht thaim to feblis,\n[339: E _bourne_. H _burne_.]\n[Sidenote: 1315] _Thomas of Dun rescues the Scots_]\n  This fals tratour his men had maid,\nA litell owth quhar he herbryit hade\nSchir Edward and the Scottis men,\nThe ysche of a louch to den;\nThe wattir than, with sic a mycht,\nOn Schir Edwardis men come doune,\nThat thai in perell war till droune;\nFor, or thai wist, on flot war thai;\nAnd held thar livis, as God gaf gras,\nBot of thair harnes tynt ther was.\nHe maid thame na gud fest, perfay,\nAnd nocht-for-thi yneuch had thai.\nI warne yhow weill thai war weill wet.\nIn gret distres thair war thai stad,\nFor gret defalt of mete thai had;\nFor thai betuix thai riveris tway\nThe Bane, that is ane arme of se,\nThat with hors may nocht passit be,\nWes betuix thame and Ullister.\nThai had beyn in grett perell ther,\nThomas of Dun hattyn wes he,\nHerd that the host so stratly than\nWes stad, and salyt up the Ban,\nQuhill he com weill neir quhar thai lay.\nThai knew him weill, and blith war thai.                             380\nThan, with four schippes that he had tane,\nHe set thame our the Ban ilkane.\nAnd quhen thai come in biggit land,\nVittale and mete yneuch thai fand:\nNane of the land wist quhar thai lay;\nThai esyt thame and maid gud cher.\n  In-till that tyme, besyde thame ner,\nWith a gret host, Richarde of Clar,\nHerbryit in-till a forest syde.\nAnd ilke day thai gert men ryde\nTo bring vittalis, on ser maneris,\nTill thame fra the toune of Coigneris,\nThat weill ten gret myle wes thaim fra.                              395\nIlk day, as thai wald cum and ga,\nThai come the Scottis host so ner,\nThat bot twa myle betuix thaim wer.\nHow Sir Thomas of Randell\nWon from the Irish their Vittell.\n  And quhen Erll Thomas had persaving\nHe gat him a gud cumpany,\nThre hundreth on hors, wycht and hardy.\nThar wes Schir Philip the Mowbray,\nAnd Sir Johne Stewart als, perfay,\nSchir Robert Boyde, and other ma.\nThai raid till meit the vittelleris,\nThat with ther vittale fra Coigneris\nCom, haldand to the host the way.\nThat thai war sa abaysit all,\nThat thai leit all thair wapnys fall,\nAnd mercy pitwysly can cry.\nAnd thai tuk thame in thair mercy,\nThat of thame all eschapit nane.\n[406: E H _Robert_. C _Gilbert_.]\n  The Erll of thame gat wittering\nThat of thair host, in the evynnyng,\nWald cum out at the woddis syde\nHe thoucht than on a juperdy,\nAnd gert his menyhe halely\nDicht thame in the presoners aray;\nThair pennownys als with thame tuk thai.\nAnd quhill the nycht wes neir thai baid,                             425\nAnd syne toward the host thai raid.\nSum of thair mekill host has seyne\nThair come, and wende weill thai had beyne\nThair vittelouris; tharfor thai raid\nNa dreid that thai thair fayis wer;\nAnd thame hungerit alsua weill sair;\nTharfor thai come abandonly.\nAnd quhen thai neir war, in gret hy\nRuschit on thame with wapnys bar,\nAnd thair ensenyheis hye can cry;\nThan thai, that saw so sudandly\nThair fayis dyng on thame, wes rad,\nThat thai no hert till help thame had;                               440\nBot to thar host the way can ta;\nAnd thai chasit, and feill can sla,\nThat all the feldis strowit war;\nMa than ane thowsand ded wes thar.\nRycht to thar hoost thai can thame chass,                            445\nAnd syne agane thair wayis tais.\n[Sidenote: 1315] _Irish Spies are captured_]\nOn this wiss wes the vittal tane,\nAnd of the Erysche men mony slane.\nThe Erll syne, with his cumpany,\nHas brocht till Schir Edward als swith;\nAnd he wes of thair cummyng blith.\nThat nycht thai maid thame merye cher;\nRicht all than at thair eis thai wer.\nAnd thair fais, on the tothir party,\nQuhen thai herd how thar men was slane,\nAnd how thar vittal all wes tane,\nThai tuk to consell at thai wald\nThair wayis towart Coigneris hald,                                   460\nAnd herbry in the cite ta.\nAnd in gret hye thai have done swa;\nAnd raid on nycht to the cite.\nThai fand thair vittale of gret plente,\nFor all trast in the toune thai wer.\nApon the morn thai send to spy\nQuhar Scottis men had tane herbery.\nBot thai war met with all, and tane,\nAnd brocht richt till the hoost agane.                               470\nThe Erll of Murreff richt mekly\nSperit at ane of thar cumpany,\nQuhar thar host wes, and quhat thai thoucht\nTill do; and said him, gif he moucht\nHe suld gang hame but ransoune fre.\n\u201cForsuth,\u201d he said, \u201cI sall yhow say,\n\u201cThai thynk, the morn, quhen it is day,\n\u201cTo seik yhow with all thair menyhe,\n\u201cThai haf gert throu the cuntre cry,\n\u201cOn payne of liff, full felounly,\n\u201cThat all the men of this cuntre\n\u201cThis nycht in-to the cite be.\n\u201cThat yhe sall no wis with thame deill.\u201d\n\u2018De pardew,\u2019 said he, \u2018weill may be!\u2019\nTo Schir Edward with that yheid he,\nAnd tald hym utrely this taill.\nThan haf thai tane for consell haill,                                490\nThat thai wald ryde to the cite\nThat ilk nycht, swa that thai mycht be\nBetuix the toune, with all thar rout,\nAnd thame that war the toune without.\n[Sidenote: 1315] _A Great Gathering against the Scots_]\nBefor the toune thai come alsoyne:\nAnd bot half deill a myle of way\nFra the cite, thar rest tuk thai.\nAnd quhen the day wes dawin licht,\nCom till a litill hill, that was\nBot fra the toune a litill spas,\nAnd saw Schir Edwardis herbery,\nAnd of the sicht had gret ferly,\nUndertak sa hye empris,\nAs for till cum sa hardely\nApon all the gret chevelry\nOf Irland, for till byde battale.\nFor agane thame war gaderit thair,\nWith the wardane Richard of Clar,\nThe Butler, with the Erllis twa,\nOf Desmund and Kildar war tha,\nAnd Schir Pascalle a Florentyn,\nThat wes ane knycht of Lumbardy,\nAnd wes full of gret chevelry.\nThe Maundvilis war thar alsua,\nSavagis als; and yheit wes ane,\nHat Schir Nycholl of Kylkenane.\nAnd with thir lordis so feill wes then,\nThat, for ane of the Scottis men,\nQuhen thair discurrowris seyne has swa\nThe Scottis host, thai went in hy\nAnd tald thair lordis all opynly,\nHow thai till thaim wer cummand ner;\nAnd quhen the Erll Thomas had seyne\nThat thai men at the hill had beyne,\nHe tuk with him a gude menyhe,\nOn hors ane hundreth thai mycht be,\nIn a slak thame enbuschit thai:\nAnd, in schort tyme, fra the cite\nThai saw cum rydand a menyhe,\nFor till discovir, to the hill.\nThan war thai blith, and held thame still                            540\nQuhill thai war cummyn to thame ner;\nThan in a frusche, all that thar wer,\nThai schot apon thame hardely.\nAnd thai that saw so suddandly\nAnd nocht-for-thi sum of thame thar\nAbaid stoutly to mak debat;\nAnd othir sum ar fled thar gat.\nAnd in-to weill schort tyme war thai,\nThat thai fled halely thair gat;\nAnd thai thame chassit richt to the yhate,\nAnd a gret part of thame has slane,\nAnd syne went till thar host agane.\n[515: C _Syr Waryn_; but _cf._ xv., 75.]\n[522: C _Kyllvanane_ (S); but see note.]\nBOOK XV.\nThe fourth battle in Ireland\nThat Sir Edward won with strong hand.\n  Qwhen thai within has seyn swa slane\nThair men, and chassit hame agane,\nThai war all wa, and in gret hy\n\u201cTill armys!\u201d hely can thai cry.\nAnd for the battale maid thame yhar.\nThai yschit out, all weill arayit,\nIn battale with baneris displayit;\nBowne on thar best wis till assale\nAnd quhen Schir Philip the Mowbray\nSaw thame ysche in sa gud aray,\nTill Schir Edward the Brus went he\nAnd said, \u201cSchir, it is gude that we\n\u201cSchape for sum slicht that may availl                                15\n\u201cTill help us in this gret battaill.\n\u201cOur men ar quheyn, bot thai haf will\n\u201cTill do mair than thai may fullfill.\n\u201cTharfor I rede, our caryage,\n\u201cBy thame-selvyne arayit be;\n\u201cAnd thai sall seyme fer ma than we.\n\u201cSet we before thame our baneris;\n\u201cYhon folk that cummys out of Coigneris,\n\u201cQuhen thai our baneris thair may se,                                 25\n\u201cSall trow trastly that thair ar we,\n\u201cAnd thidder in gret hy sall ryde.\n\u201cCum we than on thame at a syde,\n\u201cAnd we sall be at avantage;\n\u201cBe enterit, thai sall cummyrrit be;\n\u201cAnd than with all our mycht may we\n\u201cLay on, and do all that we may.\u201d\nAll as he ordanit done haf thai.\nAdressit thame to the baneris;\nAnd smat with spures the hors in hy,\nRuschand emang thame sodanly.\nThe barell-ferraris that war thar\nCumrayd thame fast that rydand war.                                   40\n[Sidenote: SEPT. 1315] _Battle of Connor_]\n  And than the Erll, with his battale,\nCom on, and sadly can assale.\nAnd Schir Edward, a litill by,\nAssemblit swa richt hardely,\nThe felde wox soyne of blud all weit.\nWith so gret felony thar thai faucht,\nAnd sic rowtis till othir raucht,\nWith stok, with stane, and with retrete,\nThat it wes hidwys for to se\nHow thai mantemyt that gret melle\nSo knychtlik apon athir syde,\nGiffand and takand woundis wyde,\nThat pryme wes passit, or men mycht se                                55\nQuha mast at thair abovin mycht be.\nBot soyne eftir that pryme wes past,\nThe Scottis men dang on so fast,\nAnd schot on thame at abandoune,\nThat all thar fayis tuk the flicht.\nWes nane of thame that wes so wicht,\nThat evir durst abyde his fere;\nBot ilkane fled thair wayis sere.\nAnd Erll Thomas sa ynkirly,\nAnd his rout, chassit with swerdis bar,\nThat all emang thame mellit war,\nAnd all to-gidder come in the toune.\nThan wes the slauchter so felloune,                                   70\nThat all the rewis ran of blude.\nThame that thai gat to dede all yhude,\nSwa that than thar weill neir wes ded\nAls feill as in the battell-sted.\n[54: E _rowtis roid_; _cf._ Bk. VI., 288.]\nBot so rad wes Richard of Clar,\nThat he held to the sowth cuntre.\nAll that moneth I trow that he\nSall haf no gret will for to ficht.\nSchir Johne Steward, ane nobill knycht,                               80\nWes woundit throu the body thair\nWith a sper that richt scharply schair.\nTo the Mont-peleris went he syne,\nAnd lay thair lang in-to helyne,\nSchir Edward than, with his menyhe,\nTuk in the toune thair herbery.\nThat nycht thai blith war and joly\nFor the victory that thai had thar.\nSchir Edward gert men gang and se\nAll the vitalis of that cite.\nAnd thai fand sic fusioune thar-in\nOf corn and flour and wax and wyne,\nAnd Schir Edward gert halely\nTo Cragferguss it cartit be.\nSyne thidder went his men and he,\nAnd helde the sege full stalwardly,\nThan, quhill the Tysday in Pask-owk,\nOn athir half thai trowis tuk;\nSwa that thai mycht that haly tyd\nIn pennance and in prayer byd.\n[Sidenote: APRIL 10-11, 1316] _Attempt to surprise the Scots_]\nTo the castell, in-till the nycht,\nFra Devilling come schippis fyftene,\nChargit with armit men bedeyne;\nFour thousand, trow I weill, thai war:\nThe Mawndvell, ald Schir Thomas,\nCapitane of that menyhe he was.\nIn the castell all prevaly\nThai enterit, for that thai gert spy\nWar scalit in the cuntre then.\nTharfor thai thoucht in the mornyng\nTill ysche, but langer delaying,\nAnd till suppris thame suddanely;\nFor thai thoucht thai suld traistly ly,                              120\nFor the trewis that taken war.\nBot I trow falsat evirmar\nSall have unfair and evill ending.\nSchir Edward wist of this na thing,\nBot for the trewis he lefit noucht\nWachis till set to the castele;\nIlk nycht he gert men wach it wele.\nAnd Neyll Flemyng wachit that nycht\nAnd als soyne as the day wox cleir,\nThai that within the castell weir\nHad armyt thame, and maid thame boune,\nAnd syne the bryg avaled doune,\nAnd quhen Neyll Flemyng can thaim se,\nHe send ane till the Kyng in hy;\nAnd said to thame that war hym by,\n\u201cNow sall men se, I undirtak,\n\u201cNow beir yhow weill, for sekirly\n\u201cWith all thir menyhe fecht will I.\n\u201cIn-till bargane thame hald sall we,\n\u201cQuhill that our mastir armyt be.\u201d\nAnd with that worde assemblit thai;                                  145\nThai war to few all out, perfay,\nWith sic a gret rout for to ficht.\nFot nocht-for-thi with al thar mycht\nThai dang on thame so hardely,\nThat all thair fayis had gret ferly,                                 150\nThat thai war all of sic manheid,\nThat thai no dreid had of thar dede.\nBot thar fell fayis sa can assaill,\nThat thar mycht no worschip availl\nSo cleyn, that thar eschapit nane.\nHow the King of Ireland called Edward came upon the Scotsmen\n  And the man that went till the Kyng,\nFor till warn hym of thair ysching,\nWarnit him in-till full gret hy.\nCallit the Kyng of Irland,\nQuhen that he herd sic hy on hand,\nIn full gret hast he gat his ger.\nTuelf wicht men in his chalmer wer\nSyne with his baneris hardely\nThe myddis of the toune he tais.\nWith that neir cummand war his fais,\nThat had delt all thar men in thre.\nRicht throu the toune his way held doune;\nThe layff on athir syde the toune\nHeld to meit thame that fleand war;\nThai thoucht that all that thai fand thar\nBot othir wayis the gle is gane.\nFor Schir Edward, with his baner,\nAnd his men that I tald of ere,\nOn all that rout so hardely\nFor Gib Harpar befor him yheid,\nThat wes the douchtyest of deid\nThat than wes liffand of his stat,\nAnd with ane ax maid him sic gat\nThat he the first fellit to the grounde;                             185\nAnd eftir, in a litill stounde,\nThe Mawndvell be his armyng\nHe knew, and roucht him sic a swyng\nThat he till erd yheid hastely.\nReversit hym, and with a knyff\nRicht in that place him reft the liff.\n[Sidenote: APRIL 11, 1316] _The Maundevilles are slain_]\n  With that of Ardrossane Fergus,\nThat wes ane knycht rycht curageous,\nThai pressit than thair fayis swa,\nThat thai, that saw thair lord slayne,\nTynt hert, and wald have beyn agane.\nAnd ay, as Scottis men mycht be\nAnd dang apon thai fayis swa,\nThat thai all hale the bak can ta,\nAnd thai thame chassit to the yhat;\nThar wes hard ficht and gret debat.\nThar slew Schir Edward, with his hand                                205\nA knycht, that of all Irland\nWes callit best, and of mast bounte,\nTo surname Mawndvell hecht he,\nHis propir nayme I can nocht say.\nWar set, that thai of the dungeoune\nDurst oppyn no yhat, na bryg let doune.\nAnd Schir Edward, I tak on hand,\nSoucht thame that fled thar to warrand,\nThat yschit apon hym that day,\nEschapit of thaim nevir ane,\nThat thai ne war outhir tane or slane.\nFor to the ficht Maknakill then\nCome with twa hundreth of gude sper-men,                             220\nAnd slew all they mycht to wyn.\nThis ilk Maknakill, with a gyn,\nWan of thair schippes four or fiff,\nAnd halely reft the men thair liff.\nQuhen end wes maid of this fechting,                                 225\nYheit then wes liffand Neill Fleming.\nSchir Edward went him for to se;\nAbout him slayne lay his menyhe\nAll in a lump, on athyr hand,\nSchir Edward had of him pite,\nAnd him full gretly menyt he,\nAnd regratit his gret manhede,\nAnd his worschyp with douchty dede.\nFor he wes nocht custumabilly\nWount for till meyne ony thing,\nNa wald nocht heir men mak menyng.\nHe stude thar by quhill he wes ded,\nAnd him with worschip gert he be\nErdit, with gret solempnite.\nHow King Robert Bruce passed through the Tarbats, and\nwon the Isles.\n[Sidenote: 1315] _King Robert is drawn Overland_]\n  On this wis yschit the Mawndvele;\nBot sekirly falsat and gyle\nAs weill wes seyn be this ysching.\nIn tyme of trewis yschit thai,\nAnd in sic tyme as on Paske day,\nQuhen God rais for to sauf mankyne\nTharfor sic gret myschans thame fell,\nThat ilkane, as yhe herd me tell,\nWar slane up, or than takyn thar.\nAnd thai that in the castell war\nFor thai couth se quhar na succour\nSuld come to releif thame, that thai\nShortly swa tretit, and on a day\nThe castell till him yhald thai fre,\nTill sauf thame thair liffis; and he                                 260\nHeld thame full well all his cunnand.\nThe castell tuk he in his hand,\nAnd vittalit it weill, and has set\nA gud wardane it for to get;\nOf him no mair now spek will we,\nBot till King Robert will we gang,\nThat we haf left unspokyn of lang.\nQuhen he convoyit had to the se\n*In-till the Ilis for till fare.\n*Walter Steward with hym tuk he,\nAnd othir men of gret nobillay.\nTill the Tarbard thai held thar way\nIn galayis ordanit for thair fair.\nBot thame worthit draw thar schippes thar:\nBot that wes lownyt all with treis.\nThe Kyng his schippis thar gert draw,\nAnd for the wynd can stoutly blaw\nApon thair bak, as thai wald ga,\nAnd set thame in the schippis hye,\nAnd salys to the toppis te,\nAnd gert men gang thar-by drawand.\nThe wynd thame helpit, that wes blawand;\nThar flot all weill our-drawyn was.\n[276: E _lompnyt_.]\n  And quhen thai that in the Ilis war,\nHerd tell how the gud Kyng had thar\nGert schippis with the salys ga\nThai war abasit all utrely.\nFor thai wist throu ald prophesy\nThat he that suld ger schippis swa\nBetuix the seis with salis ga,\nThat nane with strynth suld him withstand.\nTharfor thai come all to the Kyng;\nWes nane that withstude his biddyng,\nOutaken Johne of Lorne alane.\nAnd presentit wes to the Kyng.\nAnd thai that war of his leding,\nThat to the King had brokyn fay,\nWar all ded, and distroyit away.\nThe Kyng this Johne of Lorne has tane,                               305\nAnd send soyne him till Dumbertane,\nA quhile in presone thair till be,\nAnd to Louchlevin syne send wes he,\nQuhar he wes lang tyme in festnyng:\nThe King, quhen all the Iles war\nBrocht till his liking, les and mar,\nStill all that sesoune thar duelt he\nAt huntyng, and gammyne, and gle.\nThe Battle betwixt the Lord Douglas and the Lord Nevill\nof England.\n[Sidenote: FEB. 14, 1316] _Douglas attacks the Forayers_]\nDantit the Iles, as I tell her,\nThe gud Schir James of Dowglas\nIn-till the Forest duelland was,\nDefendand worthely the land.\nEdmound de Cailow, a Gascoune,\nThat wes a knycht of gret renoune;\nAnd in-till Gascone, his cuntre,\nLord of gret senyheroy wes he.\nAnd maid ane preve gaddering,\nAnd gat him a gret cumpany\nOf wicht men armit jolely.\nAnd the nethir end of Tevydaill\nAnd of the Mers ane gret party;\nSyne toward Berwik went in hy.\nSchir Adam of Gordoune, that than\nWes becummyne a Scottis man,\nAnd wend thai had beyn quheyn, for he\n*And thame that sesyt on the pray.\n*Than till Schir James of Douglas\n*And tald how Inglis men thair pray\n*Had tane; and syne went thar way\n*Toward Berwik with all thar fee,\n*And said they quheyn war; and gif he\nWald speid him, he suld weill lichtly\nWyn thame, and reskew all the ky.\nSchir James richt soyne gaf his assent                              *345\n*Till follow thame, and furth is went,\n*Bot with the men that he had thair,\n*And met hym by the gat but mair.\n*Thai followit thame in full gret hy,\n*For, or thay mycht thame fully se,\n*Thai come weill neir with thair menyhe.\n*And than bath the forreouris and the scaill\n*In-till a childrome knyt all haill,\n*And wes a richt fair cumpany.\nWith knavis and swanys, that na mycht\nHad for till stand in feild to ficht.                                340\nThe laiff behynd thame maid a staill.\nThe Dowglass saw thair purpos haill,\nAnd saw thame of sa gud covyne,\nAnd at thai war sa mony syne,\n\u201cLordingis,\u201d he said, \u201csen it is swa\n\u201cThat we haff chassit on sic maner,\n\u201cThat we now cummyn ar so ner\n\u201cThat we may nocht eschewe the ficht\n\u201cLat ilk man on his luf than meyne,\n\u201cAnd how he mony tyme has beyne\n\u201cIn grat thrang, and come weill away.\n\u201cThink we till do richt swa this day;\n\u201cOur avantage, for in gret hy\n\u201cThai sall come on us for to ficht.\n\u201cSet we than will, and strynth, and mycht\n\u201cFor till meyt thame richt hardely.\u201d\nHe hes displayit his baner;\nFor his fayis war cumand neir,\nThat, quhen thai saw he wes so quhoyne,\nThai thoucht with thame soyne till haf done,\nThar men mycht se men fecht felly,\nAnd richt ane cruell melle mak,\nAnd mony strakis giff and tak.\n[321: C _Ewmound_ (S). H _Edmound_. C _Calion_ (S). H _Calhow_. (See\nnote.)]\n[Linenote: *347-*348 in C only.]\n[338: C _in the_ (S); but Skeat suggests that \u2018perhaps it should be\n[341: C _scaill_ (S); but S in note seems to prefer _staill_.]\n[351: E _his lemman_ (love).]\n[366: C _Thair mycht men se ficht fellely_ (S).]\n[Sidenote: 1316] _Neville is jealous of Douglas_]\n  The Douglass thair weill hard wes stad,\nComfort his men apon sic wis,\nThat no man thoucht on cowardis;\nBot faucht so fast with all thar mayne,\nThat thai feill of thair fayis has slayne.\nThan thai, yheit ure demanyt thaim swa,\nThat Edmound de Cailow wes ded\nRicht in that ilk fechting-sted.\nAnd all the lave, fra he wes done,\nAnd thai that chassit sum has slayne,\nAnd turnyt the prayis haill agane.\nThe hardest fechting forsuth this wes\nThat evir the gud lord of Dowglas\nFor, had nocht beyne his gret bounte\nThat slew thair chiftane in the ficht,\nHis men till ded had all beyne dicht.\nHe had in-till custum all-way,\nTo press hym the chiftane to sla;\nAnd hap him fell that he did swa,\nThat gert him victor have feill sis.\nQuhen Schir Edmound apon this wis\nTill the Forest his way he tais.\nHis fayis gretly can hym dreid;\nThe word weill fer sprang of this deid,\nSwa that in Ingland neir thar-by\nSchir Robert de Nevell in that tyde\nWonnyt at Berwyk, neir besyde\nThe marchis, quhar the lord Dowglas\nIn the Forest reparande was,\nFor he him saw so manfully\nMak his boundis ay mar and mar.\nHe herd the folk that with him war\nSpek of the lorde Dowglasis mycht,\nAnd how hym oft fell fayr fortoune.\nHe wrethit him thar-at all soyne,\nAnd said, \u201cQuhat weyn yhe, is thar nane\n\u201cThat evir is worth bot hym alane?\n\u201cBut I avow, befor yhow heir,\n\u201cGif evir he cum in-till this land,\n\u201cHe sall fynd me neir at his hand.\n\u201cAnd giff I evir his baneir\n\u201cI sall assembill on hym but dout,\n\u201cAll thouch yhe hald him nevir sa stout.\u201d\n[371: C _confortit_ (S).]\n[377: C _Ewmound de Caleone_ (S).]\nOf this avow soyne bodword was\nBrocht till Schir James of Douglas,\nThat said, \u201cGiff he will hald his hicht,                             425\n\u201cI sall do swa he sall haf sicht\n\u201cOf me and of my cumpany,\n\u201cYheit or oucht lang, weill neir hym by.\u201d\nHis reten new than gaderit he,\nAnd to the marchis in gud aray\nApon ane nycht he tuk the way;\nSwa that, in the mornyng airly,\nHe wes, with all his cumpany,\nMen to display his baner braid.\nAnd of his menyhe sum send he\nFor till burne townys twa or thre,\nAnd bad thame soyn agane thame speid;\nThai mycht be for the ficht redy.\nThe Nevell that wist verraly.\nThat Dowglas cummyn wes so neir,\nAnd saw all braid stand his baneir,\nThan with the folk that with hym wer,                                445\n(And he had a gret menyhe thar;\nFor all the gud of that cuntre\nIn-till that tyme with hym had he;\nSwa that he with hym thar had then\nHe held his way up till ane hill,\nAnd said; \u201cLordyngis, it war my will\n\u201cTill mak end of the gret deray\n\u201cThat Dowglass makis us ilk day.\n\u201cAbyde, quhill his men scalit be\n\u201cThrou the cuntre to tak the pray:\n\u201cThan fersly schute on hym we may,\n\u201cAnd we sall have thame at our will.\u201d\nThus all thai gaiff consent thar-till,                               460\nAnd on the hill abaid huvande.\nThe men fast gadderit of the land,\nAnd drew till hym in full gret hy.\nThe Douglas than, that wes worthy,\nToward the hill than can he ryde;\nAnd quhen the Nevell saw at thai\nWald nocht pass furth to the forray,\nBot pressit till thame with thar mycht,\nHe wist weill than that thai wald ficht,                             470\nAnd till his menyhe can he say;\n\u201cLordingis, now hald we furth our way.\n\u201cHeir is the flour of this cuntre,\n\u201cAnd ma than thai alsua ar we.\n\u201cFor Douglas with yhon yhemanry,\n\u201cSall haf no mycht till us, perfay.\u201d\nThan in a frusche assemblit thai.\nThan mycht men heir the speris brast,\nAnd blude brist out at woundis wyde.\nThai faucht fast apon athir syde;\nFor athir party can thame payne\nTill put thair fais on-bak agane.\n[Sidenote: 1316] _The Fight between Douglas and Neville_]\nQuhen that the fichting fellest was,\nMet to-giddir richt in the pres.\nBetuix thame than gret bargane wes;\nThai faucht felly with all thair maucht,\nGret rowtis athir till othir raucht.                                 490\nBot Douglas sterkar wes, I hicht,\nAnd mair usit alsua to ficht,\nAnd he set hert, and will alsua,\nFor till delyver him of his fa;\nQuhill at the last, with mekill mayne,                               495\nThrou fors the Nevell has he slayne.\nThan his ensenyhe he can hye cry,\nAnd on the laiff so hardely\nHe ruschit, with all his menyhe,\nThat in-till schort tym men mycht se                                 500\nThair fayis tak on thame the flicht.\nAnd thai thame chassit with all thar mycht.\nSchir Ralf the Nevell, in the chas,\nAnd the Baroun of Hiltoun was\nThar wes fele slayne in-to that fycht,\nThat worthy in thar tyme had beyn.\nAnd quhen the feld wes clengit cleyn,\nSwa that thair fayis evirilkane\nThan gert he forray all the land,\nAnd sessit all that evir he fand,\nAnd brynt the townys in thar way;\nSyne haill and feir haym cummyn ar thai.\nEftir thar meritis, delit he,\nAnd held no thing till his behuf.\nSic dedis aucht till ger men luf\nThair lorde, and swa thai did, perfay.\nAnd with so mekill luf alsua,\nAnd sic a countenans wald ma\nOf thair deid, that the mast coward\nStoutar he maid than a libard;\nHis men wicht, and of gret bounte.\n[506: C _That wes slayn thair in-to the ficht_ (S), which does not\nseem to explain the context.]\n[Sidenote: 1316] _The English dread of Douglas_]\n  Qwhen Nevell thus wes broucht to ground,\nAnd of Cailow Schir Edmound,\nThe dreid of the lorde Dowglas,\nThrou-out the marchis of Ingland,\nThat all that war thar-in duelland\nThai dred him as the devill of hell.\nAnd yheit haf I herd oftsis tell,\nThat quhen wiffis wald thar childir ban,\nThai wald with rycht ane angry face,\nBeteche thaim \u201cto the blak Dowglas.\u201d\n*For, with thair taill, he wes mair fell\n*Than wes ony devill in hell.\nThrou his gret worschip and bounte,\nThat thaim growyt till heir his name.\nHe may at eis now duell at hame\nA quhile, for I trow he sall nocht\nWith fais all a quhile be socht.\nOf him no mair spek will we.\nBot of Schir Edward the worthy,\nThat with all his gude chevelry,\nWes at Cragfergus yheit liand,\n[528: C _Calyheoun_ (S). H _Calhow_. C _Ewmond_. H _Edmound_.\nNames in text from E.]\n[*539, *540: In C only. These lines seem to be a repeat of 533, 534.]\n[541: C _grevit_ (S). H _groowed_. E H give the more effective\nterm--_shuddered_.]\nBOOK XVI.\nHere passed in Ireland the noble King\nTo his brother with great gathering.\n  Quhen Schir Edward, as I tald air,\nHad discumfit Richard of Clair,\nAnd of Irland all the barnage\nThris, throu his worthy vassalage,\nTill Cragfergus wes cummyn agayn,\nThe gud Erll of Murreff, Thomas,\nTuk leiff in Scotland for till pas.\nAnd he hym levit with a gruching,\nTill pray him specialy that he\nSuld cum in Irland him to se.\nFor, war thai bath in-to that land,\nThai suld fynd nane suld thaim withstand.\nThe Erll furth than his way has tane,                                 15\nAnd till his schippes is he gane,\nAnd salit out weill our the se,\nIn Scotland soyne arivit he.\nSyne to the king he went in hy:\nAnd sperit of his brotheris fair,\nAnd of journeis that he had thair;\nAnd he him tald all but lesyng.\nQuhen the King had left spering,\nAnd he said, he wald blithly se\nHis brothir, and als all the effeire\nOf that cuntre and of thar were.\nA gret menyhe than gaderit he:\nThe tane the Steward Walter was,\nThe tothir, James of Dowglas,\nWardanis in his absens maid he,\nFor till manteym weill the cuntre.\nAnd at Lowchryan in Galloway\nHe schippit, with all his menyhe;\nTill Cragfergus soyne cummyn is he.\nSchir Edward of his com wes blith,\nAnd welcummyt him with gladsum cher:\nSa did he all that with him wer;\nAnd specialy the Erll Thomas\nOf Murreff, that his nevo was.\nAnd maid thame mekill fest and far.\nThai sojournyt thair dayis thre\nIn gret myrth and in rialte.\n[16: E _shipping_.]\n[46: C _He maid_ (S). E H _And maid_.]\n[48: E _And that in myrth and jolyte_. H _royaltie_.]\nHow King Robert the Bruce passed in Ireland with his\nbrother Edward.\n[Sidenote: 1316] _The Month of May_]\nKing Robert, apon thiskyn wis,\nAnd quhen in Cragfergus had he\nWith his men sojournyt dais thre,\nThai tuk to consell that thai wald,\nWith all thar folk, thar wayis hald\nSchir Edward than, the Kingis brothir,\nBefor in the avaward raid;\nThe Kyng him-self the reirward maid,\nThat had in-till his cumpany\nThair wayis furthwarde haf thai tane,\nAnd soyne are passit Inderwillane.\nThis wes in the moneth of May,\nQuhen byrdis syngis on the spray;\nMelland thair notys with sydry sowne,                                 65\nFor softnes of that sweit sesoune;\nAnd levis on the branchis spredis,\nAnd blomys bricht besyd thame bredis\nAnd feldis florist ar with flowris\nAnd all thing worthis blith and gay;\nQuhen that this gud king tuk his way\nTo ryd furthward, as I said are.\nThe wardane than, Richard of Clare,\nAnd wist that he schupe for till ta\nHis way toward the south cuntre.\nOf all Irland assemblit he\nBath burges and chevalry\nQuhill he had neir fourty thousand.\nBoth he wald nocht yheit tak on hand\nWith all his fayis in field to ficht,\nBut umbethoucht him of a slicht;\nWald in a wode enbuschit be,\nAnd prevely besyde the way,\nQuhar at thar fayis suld pas away,\nAnd let the vaward pas fer by,\nOn the reirward, with all thar men.\nThai did as thai devisit then.\nIn a wode thai enbuschit wer:\nThe Scottis hoost raid by thame nere;\nSchir Edward weill fer forrouth raid\nWith thame that war of his menyhe;\nTo the reirward na tent tuk he.\n[61: E _southwart_. H _fordward_.]\n[64: E _in ilk spray_. H _on ilk_.]\n[65: E H _seymly_.]\n[69: E _ar strowyt_. H _strowed ar_.]\n[70: E _saverand_. H _savouring_.]\n[73: E _southwart_. H _southward_.]\n_Till him a full gret chevelry\nOf squyaris, burges and yhemanry_ (S).\nBut burgesses and yeomanry would not be _chevelry_, and H agrees\nwith E.]\n  And Schir Richard of Clare in hy,\nSend wicht yhomen, that weill couth schut,\nTo bikkir the reirward apon fut.\nThan twa of thame that send furth war\nAt the wode-syde thame bykkirrit thar,\nThe King, that had thar with him then\nFive thousand wicht and ek hardy,\nSaw thai twa sa abaundonly\nSchut emang thaim, and cum so neir;\nHe wist richt weill, withouten weir,                                 110\nThat thai weill neir suppowal had.\nTharfor a bydding has he mad,\nThat no man suld be so hardy\nTill prik till thame, but sarraly\nTill defend gif men wald assale.\n\u201cFor we sall soyne, I undirta,\u201d\nHe said, \u201chaf for till do with ma.\u201d\n[Sidenote: 1317] _Bruce strikes Sir Colin Campbell_]\n  Bot Schir Colyne Cammell, that ner\nSchutand emang thame hardely,\nPrikit on thame in full gret hy,\nAnd soyne the tane he has our-tane,\nAnd with his sper him soyne has slayne.\nThe tothir turnyt and schot agayne,                                  125\nAnd at a schot his hors has slayne.\nWith that the King come hastely,\nAnd, in his gret malancoly,\nWith ane trunsione in-till his nave\nThat he dynnyt on his arsoune.\nThe King bad smertly tyt hym doune,\nBot othir lordis, that war him by,\nAmeyssyt the King in sum party.\n\u201cMicht caus be of discomfiting.\n\u201cWeyn yhe yhon rebaldis durst assale\n\u201cUs so neir, in-till our battale,\n\u201cBot gif thai had suppowale neir?\n\u201cThat we sall have till do in hy;\n\u201cTharfor luk ilk man be reddy.\u201d\nWith that weill neir thretty and ma\nOf bowmen com, and bykkyrrit swa\nThe King has gert his archeris then\nSchute for till put thaim than agayne.\nWith that thai enterit in ane playne,\nAnd saw arayit agane thame stand,\nIn four battellis, fourty thousand.                                  150\n[134: C _Avisit_ (S). H _Hes meased_.]\n[Sidenote: 1317] _Success of the Scots_]\n  The king said, \u201cNow, lordingis, lat se\n\u201cQuha worthy in this ficht sall be.\n\u201cOn thame forouten mair abaid!\u201d\nSo stoutly than on thame thai raid,\nThat of thair fayis a gret party\nWar laid at erd at thar meting.\nThar wes of speris sic bristing,\nAs athir apon othir raid,\nThat it a weill gret frusche has maid.                               160\nHors com thair fruschand, hed for hed,\nSwa that feill on the grund fell ded.\nMony a wycht and worthy man,\nAs athir apon othir ran,\nWar duschit ded doune to the ground;                                 165\nThe rede blude out of mony a wound\nRuschit in sa gret fusioune than,\nThat of the blude the stremes ran.\nAnd thai, that wrath war and angry,\nWith wapnys that war bricht and bar,\nThat mony a wicht man ded wes thar.\nFor thai that hardy war and wicht,\nAnd frontly with thar fayis can ficht,\nThair mycht men cruell bargane se,\nAnd hard battall, I tak on hand.\nIn all the weir of Irland\nSo hard ane fichting wes nocht seyne:\nThe-quhethir of gret victoris nynteyne                               180\nSchir Edward had, withouten wer,\nIn-till les than in-to thre yheir;\nAnd in syndry battelis off thai\nHe vencust twenty thousand and ma,\nWith trappit hors richt to the feit.                                 185\nBot in all tymis he wes yheit\nAy ane for fyve, quhen lest wes he,\nBot the Kyng, in-to this melle,\nHad allwayis aucht of his famen\nThat his gud deid and his bounte\nConfortit swa all his menyhe,\nThat the mast coward hardy wes.\nFor, quhar he saw the thykkest pres,\nThat ay about hym rowme he maid.\nAnd Erll Thomas, the worthy,\nWes in all tymis neir hym by,\nAnd faucht as he war in a rage;\nSwa that, throu thar gret vassalage,                                 200\nThar men sic hardyment can tak,\nThat thai no perell wald forsak;\nBot thame abaundonyt so stoutly,\nAnd dang on thame so hardely,\nAnd thai, that saw weill, be thair fair,\nThat thai eschewit sumdeill the ficht,\nThai dang on thame with all thar mycht,\n*That thai the bak gaf at the last,\n*And thai, that saw thaim tak the flicht,\nPressit thame than with all thar mycht,                             *212\nAnd in thair fleying feill can sla.\nThat thai war scalit evirilkane.\nRichard of Clare the way has tane\nTo Devillyng, in full gret hy,\nWith othir lordis that fled him by,\nAnd warnyst bath castell and townys                                  215\nThat war in thair possessiownis.\n[177: C _I undirstand_ (S). E H _tak on hand_.]\n[178: C _In-til_ (S). S also inserts _all_, which C omits here, but\ninserts before _Irland_, which it gives as _Ingland_. C is clearly\ndefective.]\n_That he slew all he might ourtak\nAnd rudely rushed them abak._--In H only.]\n[184: E _xxx_. H _twentie_.]\n[*209-*212: In C H, not in E; owing to occurrence of two _mychts_.]\n  Thai war so felly fleyit thar,\nThat, as I trow, Richard of Clar\nSall haf no will to faynd hys mycht\nQuhill King Robert and his menyhe\nIs duelland in-to that cuntre.\nThai stuffit strynthis on this wis;\nAnd the King, that wes sa till pris,\nAnd ane of thame that thar wes tane,\nThat wes arayit jolely,\nHe saw greit wondir tendirly,\nAnd askit him quhy he maid sic cher:\n\u201cIt is no wonder thouch I grete,\n\u201cI se feill heir fellit to fete,\n\u201cThe flour of all north Irland,\n\u201cThat hardyest wes of hert and hand,\nThe King said, \u2018Thou has wrang, perfay;\n\u2018Thou has mair caus myrthis till ma,\n\u2018For thou the ded eschapit swa.\u2019\n[232: E _lossyt the suet_. H _slain at my feete_.]\n[Sidenote: 1317] _The King and the Laundress_]\nRychard of Clare on this maner,\nWith few folk, as I to yhow tald.\nAnd quhen Edward the Bruce so bald,\nWist at the King had fouchten swa,\nWith sa feill folk, and he thar-fra,\nBot the gude King said till hym than,\nThat it wes in his awn foly,\nFor he raid sa unwittandly\nSo fer befor, and no avaward\nFor, he said, quha on were wald ryde\nIn the vaward, he suld na tyde\nPress fra his rerward fer of sycht;\nFor gret perell so fall thair mycht.\nThe King, and all that with him war,\nRaid furthwarde in-to bettir aray,\nAnd neir to-giddir than ere did thai.\nThrou all the land planly thai raid;\nThai fand nane that thame warnyng maid.                              260\nThai raid evin forrouth Drouchyndra,\nAnd forrouth Devilling syne alsua:\nBot to gif battale nane thai fand.\nSyne thai went forthwarde in the land,\nAnd sowth till Lynrike held their way,                               265\nThat is the southmast toune, perfay,\nThat in Irland may fundyn be.\nThair lay thai dayis twa or thre,\nAnd buskit syne agane to fare.\nThe King has herd ane woman cry,\nHe askit quhat that wes in hy.\n\u201cIt is ane landar, schir,\u201d said ane,\n\u201cThat hir childyne richt now has tane;\n\u201cTharfor scho makis yhon evill cher.\u201d\nThe King said; \u2018Certis, it war pite\n\u2018That scho in that poynt left suld be;\n\u2018For certis, I trow, thar is no man\nHis host all than arestit he,\nAnd gert ane tent soyne stentit be,\nAnd gert her gang in hastely,\nAnd othir women till be hir by,\nAnd syne furth on his wayis raid;\nAnd how scho furth suld caryit be,\nOr evir he fure, than ordanit he.\nThis wes a full gret curtasy,\nGert his men duell on this maner\nBot for a full pouir laynder.\nNorthward agane thai tuk the way,\nThrou all Irland thus passit thai,\nAnd throu all Myth, and Irell syne,\nAnd Monester, and Lenester,\nAnd syne haly throu Ullister,\nTo Cragfergus, forout battell;\nFor thar wes nane durst thame assale.                                300\nThe kingis than of the Eryschrye\nCome to Schir Edwarde halely;\nAnd thair manrent till him ma,\nBot gif that it war ane or twa.\nIn all that way wes no bargane,\nBot gif that ony punyhe wer,\nThat is nocht for till spek of her.\nThe Erische kyngis than evirilkane\nAnd undirtuk in all-kyn thyng\nFor till obeys till the biddyng\nOf Schir Edward, that thar king call thai.\nHe wes weill set now in gud way\nFor he had apon his party\nThe Eryschry and Ullister,\nAnd he wes swa furth of his wer\nThat he was passit throu all Irland,\nFra end till end throu strynth of hand.                              320\nCouth he haf governit hym throu skill,\nAnd fallowit nocht to fast his will,\nBot with mesour haf led his deid,\nIt wes weill lik, withouten dreid,\nThat he mycht haff conquerit weill                                   325\nThe land of Irland everilk deill.\nBot his outrageous succudry\nAnd will, that mar wes than hardy,\nOf purpos letit hym, perfay,\n[260: E _obstakill maid_.]\n[264: E _southwart_.]\n[265: E _rycht till_.]\n[265: C _Lunyk_ (S). E _Kynrike_. H _Lynrike_. In Anderson\u2019s edition\nwe find _Lymrik_.]\n[280: C _up-on woman_ (S). H like E.]\n[293: E H _lavender_.]\n[295: E _Connach_. H _Connoch_.]\n[296: E _Methy_. H _Mich_. E _Iereby_. H _Irrelle_.]\nHow the Good Douglas slew the Earl Richmond of England.\n[Sidenote: APRIL 1317] _Douglas at Lintalee_]\nNow leiff we heir the nobill King\nAll at his eis, and his liking,\nAnd spek we of the lord Douglas,\nThat left to kep the marchis was.\nAnd in the hawch of Lyntoun-le\nHe gert thame mak a fair maner.\nAnd quhen the housis biggit wer,\nHe gert purvay him richt weill thar;\nFor he thoucht for till make infair,                                 340\nAnd till mak gud cher till his men.\nIn Rychmond wes thar wonnand then\nAne Erll men callit Schir Thomas.\nHe had invy at the Dowglas,\nMicht se displayit apon wer,\nThat soyn assemble on it suld he.\nHe herd how Dowglas thoucht to be\nAt Lyntoun-le ane fest till ma.\nThat the King and a gret menyhe,\nWar passit than of the cuntre,\nAnd the Erll of Murref, Thomas.\nTharfor he thoucht the cuntre was\nMen that thame soucht with stalward hand:\nAnd of the marchis than had he\nThe governale, and the pouste.\nHe gaderit folk about hym then,\nQuhill he wes neir ten thousand men,                                 360\nAnd wode-axis gert with hym tak;\nFor he thoucht he his men wald mak\nTill hew doune Jedward forest cleyne,\nThat na tre suld tharin be seyne.\n[336: E _Lyntaile_. H _Lyntalle_.]\n[Sidenote: APRIL, 1317] _Douglas slays Richmond_]\n  Thai held thaim furthward on thar way;                             365\nBot the gud lord of Dowglas ay\nHad spyis out on ilka syde,\nAnd had gud witting that thai wald ryde,\nAnd cum apon hym suddanly.\nThame that he mycht of his menyhe.\nI trow that than with hym had he\nFifty, that worthy war and wicht,\nAt all poynt armyt weill and dicht;\nAssemblit als with hym had he.\nA place thar was thar in the way,\nQuhar he wist weill thai wald away,\nThat had wode apon athir syde;\nAnd as ane schelde it narrowit ay\nQuhill that, in-till ane place, the way\nWes nocht a penny-stane cast of breid.\nThe lord of Douglas thidder yheid,\nAnd in a clewch on the ta hand,\nAll his archeris enbuschit he,\nAnd bad thame hald thame all preve\nQuhill that thai herd him rais the cry,\nEmang thar fayis, and hald thame thar\nQuhill that he throu thame passit war;\nAnd syne with him furth hald suld thai.\nThan byrkis on athir syde the way,\nThat yhoung and thik wes growand ner,                                395\nHe knyt to-giddir on sic maner,\nThat men mycht nocht weill throu thame ryde.\nQuhen this wes done, he can abyde\nApon the tothir half the way:\nCom rydand in the first escheill.\nThe lorde Dowglas has seyn him weill,\nAnd gert his men all hald thame still,\nQuhill richt at hand thai com thame till\nThan with a schout on thame schot thai,\nCryand on hicht, \u201cDouglas! Douglas!\u201d\nThan Richmonde, that rycht worthy was,\nQuhen he has herd sa ris the cry,\nHe dressit him thiddir-ward in hy.\nAnd thai come on sa hardely,\nThat thai throu thame maid thame gud way;\nAll at thai met till erd bar thai.\nOn hym arestit the Dowglas,\nAnd him reversit, syne with a knyff\nRicht in that place hym reft the liff.\nAne hat apon his helm he bare,\nIn taknyng, for it furrit was.\nAnd syne in hy his way he tais,\nQuhill in the wode thai enterit war.\nThe archeris weill has borne thame thar;\nThe Inglis rout in gret effray\nWar set, for Douglas suddandly,\nWith all thame of his cumpany,\nOr evir thai wist, war in thar rout,\nAnd thrillit thame weill neir throuout;                              430\nAnd had almast all done his deid,\nOr thai till help thame couth take hede.\n[391: E _and sow thaim sair_. H _saile them saire_.]\n[401: C _battale_ (S). H _eshell_.]\n[402: C _seyn weill all_ (S). H as E.]\n[408: _Rycht_ is from H alone (S).]\n  And quhen thai saw thar lord wes slayne,\nThai tuk him up, and turnyt agayne\nThan in ane playne assemblit thai;\nAnd, for thar lord that thar wes ded,\nThai schupe thame in that ilke sted\nFor till take herbery all that nycht.\nAnd than the Douglas, that wes wicht,                                440\nGat wittering that ane clerk, Elys,\nWith weill thre hundreth enymys,\nAll straucht till Lyntoun-le war gane,\nAnd herbery for thair host had tane.\nWith all thame of his cumpany,\nAnd fand clerk Elis at the met,\nAnd all his rout about him set.\nAnd thai com on thaim stoutly thair,\nAnd with suerdis that scharply schar                                 450\nThai servit thame full egyrly.\nThai war slayn doune so halely,\nThat thar weill neir eschapit nane;\nThai servit thame in sa gret wayne\nWith scherand swerdis and with knyvis,                               455\nThat weill neir all lesyt thar livis.\nThai had ane felloune entremas,\nFor that surcharge to chargeand was!\nThai that eschapit thair throu cas\nRicht till thar host thar wayis tais,                                460\nAnd tald how that thar men war slayne\nSo cleyne that neir eschapit nane.\nAnd quhen thai of the host has herd\nHow that the Dowglas with thame ferd,\nThat had thar herbreouris all slayne,                                465\nAnd ruschit als thame-self agane,\nAnd slew thar lord in-myd thar rowt,\nTher wes nane of thame all sa stowt,\nThat mair will had than till assale\nThai yheid, and till purpos has tane\nTill wend hamward, and haym ar gane;\nAnd sped thame swa apon thair way,\nThat in Ingland soyne cummyn ar thai.\nThe forest left thai standand still;                                 475\nTill hew it than thai had no will:\nAnd specialy quhill the Dowglas\nSo neir hand by thair nychtbour was.\nAnd he, that saw thame turn agane,\nPersavit weill thar lord wes slane,                                  480\nAnd by the hat that he had tane\nHe wist alsua weill; for ane,\nThat takyn wes, said him suthly,\nThat the Richmond commonly\nThan Dowglas blithar wes than ere;\nFor he weill wist that the Richmond,\nHis felloune fa, wes broucht to ground.\n[434: C _and went_ (S). H _turned_.]\n[Sidenote: 1317] _Three Feats by Fifty Men_]\nSchir James of Dowglas, on this wis,\nThrou his worschip and gret empris,                                  490\nDefendit worthely the land.\nThis poynt of weir, I tak on hand,\nWes undirstane so apertly,\nAnd eschevit richt hardely.\nThe folk that weill ten thousand weir,\nWith fifty armyt men but ma.\nI can als tell yhow othir twa\nPoyntis, that weill eschevit weir\n*That thai war prisit soveranly,\n*Atour all othir poyntis of wer\nThis wes the first, that sa stoutly\nWes broucht till end weill with fifty.\nIn Galloway the tothir fell;\nQuhen, as yhe forrouth herd me tell,\nVencust of Saint Johne Schir Amery,\nAnd fifteene hundreth men be tale.\nThe thrid fell in-to Eske-dale,\nQuhen that Schir Jhone the Sowlis was\nThat to Schir Androu the Herdclay\nWith fifty men withset the way,\nThat had thar in his cumpany\nThre hundreth horsit jolely.\nThrou hardyment and soverane bounte\nVencust thame sturdely ilkane,\nAnd Schir Androu in hand has tane.\nI will nocht rehers all the maner;\nYhoung women, quhen thai will play,\nSyng it emang thame ilke day.\nThir war the worthy poyntis thre,\nThat, I trow, evirmar sall be\nPrisit, quhill men may on thaim meyn.                                525\nIt is weill worth, forouten weyn,\nThat thar namys for evirmar,\nThat in thar tyme so worthy war\nThat men till heir yheit has dantee\nBe lestand ay furth in lovyng:\nQuhare he, that is of hevyn the king,\nBring thame hye up till hevynnis blis,\nQuhar alway lestand loving is!\n[507: E _fyfty_. H _fifteene_. C _xv_ (S).]\n[Sidenote: 1317] _An English Fleet in the Forth_]\nIn-till this tyme that the Rychmond                                  535\nWas on this maner broucht to ground,\nMen of the cost of Ingland,\nThat duelt on Hummyr or neirhand,\nGaderit thame a gret menyhe,\nAnd toward Scotland went in hy,\nAnd in the Firth com hastely.\nThai wend till haf all thar liking:\nFor thai wist richt weill at the King\nAnd with him mony of gret bounte.\nTharfor in-to the Firth com thai\nAnd endlang it up held thai thar way,\nQuhill thai, besyde Enverkethyne,\nTuk land, and fast begouth to reif.\nThe Erll of Fiff and the schirreff\nSaw till thar cost schippes approachand:\nThai gaderit till defend thair land,\nAs thai salit, thai held thar way,\nAnd thoucht till let thame land to tak,\nAnd quhen the schipmen saw thame mak\nSie contenans in sic aray,\nThai said emang thaim all, that thai                                 560\nWald nocht let for thame land to ta,\nThan to the land thai sped thame swa,\nThat thai com thair in full gret hy\nAnd arivit full hardely.\nAnd had of thame sic abasyng,\nThat thai all sammyn raid thame fra,\nAnd the land letles leit thame ta.\nThai durst nocht fecht with thame, for-thi\nThe-quhethir thai war fyve hundreth ner.\n  Quhen thai away thus ridand wer,\nAnd na defens begouth to schop,\nOf Dunkelden the gude bischop,\nThat men callit Willyhame Syncler                                    575\nCom with a rout in gud manere,\nI trow on hors thai war sexty.\nHym-self wes armyt jolely,\nAnd raid apon a stalward steid.\nAbove his armyng had he then;\nAnd als weill armyt wes his men.\nThe Erll with the schirreff met he,\nAwayward with thar gret menyhe:\nAnd askyt thame weill soyn, quhat hy                                 585\nMaid thame till turne so hastely.\nThai said, thair fais with stalward hand\nHad in sic fusioune takyne land,\nThat thai thoucht thame allout to fele,\nQuhen the bischop herd it wes sa,\nHe said; \u201cThe King aucht weill to ma\n\u201cOf yhow, that takis sa weill on hand\n\u201cIn his absens till wer the land.\n\u201cCertis, gif he gert serve yhow weill,                               595\n\u201cThe gilt spuris, richt by the heill,\n\u201cHe suld in hy ger hew yhow fra;\n\u201cRicht wald with cowardis men did swa.\n\u201cQuha lufis his lord and his cuntre,\nWith that he kest of his chemer,\nAnd hynt in hand a stalward sper,\nAnd raid toward his fayis in hy.\nAll turnyt with hym halely;\nThat of thame all nane went him fra.\nHe raid befor thame sturdely,\nAnd thai hym followyt sarraly,\nQuhill that thai com neir approchand\nAnd sum war knyt in gud aray,\nAnd sum war set to the forray.\n[548: C _endlang furth held thai thar way_. E _it up held thai_. H _it\nheld up their way_.]\n[549: E _Enverkething_.]\n[550: E _Dunferling_.]\n[Sidenote: 1317] _The Wonderful Feat of an Englishman_]\n  The gud bischop, quhen he thame saw,\nHe said; \u201cLordingis, but dreid or aw,\n\u201cAnd we sall haf thame weill lichtly,\n\u201cSe thai us cum but abaysing,\n\u201cSwa that we mak heir na stynting,\n\u201cThai sall weill soyne discumfit be.\n\u201cQuha lufis the Kyngis mensk to-day.\u201d\nThan all to-giddir in gud aray\nThai prekit apon thame sturdely.\nThe bischop, that wes richt hardy\nAnd mekill and stark, raid forrouth ay.                              625\nThan in a frusche assemblit thai.\nAnd thai that, at the first metyng\nOf speris, feld so sair sowing,\nWayndist and wald haf beyn away;\nToward thar schippis in hy held thai,                                630\nAnd thai com chassand felonly,\nAnd slew thame sa dispitfully,\nThat all the feldis strowit war\nOf Inglis men that slayn wes thar.\nPressit thame to the se agane.\nAnd Scottis men, that chassit swa,\nSlew all that thai mycht our-ta.\nBot thai that fled yheit, nocht-for-thi,\nSwa till thar schippis can thame hy,                                 640\nAnd in sum bargis sa feill can ga,\nAnd thair fais thame chasit swa,\nThat thai ourtummyllit, and the men\nThat war thar-in all drownit then.\nA weill gret strynth, as I herd say.\nFor quhen he chassit wes to the bat,\nA Scottis man, that him handlyt hat,\nHe hynt than by the armys twa;\nHe evin apon his bak hym flang,\nAnd with hym till the bat can gang,\nAnd kest him in, all magre his.\nThis wes ane weill gret strynth, i-wis.\nTill thair schippes in hy went thai.\nAnd salit hayme, angry and wa\nThat thai had beyn reboytit swa.\nHow Good King Robert the Bruce came Home again from\nIreland.\n[Sidenote: 1318] _King Robert returns from Ireland_]\nQwhen that the schipmen on this wis\nThe bischop, that so weill hym bare\nThat he all hertit that was thar,\nWes yheit in-to the fechting-sted,\nQuhar that fyve hundreth neir wes ded,\nAnd quhen the feld wes spulyheit bare,\nThai went all hayme to thar repare.\nTo the bischop is fallen faire,\nThat, throu his pris and his bounte,\nThe Kyng tharfor, ay fra that day,\nHym lufit, honorit and prisit ay,\nAnd held hym in-to sic daynte\nThat \u201chis awne bischop\u201d him callit he.\nApon bath halfis the Scottis Se,\nQuhill that the King wes out of land,\nThat than, as I have borne on hand,\nThrou all Irland his cours had maid,\nAnd quhen his brothir, as he war King,\nHad all Erischry at his bidding,\nAnd halely Ulcister alsua,\nHe buskit hame his way to ta.\nAnd prisit of all chevelry,\nWith his brothir gret part left he,\nAnd syne he went on-to the se.\nQuhen thair levis on athir party\nThe Erll Thomas with him he had;\nThai rasit salys but abaid,\nAnd in the land of Gallowa,\nForouten perell, arivit thai.\nBOOK XVII.\nThe Winning of the Town of Berwick by the Scots Men,\nthrough the Means of Sim of Spalding.\n  The lordis of the land wes fayne\nQuhen thai wist he wes cummyn agane,\nAnd till him went in full gret hy,\nAnd he resavit thame richt gladly,\nAnd thai so wondirly blith wer\nOf his come, that na toung mycht say;\nGret fest and fair till him maid thai.\nQuhar-evir he raid, all the cuntre\n  Gret gladschip than wes in the land;\nAll than wes wonnyne till his hand;\nFra Redis Swyr till Orkynnay\nWes nocht of Scotland fra his fay,\nThat tyme thar-in wonnyt ane,\nThat capitane wes of the toune.\nAll Scottis men in suspicioune\nHe held, and tretit thame richt ill;\nAnd had thame fast at undir ay.\nQuhill that it fell, apon a day,\nThat a burges, Sym of Spaldyng,\nThoucht it wes richt ane angry thing\nTharfor in-till his hert thoucht he,\nThat he wald slely mak covyne\nWith the marschall, quhais cosyne\nHe had weddit on-till his wiff;\nLetteris till him he send in hy\nWith a trast man all prevaly;\nAnd set hym tym to cum a nycht\nWith ledderis and gud men and wicht,\nAnd bad him hald his trast treuly,\nAnd he suld meit thame at the wall;\nFor his wach thar that nycht suld fall.\nQuhen the marschall the letteris saw,\nFor he wist, be him-selvin he\nMicht nocht of mycht na power be\nFor till escheve so gret a thing:\nAnd gif he tuk till his helping,\nTharfor richt till the King yheid he,\nAnd schawit him betuix thai twa\nThe lettir and the charge alsua.\nQuhen that the King herd that this trane\nThat him thoucht thar-in na fantys,\nHe said him; \u201cCertis, thou wroucht has wis,\n\u201cThat thou discoverit first till me;\n\u201cFor gif thou had discoverit thee\n\u201cThou suld disples the lord Douglas;\n\u201cAnd him alsua in the contrer.\n\u201cBot I sall wirk on sic maner,\n\u201cThat thou at thine entent sall be,\n\u201cThou sall tak kep weill to thi day,\n\u201cAnd with thame that thou purches may\n\u201cAt evin thou sall enbuschit be\n\u201cIn Duns park; bot be preve.\n\u201cAnd the lord alsua of Dowglas,\n\u201cAthir with ane quheyne of men,\n\u201cBe thair till do as thou sall ken.\u201d\n[Sidenote: APRIL, 1318] _The Scots enter Berwick secretly_]\n  The marschall than but mair delay\nAnd held the spek preve and still,\nQuhill the day that wes set him till.\nThan of the best of Lowdyane\nHe with him till his trist has tane;\nTill Duns park with his menyhe\nHe come at evyn all prevely.\nAnd syne, with a gude cumpany,\nSoyne eftir come the Erll Thomas,\nA richt fair cumpany thai war,\nQuhen thai war met to-giddir thar.\nAnd quhen the marschall the covyne\nTill bath the lordis, lyne be lyne,\nHad tald, thai went on furth thar way;                                85\nFer fra the toune thar hors left thai.\nTill mak it schort, swa thai wroucht than\nThat, but seying of ony man,\nOutane Sym of Spaldyne allane,\nThai set thair ledderis to the wall,\nAnd, but persaving, com up all;\nAnd held thame in ane nuke preve,\nQuhill at the nycht suld passit be.\nOf thair men suld gang sarraly\nWith thar lordis, and hald a staill,\nAnd the remanand suld all haill\nScaill throu the toun, and tak and sla\n[Sidenote: APRIL, 1318] _The Bravery of Sir William Keith_]\n  Bot soyn thar ordinans brak thai;\nFor, als soyn as it dawit day,\nThe twa part of thair men and ma,\nAll scalit, throu the toun to-ga;\nThat thai ran richt as thai war woude,\nAnd sesit housis and slew men.\nAnd thai that saw thair fais then\nCum apon thame suddanly,\nThrou-out the toun thai rasit the cry,                               110\nAnd schot to-gidder heir and thair:\nAnd ay, as thai assemblit war,\nThai wald abyde and mak debat.\nHad thai beyn warnyt, weill I wat,\nFor thai war gud men, and thai wer\nFer ma than thai war at thame soucht;\nBot thai war scalit sa at thai moucht\nOn na maner assemblit be.\nBot Scottis men so weill thame bar\nThat thair fais ay ruschit war;\nAnd cumrayit at the last war swa\nThat thai haly the bak can ta.\nAnd sum ar slyddin our the wall,\nAnd sum war in-to handis tane,\nAnd sum war in the bargane slane.\nOn this wis thame contenit thai,\nThan thai that in the castell war,\nAnd othir that fled to thame thar,\nThat war a richt gret cumpany,\nQuhan thai the baner saw sympilly\nSwa standand, stuffit with sa quhoyn,                                135\nThar yhettis haf thai opnyt soyn,\nAnd yschit on thame hardely.\nThan Erll Thomas, that wes worthy\nAnd als the gude lord of Douglas,\nWith the few folk that with thame was,                               140\nMet thame stoutly with wapnys seir;\nThar men mycht se, that had beyn neir,\nMen abaundoune thame hardely.\nThe Inglis men faucht cruelly,\nAnd with all mychtis can thame payne                                 145\nTill rusche the Scottis men agane.\nI trow thai had swa done, perfay,\nFor thai war fewar far than thai,\nGif it ne had beyn ane new maid knycht,\nThat till his name Schyr Wilyhame hicht                              150\nOf Keth, and of the Gawlistoune\nHe hecht, throu difference of sur-noune,\nThat bair him sa rycht weill that day,\nAnd put him till sa hard assay,\nThat, quhar he saw the thikast thrang,\nHe prikit with sa mekill mycht,\nAnd sua enforsaly can ficht,\nThat he maid till his menyhe way:\nDang on thair fayis sa hardely,\nThat thai haf tane the bak haly\nAnd till the castell held thair way.\nAnd at gret myscheiff enterit thai,\nThat thai feill lesit of the last;\nBot thai that enterit, nocht-for-thi,\nSparit thair yhettis hastely;\nAnd in hy to the wallis ran,\nThe toune wes takyn on this wis\nThrou gret worschip and hye empris;\nAnd all the gud that thai thar fand\nWes sesit smertly in-till hand.\nVittaill thai fand in gret fusionne,                                 175\nAnd all that fell till stuff of toune;\nThat kepit that fra distroying,\nAnd syne has word send to the King.\nAnd he wes of that tithing blith,\nAnd sped him thiddirward full swith.                                 180\nAnd as he throu the cuntre raid\nMen gaderit till him, quhill he had\nA mekill rout of worthy men.\nAnd the folk that war wonand then\nAnd in the Forest als all haill,\nAnd the est end of Lowdiane,\nBefor that the King com, ar gane\nTo Berwik with a stalward hand,\nThat nane that wes that tyme wonand                                  190\nOn yhond half Tweid durst weill apeir.\nAnd thai that in the castell weir,\nQuhen thai thair fais in sic plente\nSaw forrouth thame assemblit be,\nThai war abasit in gret thing.\nBot thai the castell, nocht-for-thi,\nHeld thai fiff dayis sturdely,\nSyne yhald it on the sext day,\nAnd till thair cuntre syne went thai.                                200\n[172: C _With gret_. H _Through_.]\nHere Walter Stewart took of the King\nBoth town and castle in keeping.\n  Thus wes the castell and the toune\nTill Scottis mennys possessioun\nBroucht: and soyn eftir the King\nCom ridand with his gadering\nHe herbryit is, bath fair and weill\nAnd all his gret lordis hym by.\nThe remanand all comonly\nTill herbry in the toun ar gane.\nThe King has than till consell tane,                                 210\nThat he wald nocht brek doune the wall,\nBot castell, and the toune with-all,\nStuff weill with men and with vittaill\nAnd alkynd othir apparaill\nThat mycht availl, or yheit mysteir                                  215\nTill hald castell or toune of wer.\nAnd Walter, Steward of Scotland,\nThat than wes yhoung and avenand,\nAnd sone-in-law wes to the King,\nNeirhand the marchis for till be,\nAt Berwik to yhemsall tuk he;\nAnd resavit of the Kyng the toune,\nBath the castell and the dungeoune.\n[202: C _Scottis men_ (S).]\n[Sidenote: 1318] _Berwick prepared for Siege_]\nRyde in-till Ingland for till pray,\nThat broucht out gret plente of fee;\nAnd sum cuntreis trewit he\nFor vittale, that in gret foysoune\nSwa that bath toune and castell war\nWeill stuffit for ane yheir and mair.\nThe gude Steward of Scotland then\nSend for his frendis and his men,\nQuhill he had with him, but archeris,                                235\nBut burges and botoblesteris,\nFiff hundreth men wicht and worthy,\nThat armys bar of ancistry.\nJohne Crab, a Flemyne, als had he,\nTill ordane till mak aparale\nFor till defend and till assale\nCastell of wer or than cite,\nThat nane slear mycht fundin be.\nAnd purvait grec fyre alsua;\nSpryngaldis and schotis on seir maneris\nThat till defend castell afferis,\nHe purvait in-till full gret wane.\nFor in Scotland yheit than, but wene,\nThe oys of thame had nocht beyn sene\nAnd quhen the toune apon this wis\nWes stuffit, as I heir devis,\nAnd ryddin toward Lowiane.\nAnd Walter Steward, that wes stout,\nHe left in Berwik with his rout,\nAnd ordanit fast for apparaill\n[245: C _trammys_ or _crammys_. E _cranys_ or _tranys_. H _trames_.\nOwing to the similarity of \u2018t\u2019 and \u2018c\u2019 in MSS. the reading is\nuncertain.]\n[246: For the reason explained above it is doubtful whether we should\nhere read _gret_ or _grec_--_i.e._, Greek--probably the latter.]\n[Sidenote: AUG.-SEPT., 1319] _Berwick beset by Land and Sea_]\nQwhen till the King of Ingland\nWes tald how that, with stalward hand,\nBerwik wes tane, and stuffit syne\nWith men and vittale and armyne,\nAnd gert assembill hastely\nHis consale, and has tane to rede\nThat he his host wald thiddir leid,\nAnd, with all mycht that he mycht get,\nAnd gert dik thame so stalwardly,\nThat, quhill thame likit thair to ly,\nThai suld fer out the traster be.\nAnd gif the men of the cuntre\nWith strynth of men wald thame assale,                               275\nAt thair dykis in-to battale,\nThai suld avantage have gretly,\nAnd thouch all suth, for gret foly\nWar till assaill in-to fechting\nQuhen his consell on this maneir\nWes tane, he gert bath fer and neir\nHis host haly assemblit be:\nA gret folk than with him had he.\nThat syne wes sanctit, as men sais,\nIn-till his cumpany wes thar,\nAnd all the erllis als that war\nIn Ingland worthy for to ficht,\nWith him to that assege had he:\nAnd gert the schippes by the se\nBring schot and othir apparale,\nWith gret warnysing of vittale.\nWith his bataillis arayit, come he;\nAnd till gret lordis, ilkane syndri,\nOrdanit ane felde for thar herbry.\nThat men mycht se soyne palyheonis\nSo feill that thai a toune maid thair\nMair than bath toune and castell war.\nOn othir half syne, on the se,\nThe schippis com in sic plente,\nThat all the havyn wes stoppit then.\n[271: C E _gert_. H _gart_. Skeat says these are \u201call wrong,\u201d and that\nthe proper reading is _ger_.]\n[285: E H _Longcastill_.]\n[296: C _vittalis_ (S). H _battels_ as in E.]\n  And quhen thai that war in the toune\nSaw thair fais in sic foysoune\nBy land and se cum sturdely,\nSchupe thame for till defend thar stede,\nThat thai in aventur of dede\nSuld put thame, or than rusche agane\nThar fais; for thair capitane\nAnd thar-with-all the mast party\nOf thame that armyt with hym wer,\nWar of his blude and sib him ner,\nOr ellis thai war his allye.\nAnd of sa richt fair contenyng,\nAs nane of thame had abasing.\nOn dayis arayit weill war thai,\nAnd on the nycht weill wachit ay.\nThat thai na full gret bargane maid.\nHow Walter Stewart was assailed in Berwick by the King of England.\nIn-till this tym that I tell here,\nThat thai withouten bargane wer,\nThe Inglis-men sa closit had\nThat thai war strynthit gretumly.\nSyne with all handis besaly\nThai schupe thame with thar apparale\nThame of the toune for till assale.\nThat bare the byrth that all can by,\nThat men callis hir Nativite,\nSoyn in the mornyng men mycht se\nThe Inglis host arme thame in hy,\nAnd assemmyll till thar baneris\nWith instrumentis on seir maneris,\nAs scaffaldis, ledderis, and coveryngis,\nPykis, howis, and ek staff-slyngis;\nWes ordanit quhar he suld assale.\nAnd thai within, quhen that thai saw\nThat menyhe raynge thame swa on raw,\nTill thar wardis thai went in hy,\nThat war stuffit rycht stalwardly                                    350\nWith stanys, schot, and othir thing\nThat nedit till thair defending:\nAnd in-to sic maner abaid\nThair fais that till assayl thame maid.\n[343: C _scaffatis_ (S). H _scaffolds_.]\n[Sidenote: SEPT. 7, 1319] _A Fierce Attack and Defence_]\nThai trumpit till ane sawt in hy;\nAnd ilk man with his apparale,\nQuhar he suld be, went till assaile.\nTill ilk kyrneill that wes thair\nArcheris till schute assignit war.                                   360\nAnd quhen on this wis thai war boune,\nThai went in hy toward the toune,\nAnd fillit dykis richt hastely,\nSyne to the wallis hardely\nThai went with ledderis that thai haid;                              365\nBot thai so gret defens has maid,\nThat war abovin apon the wall,\nThat oft ledderis, and men with-all,\nThai gert fall flatlynges to the grounde.\nMen assalyheand richt hardely,\nDressand up ledderis douchtely,\nAnd sum on ledderis pressand war;\nBot thai that on the wall wes thar\nThame, till thair fais war doungyn doune.\nAt gret myschef defendit thai\nThair toune; for, gif we suth sall say,\nThe wallis of the toune than wer\nMicht strike ane othir up in the face.\nAnd the schot als so thik thar was\nThat it wes wonder for till se.\nWalter Steward, with a menyhe,\nThat for till help mast myster war:\nAnd quhar men pressit mast, he maid\nSuccoure till his that myster had.\nThe mekill folk that wes without\nSwa that na part of it wes fre.\nThar mycht men the assailyheouris se\nAbandoune thame richt hardely;\nAnd the defendouris douchtely\nWith all thar mychtis can thame payne                                395\nTill put thair fais fors agane.\n[Sidenote: SEPT. 7, 1319] _The Assault is abandoned_]\n  On this wis thame contenit thai\nQuhill noyne wes passit of the day.\nThan thai that in the schippes war\nTill cum with all hir apparale\nRicht to the wall, for till assale.\nTill myd-mast up thair bat thai drew,\nWith armyt men tharin inew:\nRicht fra the bat apon the wall.\nWith bargis by hir can thai row,\nAnd pressit thame full fast to tow\nHir by the brighous to the wall:\nThai broucht hir quhill scho com weill neir:\nThan mycht men se on seir maner\nSum men defend, and sum assale\nFull besaly with gret travale.\nThai of the toune so weill thame bare,                               415\nThat the schipmen sa handillit war,\nThat thai the schip on na maner\nMycht ger cum till the wall so neir,\nThat thar fall-brig mycht reik thar-till,\nQuhill that scho ebbit on the ground;\nThan mycht men, in a litill stound,\nSe thame be fer of war covyne\nThan thai war eir, that war hir in.\nThat men all dry till hir mycht ga,\nOut of the toune yschit in hy\nTill hir a weill gret cumpany,\nAnd fyre till hir has kendlyt soyne:\nIn-till schort tyme swa haf thai done,                               430\nThat thai in fyre has gert hir bryn.\nAnd sum war slayn that war hir in,\nAnd sum fled and away are gane.\nAne engynour thair haf thai tane,\nThat men wist outhir fer or ner;\nIn-to the toun syne enterit thai.\nIt fell thame happely, perfay,\nThat thai gat in so hastely;\nIn full gret hy up by the se,\nQuhen thai the schip saw byrnand be.\nBot or thai com, the tothir war past,\nThe yhet thai barrit and closit fast.\nThat folk assalyheit fast that day,                                  445\nAnd thai within defendit ay\nOn sic a wis, that thai that war\nWith gret enfors assalyheand thar\nMycht do thar will on na maner.\nAnd quhen that evynsang-tym wes neir,                                450\nThe folk without, that wer wery,\nAnd sum woundit full cruelly,\nSaw thame within defend thaim swa;\nAnd saw it wes nocht eyth till ta\nBy thaim, that it in stering had.\nThe host saw that thar schip wes brynt,\nAnd of thame that thar-in war tynt,\nAnd thar folk woundit and wery;\nFra the schipmen reboytit war,\nThai let the tothir assale no mar;\nFor throu the schip thai wend ilkane\nThat thai the toune weill suld haf tane.\nPressit that tyme the toune till ta;\nBot for that thar wes brynt bot ane,\nAnd the gynour tharin wes tane.\nNow heir tharfor mencione maid I\n[420: From C H. E _For oucht thai mycht, gud or ill_.]\n[455: E _quhill sik_. H _while_.]\nQwhen thai had blawen the ratret,\nThai folk, that tholit had panys gret,\nWithdrew thame haly fra the wall;\nThe assalt haf thai levit all.\nAnd mony of thame woundit sar,\nWar blith and glad quhen at thai saw\nThair fais swagat thame withdraw.\nAnd, fra thai wist suthly that thai\nHeld to thair palyheonys thair way,                                  480\nThai set gud wachis to thar wall;\nSyne to thar innys went thai all,\nAnd esyt thame that wery war.\nAnd othir, that war woundit sar,\nThat helpit thame as thai best mycht.\nOn athir syde wery war thai;\nThat nycht thai did no mair perfay.\nFiff dayis thar-eftir thai war still,\nThat nane till othir did mekill ill.                                 490\n[Sidenote: 1319] _The Scots raid England_]\n  Now leiff we thir folk heir liand\nAll still, as I haf borne on hand,\nAnd turn the cours of our carpyng\nTill Schir Robert the douchty King,\nAne host, quhen that he wist, but weir,\nThat the king swa of Ingland\nHad assegit with stalward hand\nBerwik, quhar Walter Steward was.\nThat he wald nocht sa soyne assale\nThe King of Ingland with battale,\nAnd at his dykis specially,\nFor it mycht weill turn to foly.\nThe Erll of Murreff wes ane of tha,\nThe tothir wes the Lord Dowglas,\nWith fyftene thousand men to pas\nIn Ingland, for till burn and sla,\nThat thai that lay segande the toune,\nQuhen thai herd the distructione,\nThat thai suld in-till Ingland ma,\nSuld be sa dredand, and sa wa\nFor thair childir and for thair wiffis,                              515\nThat thai suld dreid suld leis thar liffis,\nAnd thar gudis alsua, that thai\nSuld dreid than suld be had away,\nThat thai suld leif the sege in hy,\nThair gude, thair frendis, and thair land.\nTharfor, as I haf borne on hand,\nThir lordis send he furth in hy;\nAnd thai thair way tuk hastely,\nAnd wroucht tharin so mekill wa\nAs thai forrayit the cuntre,\nThat it wes pite for to se\nTill thame that wald it ony gude,\nFor thai distroyit all as thai yhude.                                530\nSo lang thai raid distroyande swa,\nAs thai traversit to and fra,\nThat thai ar cummyne till Repoune,\nAnd distroyit haly that toune.\nThai tuk, and at Mytoun thar-by.\n[496: C _that, quhen_ (S), but there is no predicate for _that_.]\n  And quhen the men of that cuntre\nSaw thar land sa distroyit be,\nThai gaderit, in-till full gret hy,\nPrestis, clerkis, monkis, and freris,\nHusbandis, and men of all mysteris,\nQuhill at thai sammyn assemmyllit war\nWeill tuenty thousand men and mair.\nThe archbischop of York thai maid\nThair capitane; and to consale\nHas tane, that thai in playn battale\nWald assale the Scottis men,\nThan he displayit his baneir,\nAnd othir bischoppes, that thar wer,\nGert display baneris alsua.\nAll in a rout furth can thai ga\nAnd quhen that Scottis men herd say\nThat thai war till thame cumand neir,\nThai buskit thame on thar best maneir,\nAnd delit thame in-till battellis twa.\nThe reirward maid the Erll Thomas,\nFor chiftane of the host he was.\nAnd, sua ordanit in gude aray,\nToward thair fais thai held their way.\nThai pressit on bath halfis to ficht.\nThe Inglis men com on sadly\nWith gud contenans and hardy,\nRycht in a frount with a baner,\nQuhill thai thair fayis com so neir,                                 570\nThat thai thar visage weill mycht se.\nThre sper-lynth, I trow weill, mycht be\nBetuix thame, quhen sic abasing\nTuk thame, but mar, in-to a swyng,\nQuhen Scottis men has seyn thame swa\nAffrayitly fle all thar way,\nIn gret hy apon thame schot thai,\nAnd slew and tuk a gret party.\nAs thai best mycht, to seik warrand.\nThai war chassit so neir at hand,\nThat weill ane thousand deit thar;\nAnd of thaim yheit thre hundreth war\nTharfor that bargane callit was\n\u201cThe Chaptour of Mytoune;\u201d for thare\nSlayn sa mony prestis ware.\n[Sidenote: 1319] _The \u2018Sow\u2019 and the \u2018Crane\u2019_]\nQwhen thir folk thus discumfit was,\nThai went thame furthwarde in the land\nSlayand, distroyand, and byrnand,\nAnd thai that at the sege lay,\nOr it wes passit the fift day,\nTo gang eftsonis till assale.\nOf gret gestis ane Sow thai maid,\nThat stalward heling owth it had,\nWith armyt men enew thar-in,\nSyndry scaffaldis thai maid with-all,\nThat war weill hyar than the wall,\nAnd ordanit als that by the se\nThe toune suld weill assalyheit be.\nSo gret apparale schap till ma,\nThrou Crabbis consale, that wes sle,\nAne cren thai haif gert dres up hey\nRynand on quhelis, that thai mycht bring\nAnd pik and ter als haf thai tane,\nAnd lynt and hardis with brynstane,\nAnd dry treis that weill wald brin;\nAnd mellit syne athir othir in:\nAnd gret flaggatis tharof thai maid,                                 615\nGyrdit with irne bandis braid.\nOf thai flaggatis mycht mesurit be\nTill a gret tunnys quantite.\nThai flaggatis byrnand in a baill\nWith thair cren thoucht thai till availl.                            620\nAnd gif the Sow come to the wall,\nTill lat thame byrnand on hir fall,\nAnd with ane stark cheyne hald thame thar\nQuhill all war brint up that thar war.\nThai ordanit, and maid redy fast,\nAnd set ilk man syne till his ward.\nAnd Schir Walter, the gude Steward,\nWith armyt men suld ryde about,\nAnd succur thar with his menyhe.\nAnd quhen thai in-to sic degre\nHad maid thame for thair asaling,\nOn the Rude-evyn, in the dawing,\nThan mycht men with ser apparale\nSe that gret host cum sturdely;\nThe toune enveremyt thai in hy,\nAnd assalit with sa gud will,\nFor all thair mycht thai set thar-till,                              640\nThat thai thame pressit fast of the toune.\nBot thai, that can thame abandoune\nTill ded, or than till woundis sare,\nSa weill has thame defendit thare,\nThat ledderis to the ground thai flang,                              645\nAnd with stanys so fast thai dang\nThair fais, that feill thai left lyand,\nSum ded, sum hurt, and sum swonand.\n[601: C _scaffatis_ (S).]\n[Sidenote: SEPT. 13, 1319] _The \u2018Sow\u2019 is smashed_]\n  Bot thai that held on fut in hy\nAnd skunnyrrit tharfor na-kyn thing,\nBot went stoutly till assalyng.\nAnd thai abovin defendit ay,\nAnd set thame till so harde assay,\nQuhill that feill of thame woundit war:                              655\nAnd thai so gret defens maid thar,\nThat thai styntit thair fais mycht.\nApon sic maner can thai ficht,\nQuhill it wes neir noyne of the day;\nPressit thair Sow toward the wall;\nAnd thai within weill soyne gert call\nThe engynour that takyne was,\nAnd gret manans till him mais;\nProvit on the Sow sic sutelte,\nThat he to-fruschyt hir ilke deill.\nAnd he, that has persavit weill\nThat the dede wes weill neir hym till,\nThoucht that he all his mycht wald do;\nBendit in gret hy than wes scho,\nAnd till the Sow wes evin set.\nIn hye he gert draw the cleket,\nThat evyn out-our the Sow is gane,\nAnd behynd hir a litill we\nIt fell, and than thai cryit hey\nThat war in hir, \u201cFurth to the wall.\nThe engynour that deliverly\nGert bend the gyne in full gret hy,\nAnd the stane smertly swappit out:\nIt flaw out, quhedirand, with a rout,\nThair hertis than begouth till grow;\nBot yheit than, with thair mychtis all,\nThai pressit the Sow toward the wall,\nAnd has hir set thar-to juntly.\nThe gyne, and wappyt out the stane,\nThat evin toward the lift is gane,\nAnd with gret wecht syne duschit doune\nRicht by the wall, in a randoune,\nThat it, that wes the mast summer\nAnd starkast for till stynt a strak,\nIn-sundir with that dusche he brak.\nThe men ran out in full gret hy,\nThat thair Sow ferryit wes thair.\nJohne Crab, that had his geir all yhar,\nIn his fagattis has set the fyre,\nAnd our the wall syne can thame vyre,\nAnd brynt the Sow till brandis bair.                                 705\nWith all this, fast assalyheand war\nThe folk without with felloune ficht,\nAnd thai within with mekill mycht\nDefendit manfully thar stede,\n[689: C _juntly_ (S), but suggesting _justly_ ( = exactly) as right\nreading. H _cunningly_. E _gentilly_.]\n  The schipmen, with gret apparale,\nCom with thair schippes till assale,\nWith top-castellis warnist weill,\nAnd wicht men armyt in-till steill.\nDrawyn weill hye and festnyt fast is,\nAnd pressit with that gret atour\nToward the wall, bot the gynour\nHit in ane espyne with a stayne,\nSum dede, sum dosnyt, come doun wyndland.\nFra thine-furth durst nane tak on hand\nWith schippes pres thame to the wall.\nBot the laiff war assalyheand all\nThat certis it wes gret ferly,\nThat thai folk sic defens has maid,\nFor the gret myscheif that they had.\nFor thair wallis so law than weir,\nMicht strik ane othir up in the face,\nAs eir befor tald till yhow was.\nAnd feill of thame war woundit sare,\nAnd the layf so fast travaland war,\nThair adversouris assailyheit swa.\n[Sidenote: SEPT. 13, 1319] _The Drawbridge is burnt down_]\n  Thai war within sa stratly stad\nThat thar wardane, that with him had\nAne hundreth men in cumpany\nAnd raid about for till se quhar\nThat his folk hardest pressit war,\nTo relief thame that had mister,\nCom syndry tymes in placis ser\nAll dede, and othir woundit sare;\nSwa that he of his cumpany\nBehufit to leiff thair party:\nSwa that, be he a cours had maid\nThar wes levit with him bot ane,\nThat he ne had thame left ilkane\nTo releve quhar he saw mister.\nAnd the folk, that assalyheand wer\nThe barras, and a fyre had maid\nAt the draw-brig, and brynt it doune;\nAnd war thringand in gret foysoune\nRycht to the yhet ane fyre till ma.\nAne to the wardane, for till say\nHow thai war set in hard assay.\nAnd quhen Schir Walter Steward herd\nHow men sa stratly with thame ferd,\nAll that war thar of armyt men,\nFor thar that day assalyheit nane,\nAnd with that rout in hy is gane\nTo Mary-yhet, and till the wall\nAnd umbethoucht him suddandly\nBot gif gret help war set in hy\nThar-to, thai suld burne up the yhet\nThat fra the wall thai suld nocht let.\nHe suddanly set his entent;\nAnd gert all wyde set up the yhet,\nAnd the fyre that he fand thar-at\nWith strinth of men he put away.\nFor thai that war assalyheand thar\nPressit on hym with wapnys bair,\nAnd he defendit with all his mycht.\nThar mycht men se a felloune sicht,\nWith staffing, stoking, and striking.                                785\nThar maid thai sturdy defending;\nFor with gret strynth of men the yhet\nThai defendit, and stude thar-at,\nMagre thair fais, quhill the nycht\nGert thame on bath halfis leif the ficht.                            790\n[774: C and H (S). _With the fire that he fand thar-at._ Seems an\nanticipation of 778. Text from E.]\n[785: E _Off stabing_.]\nThai of the host, quhen nycht can fall,\nFra the assalt with-drew thame all,\nWoundit, and wery, and forbeft.\nWith mate cher the assalt thai left,\nAnd set thar wachis hastely.\nThe laif thame esit as thai mycht best;\nFor thai had gret myster of rest.\nThat nycht thai spak al comonly\nThat thai sa stout defens has maid\nAgane the gret assalt thai had.\nAnd thai within, on othir party,\nQuhen thai thair fayis so halely\nSaw thame withdraw, thai war all blith,                              805\nAnd wachis has ordanit swith;\nAnd syne ar till thar innys gane.\nThar wes bot few of thame wes slaine,\nBot feill war woundit wikidly,\nIt wes ane hard assalt, perfay,\nAnd certis, I hard nevir say\nQuhar quheyn men mair defens had maid,\nThat swa richt hard assalyheing had.\nI haf ferly, that I of tell;\nThat is, that in-till all that day,\nQuhen all thair mast assalyheit thai,\nAnd the schot thikkest wes with-all,\nWomen with child and childir small                                   820\nIn arme-fullis gaderit up, and bair\nTill thame that on the wallis war\nArowes, and nocht ane slayne wes thar,\nNa yheit woundit; and that wes mar\nAnd to nocht ellis it set can I.\n[809: E _woundyt uttrely_.]\n[812: C _certanly_, but E is admittedly better.]\n[Sidenote: SEPT. 14, 1319] _A Division in the English Council_]\n[Sidenote: SEPT., 1319] _The Return of the Scots_]\n  On athir syde that nycht thai war\nAll still, and on the morne, but mar,\nThar come tithandis out of Ingland,\nTill thame of the host, that bare on hand                            830\nHow that by Borrow-brig and Mytoune\nThair men war slayne and dungin doune;\nAnd at Scottis-men throu-out the land\nRaid yheit byrnand and distroyand.\nAnd quhen the King has herd this taill,                              835\nHis consell he assemblit haill,\nTill se quhethir farar war him till\nTill ly about the toune all still,\nAnd assaill quhill it wonnyne war,\nAnd reskew his land and men.\nHis consell fast discordit then;\nFor Southren men wald that he maid\nArest thar, quhill he wonnyn had\nBot Northir men wald no-thing swa,\nThat dred thar friendis for till tyne,\nAnd mast part of thar gudis syne\nThrou Scottis mennys cruelte;\nAnd raid for till reskew the land.\nOf Longcastell, I tak on hand,\nThe Erll Thomas wes ane of thai\nThat consalit the King hame to ga.\nTill the folk of the south cuntre\nThan till the northir mennys will,\nHe tuk it to sa mekill ill\nThat he gert turs his geir in hy,\nThat of the host neir thrid part was,\nTill Ingland hame his way he tais.\nBut leiff he hame has tane his gat:\nTharfor fell eftir sic debat\nLestit quhill Androu Herdclay,\nThat throu the King wes on him set,\nTuk hym syne in-to Pomfret,\nAnd on the hill besyde the toune\nTharfor syne drawin and hangit wes he,\nAnd with him weill a fair menyhe.\nMen said syne eftir, this Thomas,\nThat on this wis maid martir was,\nBot envy syne gert thame be hid.\nBot quhethir he haly wes or nane,\nAt Pomfret thusgat was he slane.\nAnd syne the King of Ingland,\nTill pass his way sa oppinly,\nHym thoucht it wes perell to ly\nThar with the laiff of his menyhe;\nAnd his harnas tursit has he\nThe Scottis men, that distroyand war\nIn Ingland, herd soyne tell tithyng\nOf this gret sege the departing.\nTharfor thai tuk westward the way,\nWith prayis and with presoneris,\nAnd othir gudis on seir maneris.\n  The lordis till the King ar gane,\nAnd the laiff has thar wayis tane;\nThe King, iwis, was woundir fayne\nThat thai war cummyn haile and feir,\nAnd at thai sped on sic maner,\nThat thai thair fais discumfit had,\nReskowris to thame that in Berwik\nWar assegit richt till thar dik.\nAnd quhen the Kyng had sperit tithand\nHow thai had faryne in-till Ingland,\nHow Inglis men discumfit war,\nRicht blith in-till his hert wes he,\nAnd maid thame fest with gammyn and gle.\n[887, 888: H expands these two lines into eight.\n_Throughout England full cruelly,\nBurning and wasting right rigorously,\nWhen that they have heard tythings tell\nOf this great Siege that was sa fell:\nThat they all skailed were and gane,\nUnto England hame againe:\nSa that their folks relieved were\nAnd set now free from all danger._\nSkeat relegates this expansion of two lines to a footnote, and rightly.]\n_That into full gret danger wes,               *903\nThrough strength of them that sieged hes.      *904\nAnd of their journey what progresse,           *905\nThat thai have had, and with successe._        *906\nThese, too, are from H only. Skeat brackets them in the text, but they\nare surely spurious.]\nBerwik wes on this maner\nHe wes worthy ane prince till be,\nThrou manheid and subtilite,\nThat couth throu wit sa hye a thyng,\nBut tynsale, bryng till gude ending.\nAnd quhen he herd thar how it was\nDefendit swa richt apertly,\nHe lovit thame that war thar gretly.\nWalter Stewardis gret bounte\nFor the richt gret defens he maid\nAt the yhet, quhar men brynt had\nThe brig, as yhe herd me devis.\nAnd certis he wes weill till pris,\nThat sa stoutly with playne fecthing                                 925\nAt oppyn yhet maid defending.\nMycht he haf lifit quhill he had beyne\nOf perfit elde, withouten weyne,\nHis renoune suld haf strekit fer.\nWith all hyr mycht waik and worthy,\nHad at his worschip gret invy;\nThat in the flour of his yhoutheid\nScho endit all his douchty deid,\nQuhen the King had a quhill beyne thar\nHe send for masonis fer and neir,\nThat sleast wes of that misteir,\nAnd gert weill ten fute hye the wall\nAnd syne soyne toward Lowdyane\nWith his menyhe his gat has gane;\nAnd syne he gert ordane in hy\nBath armyt men and yhemanry\nTill help his brothir that wes thair.\n[922: C _quhar that_. E H omit _that_.]\n[940: C _Berwyk his_ (see note).]\nBOOK XVIII.\nHow Sir Edward the Bruce was slain in Ireland.\n[Sidenote: OCT. 14, 1318] _Edward Bruce is bent on Fighting_]\n  Bot he, that rest anoyit ay,\nAnd wald in travaill be all-way,\nA day forrouth thair arivyng\nThat war send till hym fra the King,\nMagre them all that with hym war.\nFor he had nocht than in that land\nOf all men, I trow, twa thousand,\nOutane the kyngis off Erischry\nToward Dundawk he tuk the way:\nAnd quhen Richard of Clare herd say\nThat he com with ane few menyhe,\nAll that he mycht assemblit he,\nSwa that he had thar with him then\nOf trappit hors tuenty thousand,\nBut thaim that war on fut gangand;\nAnd held furth northwarde on his way.\nAnd quhen Schir Edward has herd say                                   20\nThat cummyn neir till hym wes he,\nHe send discurrouris hym till se:\nThe Sowlis and the Steward war thai,\nAnd als Schir Philip the Mowbray.\nAnd quhen thai seyn had thar cummying,                                25\nThai went agane to tell the King,\nAnd said weill thai war mony men.\nIn hie Schir Edward ansuered then,\nAnd said that he suld fecht that day\nThouch tryplit or quadruplit war thai.                                30\nSchir Johne Steward said, \u201cSekirly,\n\u201cI red ye nocht ficht in sic hy.\n\u201cMen sais my brothir is cumand\n\u201cWith fyftene hundreth men neir hand;\n\u201cAnd war thai knyt with yhow, yhe mycht                               35\n\u201cThe trastlyar abyde to ficht.\u201d\nSchir Edward lukit richt angrely,\nAnd till the Sowlis said in hy,\n\u2018Quhat sais thou?\u2019 \u201cSchir,\u201d he said, \u201cperfay,\nAnd than till Schir Philippe than said he,\n\u201cSchir,\u201d said he, \u201csa our Lord me se!\n\u201cMe think it na foly to byde\n\u201cYhour men, that spedis thame to ryde.\n\u201cGod may rycht weill our weirdis deill;\n\u201cBot it war woundir that our mycht\n\u201cSuld ourcum so feill in ficht.\u201d\nThan, with gret ire, \u2018Allas,\u2019 said he,\n\u2018Now help quha will, for sekirly\n\u2018This day, but mair baid, fecht will I.\n\u2018Sa na man say, quhill I may dre,\n\u2018That strynth of men sall ger me fle!\n\u2018That we defoull our noble name.\u2019\n\u201cNow be it swagat than,\u201d quod thai,\n\u201cWe sall tak that God will purvay.\u201d\n[5: C _furthwarde_ (S). H _southward_.]\n[30: E _tribill and quatribill_.]\n[34: E _thowsand_. H as in C.]\n[Sidenote: OCT. 14, 1318] _Edward Bruce is slain_]\n  And quhen the kyngis of Erischry\nThat that King, with sa quheyn, wald ficht\nAgane folk of sa mekill mycht,\nThai come till him in full gret hy,\nAnd consalit hym full tendirly\nSuld hald thar fais all that day\nDoand, and on the morne alsua,\nWith thar saltis that thai suld ma.\nBot thair mycht na consel availl,\nAnd quhen thai saw he wes so thra\nTo fecht, thai said; \u201cYhe may weill ga\n\u201cTo ficht with yhon gret cumpany;\n\u201cBot we acquyt us utirly,\n\u201cAssuris nocht tharfor in our mycht.\n\u201cFor our maner is of this land\n\u201cTo follow and ficht, and ficht fleand,\n\u201cAnd nocht till stand in plane melle\nHe said; \u2018Sen that your custum is,\n\u2018Ik ask no mair at yhow bot this,\n\u2018That is, that yhe and yhour menyhe\n\u2018Wald all to-giddir arayit be,\n\u2018And se our ficht and our endyng.\u2019\nThai said weill at thai suld do swa,\nAnd syne toward thair men can ga,\nThat war weill forty thousand neir.\nEdward, with thame that with him weir,                                90\nThat war nocht fully twa thousand,\nArayit thame stalwardly till stand\nAgane fourty thousand and ma.\nSchir Edward that day wald nocht ta\nThat men held als withouten peir\nOf his estat, had on that day\nAll haill Schir Edwardis aray.\nThe ficht abaid thai on this wis;\nCom, till assemmyll all reddy,\nAnd thai met thame richt hardely.\nThai war sa few, forsuth to say,\nThat ruschit with thair fais war thai;\nAnd thai that pressit mast to stand                                  105\nWar slane doune, and the remanand\nFled till Erischry for succour.\nSchyr Edward, that had sic valour,\nWes ded, and Johne Steward alsua;\nAnd othir als of thair cumpany.\nThai vencust war sa suddanly\nThat few in-till the place war slayne;\nFor the laif has thair wayis tane\nTill the Erische kyngis that wes thar,                               115\nAnd in haill battale howand war.\n[89: E _twenty_. H _twettie_ (!).]\n  Johne Tomassun, that wes leder\nOf thame of Carrik that thair wer,\nQuhen he saw the discumfiting,\nWith-drew him till ane Erische king                                  120\nThat of his acquyntans had he;\nAnd he resavit him in lawte.\nAnd quhen Johne cummyn wes to that king,\nHe saw be led fra the fechting\nSchir Philipe the Mowbray, the wicht,                                125\nThat had beyne doysnyt in the ficht.\nAnd be the armys led was he\nWith twa men, apon the cawse\nThat wes betuix thame and the toune,\nToward the toune thai held thair way,\nAnd quhen in myd cawse war thai,\nSchir Philip of his desynais\nOurcome, and persavit he wes\nThe tane he swappit soyne him fra,\nAnd syne the tothir in gret hy;\nSyne drew his suerde deliverly,\nAnd till the fecht the way he tais\nFillit in-to sa gret foysoune\nOf men that than went to the toune.\nAnd he, that met thame, can thame ma\nSic payment, quhar he can ga,\nThat weill ane hundreth men gert he                                  145\nLeiff, magre thairis, the cawsee;\nAs Johne Tomassun said suthly,\nThat saw his deid all halely.\nToward the battall evyn he yheid.\nThat thai war vencust all planly,\nCryit on hym in full gret hy,\nAnd said, \u201cCum heir, for thar is nane\n\u201cOn liff, for thai ar dede ilkane.\u201d\nThan stude he still a quhile, and saw                                155\nThat thai war all done out of daw;\nSyne went toward him sarraly.\nThis Johne wroucht syne sa wittely\nThat all that thidder fled than wer,\nThouch that thai lesit of thair ger,                                 160\nCom till Cragfergus haill and feir.\nAnd thai, that at the fechting weir\nSoucht Schir Edward, to get his hede,\nEmange the folk that thar wes ded;\nAnd, for sa gude his armys wer,\nThai strak his hed of; and syne it\nThai haf gert saltit in-till a kyt,\nAnd send it syne in-till Ingland,\nThai wend Schir Edwardis it had beyne;\nBot, for the armyng that wes scheyne,\nThai of the hed dissavit war,\nAll-thouch Schir Edward deit thar.\n[117: E _Thomas sone_. H _Thomson_.]\n[Sidenote: OCT., 1318] _The Skilful Retreat of the Scots_]\nThrou wilfulnes all losit then;\nAnd that wes syn and gret pite.\nFor had thair outrageous bounte\nBeyne led with wit and with mesure,\nBefell thame, it suld richt hard thing\nBe till leid thame till outrayng.\nBot gret outrageous succudry\nGert thame all deir thair worschip by.\nSped thame in hy toward the se,\nAnd to Cragfergus cummyn ar thai.\nAnd thai that war in-to the way,\nTo Schir Edward send fra the King,\nTill Cragfergus thai went agane:\nAnd that wes nocht forouten pane.\nFor thai war mony tymes that day\nAssalit with Erischry, bot thai\nDefendand thame so wittely\nThat thai eschapit oft throu mycht,\nAnd mony tymes als throu slycht;\nFor oft of thairis till thame gaf thai\nTill let thame scathles pass thar way,                               200\nAnd to Cragfergus com thai swa.\nThan batis and schippes can thai ta,\nAnd salit till Scotland in hy,\nAnd thar arivit all saufly.\nQuhen thai of Scotland had wittering                                 205\nOf Schir Edwardis discomfiting,\nThai menyt hym full tendrely\nOur all the land comonly;\nAnd thai that with him slane war thar\nHow King Edward came again to Scotland with his Power, to Edinburgh,\nafter the Death of Good Sir Edward the Bruce in Ireland.\n[Sidenote: AUG., 1322] _The English invade Scotland_]\nEdward the Bruce, as I said air,\nWes discumfit on this manare.\nAnd quhen the feld wes clengit cleyne,\nSa that na resisteris wes seyne,\nAnd all the folk that with him war,\nToward Dundawk has tane the way;\nSwa that richt na debat maid thai\nAt that tyme with the Erischrye,\nAnd syne has send furth to the King,\nThat Ingland had in governyng,\nGib Harperis hed in-till ane kyt.\nJohne Mawpas till the King had it.\nRicht blith of that present wes he;\nFor he was swa glad that he wes swa\nDeliverit of sic felloune a fa.\nIn hert tharof he tuk sic pryde,\nWith a gret host in-till Scotland,\nTill revenge hym, with stalward hand,\nOf the tray, travaill, and of teyne\nThat done till hym thar-in had beyne.\nAnd gert his schippes by the se\nCum with gret foysoune of vittale;\nFor at that tyme he thoucht all hale\nFor till distroy so cleyn Scotland\nAnd with his folk, in gret aray,\nToward Scotland he tuk the way.\nAnd quhen King Robert wist that he\nCom on hym with sic ane menyhe,\nQuhill sa feill till him cummyn weir,\nAnd war als for till cum hym to,\nThat him weill thoucht he suld weill do.\nHe gert with-draw all the catele\nAnd till strynthis gert thame be send,\nAnd ordanit men thame to defend.\nAnd with his hoost all still he lay\nAt Culros, for he walde assay\nBe feblist, and throu lang walking;\nAnd fra he feblist had thair mycht\nAssemmyll he wald with thame till ficht.\n[225: E _And he it_ (see note).]\n[239: E _To dystroy up sa clene the land_. H as C.]\n[Sidenote: AUG.-SEPT., 1322] _The Skirmish at Melrose_]\n  He thoucht till wirk apon this wis;\nCom with thar hoost in Lowdiane,\nAnd soyne till Edinburgh ar gane,\nAnd thair abaid thai dayis thre.\nThair schippes that war on the se\nSwa that apon no maner thai\nHad power till the Fyrth till bring\nThair vittale, till releiff the King.\nAnd thai of the host that falit met,\nQuhen thai saw that thai mycht nocht get                             270\nThair vittalis to thame by the se,\nThan send thai furth a gret menyhe\nFor till forray all Lowdiane;\nBot cattell haf thai fundyn nane,\nThat in Tranentis corne thai fand;\nThai broucht hir till thair hoost agane.\nAnd quhen the Erll of Warane\nThat cow saw anerly cum swa,\nAnd thai haf said all till him, \u201cNay.\u201d\n\u201cThan, certis,\u201d said he, \u201cI dar say\n\u201cThis is the derrest beiff that I\n\u201cSaw evir yheit; for sekirly\nAnd quhen the King and thai that war\nOf his consell saw thai mycht get\nNa catell till thar host till et,\nThat than of fasting had gret payne,\nTill Ingland turnyt thai hame agayne.                                290\nAt Melros schupe thai for till ly,\nAnd send befor ane cumpany,\nThre hundreth neir of armyt men.\nBot the lord Dowglas, that wes then\nWist of thar com and quhat thai weir;\nAnd with thame of his cumpany\nIn-till Melros all prevely\nHe hufit in-till ane enbuschement.\nWithout the yhet, thar com till se,\nAnd bad him hald him all preve,\nQuhill that he saw thame cumand all\nRicht till the cunyhe of the wall,\nThe frer furth than his way he tais,\nThat wes derff, stout, and ek hardy;\nHis mekill hude helit haly\nThe armyng that he on hym had;\nAnd in his hand he had a spere,\nAbydand apon that maner\nQuhill that he saw thame cumand neir.\nAnd quhen the formast passit weir\nThe cunyhe, he cryit, \u201cDowglas! Dowglas!\u201d                            315\nThan till thame all ane cours he mais,\nAnd bare ane doune deliverly;\nAnd Dowglas, with his cumpany,\nYschit apon thame with a schout.\nCum apon thame sa suddanly,\nThai war abaysit richt gretumly,\nAnd gaf the bak but mar abaid.\nThe Scottis men emang thaim raid,\nAnd slew all thaim thai mycht ourta;                                 325\nAne gret martirdome thair can thai ma.\nAnd thai that eschapit unslayne\nAr till thar gret host went agane,\nAnd tald thame quhat kyn welcummyng\nDowglas thaim maid at thair metyng,                                  330\nConvoyand thame agane roydly,\nAnd warnyt thame the playn herbery.\n[283: E _best_. H _beast_.]\nHow the Good King Robert the Bruce followed King Edward of England\nSouth into his own Land.\n[Sidenote: OCT. 21, 1322] _The Fight at Byland_]\nThe King of Ingland and his men,\nThat saw thair herbreouris then\nAnoyit gretly in hert thai wer,\nAnd thoucht that it war gret foly\nIn-to the wode till tak herbery.\nTharfor by Driburgh, in the playne,\nThai herbryit thame; and syne agane                                  340\nAr went till Ingland haym thar way.\nAnd quhen the King Robert herd say\nThat thai war turnyt hame agane,\nAnd how thair herbreouris war slane,\nAnd went south our the Scottis Se,\nAnd till Ingland his way he tais.\nQuhen his host all assemblit was,\nAuchty thowsand he wes and ma,\nIn ilk battell wes ten thousand.\nSyne went he furth on to Ingland,\nAnd in hale rout followit sa fast\nThe Inglis King, quhill at the last\nQuhar, at that tyme, thar wes liand\nThe King of Ingland with his men.\nKyng Robert, that had wittering then\nThat he lay thair with mekill mycht,\nThat, be the morne that it wes day,\nCummyn in-till playn feld war thai,\nFra Biland bot ane litill space.\nBot betuix thaim and it thar was\nAnd a gret peth up for to gang.\nOthirwayis mycht thai nocht away\nTill pass till Bilandis abbay,\nBot gif thai passit fer about.\nHerd at King Robert wes so neir,\nThe mast part of thame that thar weir\nWent to the path and tuk the bra,\nThair thoucht thai thair defens to ma.\nThair baneris thair thai gert display                                375\nAnd thair battellis on breid aray,\nAnd thoucht weill to defend the place.\nQuhen King Robert persavit has\nThat thai thame thoucht thair to defend,\nAnd askit quhat wes best till do.\nThe lord Dowglas ansuerd thar-to,\nAnd said, \u201cSchir, I will undir-ta\n\u201cThat in schort tyme I sall do swa,\n\u201cOr than ger all yhon cumpany\n\u201cCum doun till yhow heir in this plane.\u201d\nThe King than said till him agane,\n\u2018Do than,\u2019 he said, \u2018and God the speid!\u2019\nAnd of the host the mast party\nPut thame in-till his cumpany,\nAnd held thar way toward the plas.\n  The gud Erll of Murreff, Thomas,\nBot with thre men of his cumpany,\nCom till the lordis rout of Dowglas;\nAnd, or he enterit in the plas,\nBefor thame all the place tuk he;\nAnd quhen Schir James of Dowglas\nSaw that he swagat cummyn was,\nHe prisit him thar-of gretly,\nAnd welcummyt hym full humylly,\nQuhen Inglis men saw thaim do swa,\nThai lichtit and agane thame yheid.\nTwa knychtis, that douchty war of deid,\nThomas Ouchtre ane hat to name,\nCom doune befor all thair menyhe.\nThai war bath of full gret bounte,\nAnd met thair fais richt manly;\nBot thai war pressit gretumly.\nThair mycht men se men weill assale,                                 415\nAnd men defend with stout battale,\nAnd arrowes fle in gret foysoune,\nAnd thai that owth war tummyl doune\nStanis apon thame fra the hicht.\nBot thai that set bath will and mycht                                420\nTo wyn the peth, thame pressit swa,\nThat Schir Raulf of Cobhame can ta\nThe way richt till his host in hy,\nAnd left Schir Thomas manfully\nDefendand with gret mycht the plas,                                  425\nQuhill that he swa supprisit was,\nThat he wes tane throu herd fechting.\nAnd tharfor syne, quhill his ending,\nHe wes renownyt for best of hand\nFor this ilk Schyr Raulf of Cobhame,\nIn all Ingland he had the name\nFor the best knycht of all the land;\nAnd for Schir Thomas duelt fechtand\nQuhar Schir Raulf, as befor saide we,                                435\nWith-drew him, prisit our hym wes he.\n[Linenote: 377, 393, 398, etc., E _the pass_.]\n[391: E _mast hardy_.]\n[404: E _hamlyly_.]\n[409: C _Arthyn_ (S), but see note.]\n[410, 422: C _Coubane_: H _Cowbane_.]\nThe discomfiting of Englishmen\nAt Bylands Path into the glen.\nThus war thai fechtande in the plas;\nAnd quhen the King Robert, that was\nWis in his deid and averty,\nThe peth apon thair fayis ta;\nAnd saw his fais defend thame swa,\nThan gert he all the Erischry\nThat war in-till his cumpany,\nSpede tham in hy on-to the bra:\nHe bad thame leiff the peth haly\nAnd clym up in the craggis by,\nAnd speid thame fast the hicht to ta.\nAnd clymb allgait up to the hycht,\nAnd leve nocht for thair fayis mycht.\nMagre thair fayis, thai bar thaim swa,\nThat thai ar gottyn aboun the bra.\nThan mycht men se thame ficht felly,                                 455\nAnd rusche thair fais sturdely.\nAnd thai that till the pass war gane,\nMagre thair fais, the hycht has tane.\nThan layd thai on with all thar mycht:\nTher wes ane perelus bargane:\nFor a knycht, hat Schir Johne Bretane,\nThat lichtit wes abovyn the bra,\nWith his men gret defens can ma.\nThat gaf thame so felloune battale,\nThat thai war set in sic affray\nThat thai, that fle mycht, fled away.\nSchir Johne of Bretane thar wes tane,\nAnd richt feill of his folk war slane.                               470\nOf Frans thar tane wes knychtis twa;\nThe lord of Souly wes ane of tha,\nThe tothir wes the marschall Bretane,\nThat wes a weill gret lord at hame.\nThe remanand thai fled ilkane.\n[450: E _Than mycht men see thaim stoutly ga_. H like C.]\n[451-454: not in C but in E H.]\n[Sidenote: OCT. 21, 1322] _The King of England flies_]\n  And quhen the King of Ingland,\nThat yheit at Biland wes liand,\nSaw his men discumfyt planly,\nAnd southwardis fled with all his mycht.\nThe Scottis men chast hym herd, I hycht,\nAnd in the chas has mony tane.\nThe king quytly away is gane,\nWalter Stewart, that gret bounte\nSet ay on hye chevelry,\nWith fyve hundreth in cumpany,\nTill Yorkis yhettis chas can ma,\nAnd abaid thair quhill neir the nycht,\nTo se gif ony wald ysche to ficht.\nAnd quhen he saw nane wald cum out,\nHe turnyt agane with all his rout,\nThat than tane had thair herbery\nIn-till the abbay of Biland\nAnd Riveus that wes by neir hand.\nThai delt emang thame that war ther\nThat he had levit in-to Biland;\nAll gert thai lepe out our thar hand,\nAnd maid thame all glaid and ek mery.\nAnd quhen the King had tane herbery,\nThat broucht till him the presoneris                                 505\nAll unarmyt, as it efferis;\nAnd quhen he saw Johne of Bretane\nHe had at hym richt gret disdeyne;\nFor he wount wes to spek hely\nAnd bad haf him away in hy,\nAnd luk he kepit war stratly,\nAnd said, \u201cWar it nocht that he war\n\u201cSic a catiff, he sulde by sair\nAnd mekly he hym cryit mercy.\nThai led him furth, forouten mair,\nAnd kepit hym weill ay quhill thai war\nCummyn hame to their awne cuntre.\nFor tuenty thousand pund to pay,\nAs I haf herd mony men say.\n[498: E _Ryfuowis_.]\n[Sidenote: OCT., 1322] _The Scots return with much Plunder_]\nQwhen that the King this spek had maid,\nThe Franche knychtis, that tane men had,\nWes broucht richt thar byfor the King;                               525\nAnd he maid thame fair welcummyng,\nAnd said; \u201cI wat richt weill that yhe,\n\u201cFor yhour gret worschip and bounte\n\u201cCom for till se the fichting heir.\n\u201cYhour strinth, yhour worschip, and yhour mycht\n\u201cWald nocht thoill yhow escheve the ficht.\n\u201cAnd sen that caus yhow led thar-till,\n\u201cAnd nouthir wreth na evil will,\n\u201cQuhar welcum heir all tym be yhe.\u201d\nThai knelit, and thankit him gretly,\nAnd he gert tret thame curtasly;\nAnd lang quhill with him thaim had he,\nAnd quhen thai yharnyt to thair land,\nTo the King of Fraunce in presand\nHe sent thaim quit, but ransoun fre,\nAnd gret gyftis to thaim gaff he.\nHe couth ressave, and hamely,\nAnd his fais stoutly to-stonay.\nAt Biland all that nycht he lay.\nFor thair victor all blith thai war.\nThai haff furthwarde tane thair way.\nSo fer at that tyme travalit thai,\nByrnand, slayand, and distroyand,\nThair fayis with thair mycht noyand,\nSyne northwarde tuk thai hame thar way;\nAnd distroyit, in thair repair,\nThe vale haly of Beauvare.\nAnd syne with presoners and catele,\nTill Scotland tuk thai hame thar way,\nBlith and glad, joyfull and gay.\nAnd ilk-man went to thair repair,\nAnd lovit God thame fell so fair,\nThrou worschip and throu strinth of hand,\nAnd throu thair lordis gret bounte,\nDiscumfit in his awne cuntre.\n[536: C _yhe be_ (S). Buss considers E better here (_Anglia_ ix. 511).]\n[537: For next line C has--_Of the grace he thame did suthly_ (S). But\nthis gives a triple rhyme, which is not Barbour-like; and C, in any\ncase, is defective here, giving but one line between 538 and 547 for\nthe eight found in E and H.]\nBOOK XIX.\nHow the Lord Soulis thought through Treason with his Accomplices to\nhave put down Good King Robert the Bruce, and how he was warned by a\nLady.\n[Sidenote: AUG., 1320] _The Conspiracy against King Robert_]\nThan wes the land a quhile in pes;\nBot covatis, that can nocht ces\nTill set men apon felony,\nTill ger thame cum till senyhory,\nMak a fell conjuracioune\nAgane Robert, the douchty King;\nThai thoucht till bring him till ending,\nAnd for till bruke, eftir his dede,\nThe lord of Sowlis, Schir Wilyhame,\nOf that purchas had mast defame;\nFor principall tharoff wes he,\nBath of assent and cruelte.\nGilbert Male-herbe, Johne of Logy,\nThir war the knychtis I tell of heir,\nAnd Richard Broune als, a squyeir;\nAnd gud Schir David the Brechyne\nAs I sall tell yhow forthirmair.\nBot thai ilkane discoverit war\nThrou ane lady, as I herd say,\nOr till thair purpos cum mycht thai.\nThair purpos and thair ordanyng,\nAnd how that he suld haf beyn ded,\nAnd Sowlis ryng in-till his sted;\nAnd tald him werray takynnyng\nThat this purches wes suthfast thing.                                 30\nAnd quhen the King wist it wes swa,\nSa sutell purchas can he ma,\nThat he gert tak thame evirilkane.\nAnd quhar the lord Sowlis wes tane,\nOf squyeris, cled in his liverye,\nAt that tyme in his cumpany,\nOutane knychtis that war joly.\nIn-to Berwik than takyn wes he;\nSary and wa; for, suth to say,\nThe king leit thame all pass thar way;\nAnd held thame that he takyn had.\nThe lord Sowlis syne eftir maid\nPlayn granting of all that purchas.                                   45\nA parliament tharfor set thar was,\nAnd thiddir broucht thir menyhe war.\nThe lord Sowlis has grantit thar\nThe deid in-to plane parliament.\nTill his penans till Dumbertane,\nAnd deit in that tour of stane.\n[16: C _Mayle-Erle_ (S), but see note.]\n[Sidenote: 1320] _Umfraville returns to England_]\n  Schir Gilbert Maleherbe, and Logy,\nAnd Richard Broune, thir thre planly\nTharfor thai drawin war ilkane,\nAnd hyngit and hedit als thar-to,\nAs men had demyt thame till do.\nAnd gud Schir David the Brechyne\nThai gert challans richt stratly syne;                                60\nAnd he grantit that of that thing\nWes maid till hym discoveryng,\nBot he thar-till gaf na consent.\nAnd for he helit thair entent\nAnd discoverit it nocht to the King,                                  65\nThat he held of all his halding,\nAnd had maid till him his fewte,\nJugit to hang and draw wes he.\nAnd as thai drew him for to hyng,\nHim and his myscheiff for to se,\nThat to behald wes gret pite.\nSchir Ingerame Umphravell, that than\nWes with the King as Scottis man,\n\u201cLordis,\u201d he said, \u201cquhar-to press yhe?\n\u201cTo se at myscheiff sic a knycht,\n\u201cThat wes so worthy and so wicht,\n\u201cThat I haf seyn ma pres to se\n\u201cThan now dois for till se him heir!\u201d\nAnd quhen thir wordis spoken weir,\nWith sary cher he held him still\nQuhill men had done of him thar will.\nHe broucht him menskfully till erding.\nAnd syne to the King thus said he;\n\u201cA thing, pray I yhow, grant to me;\n\u201cThat is, that yhe of all my land,\n\u201cWald gif me leiff till do my will.\u201d\nThe King than soyne has said him till,\n\u2018I will weill graunt that it swa be;\n\u2018Bot tell me quhat anoyis the?\u2019\n\u201cAnd I sall tell yhow it planly.\n\u201cMyne hert giffis me no mor to be\n\u201cWith yhow duelland in this cuntre.\n\u201cTharfor, bot at it nocht yhow greiff,\n\u201cFor quhar sa richt worthy a knycht,\n\u201cAnd sa chevelrus and sa wicht,\n\u201cAnd sa renownit of worschip syne\n\u201cAs gud Schir David the Brechyne,\n\u201cWes put to sa felloune a ded,\n\u201cMy hert forsuth may nocht gif me\n\u201cTill duell, for na thing that may be.\u201d\nThe King syne said; \u2018Sen thou will swa,\n\u2018And thou sall haiff gud leiff thar-to\n\u2018Thi liking of thi land till do.\u2019\nAnd he him thankit gretumly,\nAnd of his land, in full gret hy,\nSyne at the King of gret bounte,\nBefor all thai that with him war,\nHe tuk his leyff for evirmair;\nAnd went in Ingland to the King,\nThat maid him richt fair welcummyng,                                 120\nAnd askit him of the north tithing.\nAnd he him tald all, but lesing,\nHow thai knychtis distroyit war.\nAnd all as I tald till yhow air;\nThat levit him debonarly\nTill do of his land his liking.\nIn that tyme war send fra the King\nOf Scotland messingeris to tret\nAs thai oftsis befor war send,\nQuhar that thai couth nocht bring till end.\nFor the gud King had in entent,\nSen God sa fair grace till him sent,\nThrou strinth of armys till his hand,\nThat he pes in his land wald ma,\nAnd all the landis stabill swa,\nThat his air eftir hym suld be\n[106: E _velanys_. H _villanous_.]\n[110: E _the likys_.]\n[134: E _Had him lent_.]\n[Sidenote: MAY-JUNE, 1323] _A Thirteen Years\u2019 Truce_]\nIn this tyme now that Umphrevele,\nAs I bair yhow on hand eir-quhil,\nCom till the King of Ingland,\nThe Scottis messingeres thar he fand\nThe King wist Schir Ingerame wes wis,\nAnd askit his consell thair-to,\nQuhat he wald rede him for till do.\nFor him, said he, thoucht herd to ma\nQuhill that he of him vengit war.\nSchir Ingerame till hym maid ansuar\nAnd said, \u201cHe delt sa curtasly\n\u201cWith me, that on na wis suld I\n\u2018The behufis neid-way,\u2019 said the King,\n\u2018To this thing heir say thine avis.\u2019\n\u201cSchir,\u201d said he, \u201csen yhour willis is\n\u201cThat I say, wyt yhe sekirly,\n\u201cTill deill with hym yhe haf no mycht.\n\u201cHis men ar worthyn all sa wicht\n\u201cFor lang usage of gret fechting,\n\u201cThat has beyne norist in sic thing,\n\u201cOf his, that he is worth a knycht.\n\u201cBot and yhe think yhour weir to bring\n\u201cTill your purpos and gud liking,\n\u201cLang trewis with hym tak sall yhe.\n\u201cThat ar bot sympill yhemanry,\n\u201cBe distrenyheit all comonly\n\u201cTo wyn thair met with thair travale.\n\u201cAnd sum of thame neid mon thame call\n\u201cAnd othir ser craftis, thair met;\n\u201cSwa that thair armyng sall worth ald,\n\u201cAnd sall be rottyn, distroyit, or sald;\n\u201cAnd feill, that now of weir ar sle,\n\u201cAnd othir in thair sted sall ris\n\u201cThat sall cun litill of sic mastris.\n\u201cAnd quhen thai thus disusyt ar,\n\u201cThan may yhe move on thame yhour wer,\nAnd eftir syne war trewis tane,\nBetuix the twa Kyngis, that wer\nTalit to lest for thretten yheir:\nAnd on the marchis gert thame cry.\nBot Inglis men apon the se\nDistroyit, throu gret iniquite,\nMarchand-schippis, that saland war\nFra Scotland to Flandris with war,\nAnd till thar oys thar gude has tane.\nThe King send oft till ask redres,\nBot nocht thar-of redres ther wes;\nAnd he abaid all tyme askand.\nThe trewis on his half gert he stand                                 200\nApon the marchis stabilly,\nAnd gert men kep thame lelely.\n[177: C _thai armyng_ (S).]\n[*185, *186: Omitted in Pinkerton\u2019s edition.]\n[188: E _viii._ (for _xiii._). H _threttene_.]\nThe Death of Good Sir Walter Steward.\nIn this tyme that the trewis war\nLestand on marchis, as I said ar,\nAt Bathket a gret seknes tais.\nHis evill it wox ay mair and mair,\nQuhill men persavit by his fair,\nThat hym worthit neyd to pay the det\nSchrevyn, and als repentand wele,\nQuhen all wes done him ilke deill\nThat nedit Cristin man till haf,\nAs gud Crystyn the gast he gaf.\nThan mycht men heir folk gret and cry,                               215\nAnd mony a knycht and ek lady\nMak in apert richt evill cher;\nSa did thai all that evir thair wer:\nAll men hym menyt comonly,\nQuhen thai lang tyme thar dule had maid,\nThe cors to Paslay haf thai had,\nAnd thar with gret solempnite,\nAnd with gret dule, erdyt wes he.\nGod, for his mycht, his saull he bring                               225\nQuhar joy ay lestis but endyng!\n[206: E _Bathgat_.]\n[224: C _entyrit_ (S). H _eirded_.]\nEftir his ded, as I said air,\nThe trewis that swa takyn war,\nFor till haf lestit thretten yheir,\nQuhen twa yheir of thame passit weir,                                230\nAnd ane half, as I trow, alsua,\nKyng Robert saw men wald nocht ma\nRedres of schippes that war tane,\nAnd of the men als that war slane;\nQuhen evir thai met thame on the se.\nHe send and acquyt hym all planly,\nAnd gaf the trewis up oppinly.\nAnd, in vengeans of this trespas,\nAnd Donald Erll of Mar alsua,\nAnd James of Douglas with thaim twa,\nAnd James Steward, that ledar wes,\nEftir his gud brother disses,\nHe gert apon thar best maner\nWith mony men bown thaim to ga\nIn Ingland, for to burne and sla.\nAnd thai held furth soyn till Ingland--\nThai brynt and slew in-to thair way;\nThair fais fast distroyit thai.\nAnd swagat furthward can thai fair,\nTill Wardill quhill thai cummyn war.\nThe King, wes ded, and laid in stane;\nAnd Edward, his sone, that wes yhyng,\nIn Ingland crownyt wes for Kyng,\nAnd surname had of Wyndissoyr.\nWith his moder dame Isabell;\nAnd wes weddid, as I herd tell,\nTill a yhoung lady fair of face\nThat the Erllis douchter was\nBroucht with him men of gret bounte.\nSchir Johne of Hennaut wes thar leder,\nThat was richt wis and wicht in wer.\n[253: E _southwart_.]\n[Sidenote: JUNE, 1327] _The Scots in Weardale_]\n[Sidenote: AUG., 1327] _Attack by the English Archers_]\n  And that tym that Scottis men war\nIn-to York wes the new maid King,\nAnd herd tell of the distroying\nThat Scottis men maid in his cuntre.\nA gret host till him gaderit he:\nThan held he northwarde in the land\nIn haill battale with that menyhe.\nAuchtene yheir ald that tyme wes he.\nThe Scottis men all Cokdaill.\nAnd till Wardaill agane thai raid.\nThar discurriouris that sicht has had\nOf cummyng of the Inglis men,\nTo thair lordis thai tald it then.\nRaid furth for till se thair cummyng;\nAnd saw that sevyn battellis war thai,\nThat com rydand in gud aray.\nQuhen he that folk behaldin had,\nThe Erll sperit giff he had seyne\nThe Inglis host; \u201cYha, Schir, but weyne.\u201d\n\u2018Quhat folk ar thai?\u2019 \u201cSchir, mony men.\u201d\nThe Erll his ayth has suorn him then,\n\u2018We sall ficht with thame, thouch thai war                           295\n\u2018Yheit ma eftsonis than thai ar.\u2019\n\u2018Schir, lovit be God,\u2019 he said agane,\n\u2018That we have sic ane capitane,\n\u2018That swa gret thyng dar undirta.\n\u2018Bot, be Saint Bryde, it beis nocht swa,                             300\n\u2018Giff my consaill may trowit be.\n\u2018For fecht on na maner sall we\n\u2018Bot be it at our avantage.\n\u2018For me think it war nane outrage\n\u2018Avantage, quhen thai ma, to ta.\u2019\nAs thai war on this wis spekand,\nOur ane hye rig thai saw rydand,\nToward thame evyn, a battell braid;\nAnd ane othir come eftir neir:\nAnd rycht apon the sammyn maner\nThai com, quhill seven battellis braid\nOut-our that high ryg passit had.\nOn north half Wer, toward Scotland.\nThe daill wes strekit weill, I hicht;\nOn athir syde thar wes ane hicht\nTill the wattir doune, sum-deill stay.\nOn thair best wis buskit ilkane,\nStude in the strynth that thai had tane;\nAnd that wes fra the wattir of Wer\nA quartir of ane myle weill ner:\nAnd Inglis men on athyr syd\nCom ridand dounward, quhill thai wer\nTo Weris wattir cummyn ner,\nAnd on othir half thair fais war.\nThan haf thai maid a-rest richt thar:                                330\nAnd send out archeris a thousand\nWith hudis of, and bowis in hand,\nAnd gert thaim weill drink of the wyne,\nAnd bad thaim gang to bykkyr syne\nAnd luk if thai mycht dyng thaim doun:\nFor mycht thai ger thame brek aray,\nTill have thaim at thar will thoucht thai.\nArmyt men doune with thame thai send,\n[304: C _me to think_ (S).]\n[336: E _Thai ger thaim cum apon thaim doun_: which does not make\nsense.]\n  The lord Dowglas has seyn thair fair,\nAnd men, that richt weill horsit war\nAnd armyt, a gret cumpany,\nBehynd the battell prevely\nAnd quhen he maid to thame taknyng,\nThai suld com prikand fast, and sla\nWith speris that thai mycht our-ta.\nDonald of Mar thar chiftane was,\nThe lord Dowglas toward thaim raid;\nA gown on his armyng he had,\nAnd traversit alwayis up agane\nThame neir his battell for till trayne.\nAnd thai, that drunkyn had of the wyne,                              355\nCom ay up endlang in a lyne,\nQuhill thai the battell com so neir\nThat arrowis fell emang thaim seir.\nRobert of Ogill, a gud squyer,\nAnd on the archeris cryit agane,\n\u201cYhe wat nocht quha mais yhow that traine!\n\u201cIt is the lord Dowglas, that will\n\u201cSum of his playis ken yhow till.\u201d\nAnd quhen thai herd spek of Dowglas,                                 365\nThe hardyest affrayit was,\nAnd agane returnit halely.\nHis takyn maid he than in hy;\nAnd the folk that enbuschit war\nThat weill thre hundreth haf thai slayne,\nAnd till the wattir hame agayne\nThe remanand all can thai chas.\nSchir Williame of Erskyn that was\nSa fer-furth, that his hors him bar\nEmang the lump of Inglis men,\nThat with strang hand he tane wes then.\nBot of hym weill soyn chaynge wes maid\nFra thir Inglis archeris wer slayne,\nThai folk raid till thar host agane.\nAnd richt swa did the lord Douglas;\nAnd quhen that he reparit was,\nThair palyheownys soyne stentit be.\nThan thai persavit soyne in hy\nThat thai that nycht wald tak herbery,\nAnd schap till do no mar that day.\nTharfor alsua thame herbreit thai,                                   390\nAnd stentit palyheownys soyn in hy;\nTentis and luggis als thair-by\nThai gert mak, and set all on raw.\nTwa novelreis that day thai saw,\nThat forrouth in Scotland had beyn nane:                             395\nTymbrys for helmys wes the tane,\nThat thame thoucht than of gret bewte,\nAnd alsua wounder for to se;\nThe tothir crakkis war of wer,\nOf thir twa thyngis thai had ferly.\nThat nycht thai wachit stalwardly:\nThe mast part of thame armyt lay,\nQuhill on the morne that it wes day.\n[341: C _that fair_. Has E.]\n[368: C _he thaim_ (S). H _then_. E seems to give the more probable\nreading.]\n[394: E _noveltyis_.]\n[Sidenote: AUG., 1327] _The English try an Ambush_]\nApon quhat maner that they moucht\nGer Scottis leve thair avantage;\nFor thame thoucht foly and outrage\nTo gang up to thame till assale\nThame at thar strynthis in playn battale.                            410\nTharfor of gud men ane thousand,\nArmyt on hors bath fut and hand,\nThai send, behynd thair fayis to be\nEnbuschit in-till a vale:\nAnd schup thair battellis, as thai wald                              415\nApon thame till the fechting hald.\nFor thame thoucht Scottis men sic will\nHad, that thai mycht nocht hald thaim still:\nFor thai knew thame of sic corage,\nThat thai trowit strenth and avantage                                420\nThat suld leyff, and meit thame planly;\nThan suld thar buschement hastely\nBehynd prek on thame at the bak;\nSa thoucht thai weill thai suld thaim mak\nFor till repent thame of thair play.                                 425\nThair enbuschement furth send haf thai,\nThat thame enbuschit prevaly.\nAnd on the morn, sum-deill airly,\nIn-till the host syne trumpit thai,\nAnd, all arayit for to ficht,\nThai held toward the wattir richt.\nScottis men, that saw thame do swa,\nBown on thair best wis can thaim ma;\nWith baneris to the wynd displayit,\nThai left thair strynth, and all planly\nCom doune to meit thame hardely,\nIn als gud maner as thai mowcht,\nRicht as thair fayis befor had thoucht.                              440\nBot the lord Dowglas, that ay-quhar\nSet out wachis heir and thar,\nGat wit of thair enbuschement.\nThan in gret hy soyn is he went\nHe bad ilk man turn hym in hy,\nRicht as he stud, and turnit swa\nUp till thair strynth he bad thaim ga,\nSwa that na let thar-in be maid.\nQuhill to thair strynth thai com agayn.\nThan turnyt thai thame with mekill mayn,\nAnd stude reddy to giff battale,\nGiff thair fayis wald thame assale.\nQuhen Inglis men has seyn thaim swa                                  455\nToward thar strynth agane up ga,\nThai cryit hey, \u201cThai fley thar way!\u201d\nSchir Johne de Hennaut said: \u201cPerfay,\n\u201cYhone fleying is richt degyse.\n\u201cAnd thair baneris, swa that thai thar\n\u201cBot turne thame as thai standand war,\n\u201cAnd be arayit for the ficht,\n\u201cGif ony pressis thame with mycht.\n\u201cAnd agane to thar strinth ar went.\n\u201cYhone folk ar governyt wittely;\n\u201cAnd he that ledis thame war worthy\n\u201cFor a-vis, worschip, and wisdome,\nThus spak that worthy knycht that day;\nAnd the enbuschement, fra that thai\nSaw that thai swa discoverit war,\nToward thar host agane thai far.\nQuhen thai saw thai had falit then\nOf thar purpos, to thair herbery\nThai went, and lugit thame in hy.\nOn othir half richt swa did thai,\n[Sidenote: AUG., 1327] _The Scots shift to a New Position_]\nQwhen thai that day ourdrivyn had,\nFyres in gret foysoune thai maid,\nAls soyne as the nycht fallen was.\nThan the gud lord of Dowglas,\nTwa myle fra thine, quhar mar trastly\nThe Scottis host mycht herbery ta,\nAnd defend thame bettir alsua\nThan ellis in ony place thar-by;\nWes enveronyt about with wall;\nIt wes neir full of treis all,\nBot a gret plain in-till it was;\nThiddir thoucht the lord Dowglas\nBe nychtyrtale thair host to bryng.                                  495\nTharfor, forouten mair duelling,\nThai bet thair fyres and maid thame mair,\nAnd syne all sammyn furth thai fair,\nAnd till the park, without tynsele,\nThai come, and herbryit thaim richt wele                             500\nUpon the wattir, and als neir\nTill it as thai be forrouth weir.\nAnd on the morn, quhen it wes day,\nThe Inglis host myssit away\nAnd gert discurriouris hastely\nPrek to se quhar thai war away.\nAnd, by thair fyres, persavit thai\nThat thai in the park of Wardale\nHad gert herbery thar host all hail.                                 510\n[502: _that_ inserted by S for metre. C _forrouth_ (S). _Cf._ 515.]\n[Sidenote: AUG., 1327] _A Night Attack on the English_]\n  Tharfor thair host but mair abaid\nBuskit, and evin anent thaim raid,\nAnd on othir half the watter of Wer\nGert stent thair palyheownys, als neir\nAucht dayis on bath halffis swa thai lay,\nThat Inglis men durst nocht assale\nThe Scottys men with playne battale,\nFor strinth of erd that thai had ther.\nAnd scrymmyng maid full apertly,\nAnd men tane on ather party.\nAnd thai that tane war on a day\nOn ane othir changit war thai.\nThat gretly is apone till mone;\nQuhill it fell, on the nynt day,\nThe lord Dowglas had spyit a way,\nHow that he mycht about thame ryd,\nAnd at evyn him purvayit he,\nAnd tuk with him a gude menyhe,\nFyve hundreth on hors, wicht and hardy;\nAnd in the nycht, all prevely,\nQuhill that he neir enveremyt had\nThar host, and on the ferrer syd\nToward thame slely can he ryd,\nAnd half the men that with hym war\nAnd bad thaim hew rapys in twa,\nThat thai the pailyhownys mycht ma\nTo fall on thaim that in thaim war.\nThan suld the laiff, that forouth ar,\nAnd, quhen thai herd his horne, in hy\nTo the wattir hald doun the way.\nQuhen this wes said that I here say,\nToward thair fais fast thai raid,\nAnd as thai neir war approchand,\nAne Inglis man, that lay bekand\nHym by a fyre, said to his feir,\n\u201cI wat nocht quhat may tyd us heir,\n\u201cI dred me sair for the blak Dowglas.\u201d\nAnd he, that herd him, said, \u2018Perfay,\n\u2018Thou sall haf caus, gif that I may!\u2019\n[527: E _sevynd_. H _nynth_.]\n[533: C _wes richt hardy_ (S). H as E.]\n[544: E _folowit thar_.]\n  With that, with all his cumpany,\nAnd prowd palyheownys doune he bare,\nAnd with speris that scharply schar\nThai stekit men dispituisly.\nThe noyis weill soyn rais, and the cry;\nAnd mony palyheownys doun thai drew.\nA felloun slauchtir maid thai thair,\nThat thai, that liand nakit war,\nHed na power defens to ma;\nThai gert thame wit that gret foly\nWes, neir thair fayis for to ly,\nBot gif thai trastly wachit war.\nThe Scottis men war slaand thar\nThair fayis on this wis, quhill the cry                              575\nRais throu the gret host comonly,\nThat lord and othir war on steir.\nAnd quhen the Dowglas wist thai weir\nArmand thame all comonly,\nHis men, and bad thame hald thar way\nToward the wattir, and swa did thai;\nAnd he abaid henmast, to se\nThat nane of his suld lefit be.\nSwa come ane with a club in hand,\nAnd swa gret rowtis till him raucht,\nThat, had nocht beyn his mekill maucht\nAnd his richt soverane gret manhede,\nBot he, that na tyme was affrayit,\nThouch he weill oft wes herd assayit,\nThou mekill strynth and gret manheid,\nHas brocht the tothir on-to ded,\nWar rydyn in-till a randoune,\nMyssit thar lord quhen thai com thar.\nThan war thai dredand for him sar;\nIlkane at othir sperit tithing,\nThan can thai consale sammyn ta,\nThat thai to sek hym up wald ga.\nAnd, as thai war in sic affray,\nA tutlyng of his horne herd thai.\nWar of his cummyng woundir blith,\nAnd sperit at him of his abaid;\nAnd he tald how a carll him maid\nWith his club richt ane felloune pay,\nThat, had nocht ure helpit the mair\nHe had beyn in great perell thair.\nThusgatis spekand thai held thar way,\nQuhill till thar host cummyn ar thai,\nFor till help, gif thai myster had.\nAnd, als soyne as the lord Dowglas\nMet with the Erll of Murreff was,\nThe Erll sperit at hym tithing\n\u201cSchir,\u201d said he, \u201cwe haf drawyn blude.\u201d\nThe Erll, that wes of mekill mude,\nSaid, \u2018And we had all thiddir gane,\n\u2018We had discumfit thame ilkane.\u2019\n\u201cBot sekerly enew war we\n\u201cTo put us in yhon aventur.\n\u201cFor, had thai maid discumfitur\n\u201cOn us, that yhondir passit wer,\n[Sidenote: AUG., 1327] _Douglas restrains Murray_]\n  The Erle said, \u2018Sen that it swa is,\n\u2018That we may nocht with juperdis\n\u2018Our felloune fais fors assale,\n\u2018We sal it do in playn battale.\u2019\nLord Douglas said then; \u201cBe Saint Bryd,                              635\n\u201cIt war gret foly, at this tyd,\n\u201cTill us with sic ane host till ficht,\n\u201cThat ilk day growis of mycht,\n\u201cAnd vittale has thar-with plente.\n\u201cQuhar thar may cum us na succours;\n\u201cHerd is to mak us heir rescours;\n\u201cNa we may forra for to get met,\n\u201cSic as we haf heir mon we et.\n\u201cThat ar heir liand us befor,\n\u201cAs I herd tell this othir yher\n\u201cHow that a fox did with a fischer.\u201d\nHow the Fox played with the Fisher.\n  \u2018How did the fox?\u2019 the Erll can say.\n\u201cBesyde a ryver for till get\n\u201cHis nettis that he had thar set.\n\u201cA litill luge thar had he maid;\n\u201cAnd thar-within a bed he had,\n\u201cA dure ther wes, withouten ma.\n\u201cA nycht, his nettis for till se\n\u201cHe rais, and thair weill lang duelt he.\n\u201cAnd quhen that he has done his ded,\n\u201cAnd with licht of the litill fyre,\n\u201cThat in the luge was byrnand schyre,\n\u201cIn-till his luge a fox he saw,\n\u201cThat fast can on a salmond gnaw.\n\u201cAnd drew ane swerd deliverly\n\u201cAnd said, \u2018Reiffar, thou mon heir out.\u2019\n\u201cThe fox, that wes in full gret dout,\n\u201cLukit about sum hoill to se;\n\u201cBot quhar the man stude sturdely.\n\u201cA lawchtane mantill than hym by,\n\u201cLyand apon the bed, he saw;\n\u201cAnd with his teyth he can it draw\n\u201cSaw his mantill ly byrnand than,\n\u201cTill red it ran he hastely.\n\u201cThe fox gat out than in gret hy,\n\u201cAnd held his way his warand till.\n\u201cThat he his salmond swa had tynt,\n\u201cAnd alsua had his mantill brynt,\n\u201cAnd the fox scathles gat his way.\n\u201cThis ensampill I may weill say\n\u201cWe ar the fox, and thai the fischer,\n\u201cThat stekis forouth us the way.\n\u201cThai weyne we may nocht get away,\n\u201cBot richt quhar that thai ly; perde,\n\u201cFor I haf gert spy us a gat,\n\u201cSuppos that it be sum-deill wat,\n\u201cA page of ouris we sall nocht tyne.\n\u201cOur fayis, for this small tranontyne,\n\u201cThat we planly on hand sall ta\n\u201cTo gif thame oppynly battale;\n\u201cBot at this tyme thair thoucht sall fale.\n\u201cFor we to-morne heir, all the day,\n\u201cAnd mak us boune agane the nycht;\n\u201cAnd than ger mak our fyres bricht,\n\u201cAnd blaw our hornys, and mak fair\n\u201cAs all the warld our awne it war,\n\u201cQuhill that the nycht weill fallyn be.                              705\n\u201cAnd than, with all our harnas, we\n\u201cSall tak our way hamward in hy.\n\u201cAnd we sall gyit be richt graithly\n\u201cQuhill we be out of thair danger,\n\u201cThan sall we all be at our will,\n\u201cAnd thai sall let thame trumpit ill,\n\u201cFra thai wit weill we be away.\u201d\nTo this haly assentit thai;\nAnd maid thame gud cher all that nycht                               715\nQuhill on the morn that day was licht.\n[Sidenote: AUG., 1327] _The Scots prepare to depart_]\n[Sidenote: AUG., 1327] _King Robert sends a Relief_]\nApon the morne, all prevaly,\nThai turst harnas and maid reddy;\nSwa that, or evyn, all boun war thai.\nGert haf thair men that thar wes ded\nIn cartis till ane haly sted.\nAll that day caryand thai war\nWith cartis, men that slayne war thar.\nThat thai war feill men mycht weill se,                              725\nThat in carying so lang sud be.\nThe hostis bath all that day wer\nIn pes; and quhen the nycht wes ner,\nThe Scottis folk, that lyand war\nAnd blew hornys and fyres maid,\nAnd gert thame bryn bath bricht and braid,\nSwa that thair fyres that nycht war mair\nThan ony tyme befor thai war.\nAnd quhen the nycht wes fallyn wele,                                 735\nWith all thair harnas ilke deill\nAll prevaly thai raid thair way.\nSoyn in a mos enterit ar thai,\nThat had weill a lang myle on breid;\nAnd in thair hand thair hors led thai.\nIt wes richt ane noyus way;\nAnd nocht-for-thi all that thar wer\nCom weill outour it, haill and fer,\nBot gif it war ony summer\nThat in the mos wes left liand.\nQuhen all, as I haf born on hand,\nOut-our the mos, that wes so braid,\nWar cummyn, a gret gladschip thai had,                               750\nAnd raid furth hamwarde on thar way.\nAnd on the morn, quhen it wes day,\nThe Inglis men saw the herbery,\nQuhar Scottis men war wount to ly,\nAll voyd; thai wonderit gretly then,                                 755\nAnd send furth syndry of thar men\nTo spy quhar thai war gane away,\nQuhill at the last thair tras fand thai,\nThat till the mekill mos thame had,\nThat aventur thame thar-to durst nane;\nBot till thar host agane ar gane,\nAnd tald how that thai passit war,\nQuhar nevir man wes passit ar.\nIn hy till consale can thai ta,\nThat thai wald follow thaim no mar.\nThair host richt than thai scalit thar,\nAnd ilk man till his awn he raid.\nKyng Robert than that witteryng had                                  770\nThat his men in the park swa lay,\nAnd at quhat myscheiff thar war thai,\nAna host assemblit he in hy.\nAnd ten thousand men, wicht and hardy,\nOf Marche and Angous war thai,\nThe host in Wardale till releiff;\nAnd, gif thai mycht so weill escheiff\nThat sammyn nycht be thai and thai,\nTha thoucht thair fayis till assay.                                  780\n[739: E _twa myle of_. So, too, in H.]\n[742-744: After line 742 H inserts:\n_But flaikes in the wood they made\nOf wands, and them with them had:\nAnd sykes therewith brigged they:\nAnd sa had well their horse away,\nOn sik wise, that all that there were,\nCame through the mosse baith haill and feire._\n[774: C _Of twenty thousand richt hardy_ (S). H like E.]\n[776: E _the Merse_.]\n  So fell it that, on the sammyn day\nThat the mos, as yhe herd me say,\nWes passit, the discurrouris that thar\nRydand befor the hostis war,\nAnd thai, that worthy war and wicht,\nAt tha metyng justit of wer.\nEnsenyheis hye thai cryit ther;\nAnd be thair cry persavit thai,\nThan mycht men se thame glad and blith;\nAnd tald it to thair lordis swith.\nThe hostis bath met sammyn syne;\nThar wes richt hamly welcummyne\nOf thair metyng joyfull thai war.\nThe Erll Patrik and his menyhe\nHad vittale with thame gret plente,\nAnd thar-with weill relevit thai\nQuhill thai in Wardall liand war,\nThai had defalt of met, bot thar\nThai war relevit with gret plente.\nToward Scotland, with gammyn and gle,\nThai went, and hame weill cummyn ar thai;                            805\nAnd scalit syne ilk man thar way.\nThe lordis ar went on-to the King,\nThat maid thame richt fair welcummyng.\nFor of thar come richt glad wes he;\nFor-out tynsale eschapit had.\nThai war blith all and mery made.\nBOOK XX.\nHow Good King Robert the Bruce crowned his Young Son\nDavid and Dame Johann, his Spouse.\n[Sidenote: 1327-28] _A Treaty of Peace_]\nSoyne eftir that the Erll Thomas\nFra Wardale thus reparit was,\nThe King assemblit all his mycht,\nAnd left nane that wes worth to ficht.\nAnd delt his host in parties thre.\nA part to Norhame went but let,\nAnd thair ane strat assege was set,\nAnd held thame in, richt at thar dik.\nIs went, and thar ane sege set thai;\nAnd quhill at thir assegis lay\nAt the castellis, I spak of ar,\nApert assaltis maid thai thar:\nEschevyt wes full douchtely.\nThe king at thai castellis liand\nLeft his folk, as I bare on hand,\nAnd with the thrid ost held his way\nHuntand as all his awn it war.\nAnd till thame that war with him thar\nThe landis of Northumbirland,\nThat next Scotland thar wes liand,\nAnd thai payit for the selys fee.\nOn this wis raid he distroyand,\nQuhill that the Kyng of Ingland,\nThrou consell of the Mortymer\nLedaris of hym, that than yhoung wes,\nTo Kyng Robert, till tret of pes\nSend messyngers, and swa sped thai\nThat thai assentit on this way,\nAnd thai a mariage suld mak\nOf King Robertis sone, Davy,\nThat than bot fiff yheir had scarsly,\nAnd of dame Johane als of the Tour,\nSistir scho was to the yhoung King\nThat Ingland had in governyng,\nThat than of eild had sevin yher.\nAnd monymentis and lettrys ser,\nThat thai off Ingland that time had,                                  45\nThat oucht agayn Scotland maid,\nIn till that tretys up thai gaff;\nAnd all the clame that thai mycht haff\nIn-till Scotland on ony maner.\nThat he till thame of Ingland\nHad done of weir, with stalward hand,\nFull twenty thousand pund suld pay\nOf sylvir in-to gude monay.\nQuhen men thir thyngis forspokin had,                                 55\nAnd, with selys and athis, maid\nFesnyng of frendschip and of pes,\nThat nevir for na chans suld ces;\nThe maryage syne ordanit thai\nThai have set quhen that it suld be;\nSyne went ilk man till his cuntre.\n[16: E _war_. H _was_. C omits line. S reads _wes_ as more usual form.]\n[44-49: In E only. C H omit.]\n  Thus maid wes pes quhar wer wes air,\nAnd syne the assegis rasit wair.\nThe silvir, and, agane the day,\nHe gert weill for the mangery\nOrdane, quhen that his sone Davy\nSuld weddit be; and Erll Thomas,\nIn-till his stede ordanit he\nDevysouris of that fest till be;\nFor ane male-es tuk hym so sare,\nThat he on na wis mycht be thar.\nBegouth; for, throu his cald lying,\nQuhen in his gret myschef wes he,\nHim fell that herd perplexite.\nAt Cardros all that tym he lay;\nThat ordanit for the wedding wes,\nThe Erll and the lord Dowglas\nTo Berwik come with mekill fair,\nAnd broucht yhoung Davy with thame thair.\nOn othir party cummyn wer\nWith gret affeir and rialte,\nThe yhoung lady, of gret bewte,\nThidder thai broucht with rich affeir.\nThe wedding have thai maid richt ther                                 90\nWith gret fest and solempnite,\nThair mycht men myrth and gladschip se:\nFor full gret fest thai maid richt thar,\nAnd Inglis men and Scottis war\nNa felloune spek betuix thame was.\n[Sidenote: JULY 12, 1328] _The Marriage of Prince David_]\n  The fest a weill lang tyme held thai;\nAnd quhen thai buskit till fair away,\nThe queyn hes left hir douchter thar\nI trow that lang quhill no lady\nTo hous wes gevin so richly.\nThe Erll and the Lord Dowglas,\nHir in dante resavit has,\nFor scho wes syne the best lady\nAnd the farest, that men mycht se.\nEftir this gret solempnite,\nQuhen on bath halfis levis wes tane,\nThe queyne till Ingland hame is gane,                                110\nAnd had with hir the Mortymer.\nThe Erll and thai that levit wer,\nQuhen thai a quhile hir convoyit had,\nToward Berwik agane thai raid,\nToward the King thai went in hy,\nAnd had with thame the yhoung Davy,\nAnd als dame Johane the yhoung lady.\nThe Kyng maid thame fair welcummyng,\nHe has gert set ane parliament,\nAnd thiddir with mony men is went.\nFor he thoucht he wald, in his liff,\nCroune his yhoung sone and his wif\nWith gret fair and solempnite,\nThe kyng Davy wes crownyt thar,\n*And als of the comminite,\n*Maid hym manrent and fewte.\nThe King Robert gert ordane thar,\nGif it fell that his sone Davy\nGottyn, Robert Stewart suld be\nKyng, and bruk all the rialte\nThat his douchter bar, Marjory.\nAnd at this tailyhe suld lelely\nAnd it with selys affermyt thar.\nAnd gif it hapnyt Robert the Kyng\nTo pass till God, quhill thai war yhyng,\nThe gud Erle of Murref, Thomas,\nSuld have thame in-to governyng,\nQuhill thai had wit to steir thar thing;\nAnd than the lordschip suld thai ta.\nHeir-till thar athis can thai ma.\nTo thir twa wardanys athes swar\nTill obeis thame in-to lawte,\nGif thame hapnyt wardanys to be.\n[*127-*130: Found in C, E, H, but omitted by Pinkerton.]\n[131: C _Robert Stiward_ (S).]\n[134: C _tale_ (S). H _tailyie_.]\n[Sidenote: MAY-JUNE, 1329] _The Mission of the King\u2019s Heart_]\nQuhen all this thing thus tretit wes,\nThe king till Cardross went in hy;\nAnd thar hym tuk sa felonly\nThe seknes, and him travalyt swa,\nThat he wist him behufit ma\nThat is the ded, quhen God will send.\nTharfor his lettres soyne send he\nFor the lordis of his cuntre,\nAnd thai com as he biddyn had.\nBefor bath lordis and prelatis;\nAnd till religioune of seir statis,\nFor heill of his saull, gaf he\nSilvir in-to gret quantite.\nHe ordanit for his saull richt weill.                                165\nAnd quhen at this wes done ilk deill,\n\u201cLordingis,\u201d he said, \u201cswa is it gane\n\u201cWith me, that thar is nocht bot ane\n\u201cThat is, the ded, withouten dreid,\n\u201cAnd I thank God that has me sent\n\u201cSpas in this liff me till repent.\n\u201cFor throu me and my warraying\n\u201cOf blud thar has beyne gret spilling,\n\u201cTharfor this seknes and this payne\n\u201cI tak in thank for my trespas.\n\u201cAnd my hert fyschit fermly was,\n\u201cQuhen I wes in prosperite,\n\u201cTo travell apon Goddis fayis.\n\u201cAnd sen he now me till hym tais,\n\u201cThat the body may on na wis\n\u201cFulfill that the hert can devis,\n\u201cQuhar-in consavit wes that entent.\n\u201cTharfor I pray yhow evir-ilkane,\n\u201cThat yhe emang yhow cheis me ane\n\u201cThat be honest, wis, and wicht,\n\u201cOn Goddis fayis myne hert to bere\n\u201cQuhen saull and cors disseverit er.\n\u201cFor I wald it war worthely\n\u201cBroucht thar, sen God will nocht that I\nThan war thair hertis all so wa,\nThat nayne mycht hald hym fra greting.\nHe bad thame leiff thair sorowyng;\nFor it, he said, mycht nocht releif,\nAnd mycht thaimself gretly engreif.                                  200\nAnd prayit thame in hy till do\nThe thyng that thai war chargit to.\nThan went thai furth with drery mude.\nAnd emang thame thai thoucht it gude\n*Suld tak this travaill apon hand;\n*Heir-till thai war an accordand.\n*Syne till the Kyng that went in hy\n*And tald hym at thai thoucht trewly,\nBest schapen for that travell was.\nAnd quhen the King hard at thai swa\nHad ordanit hym his hert till ta,\nThat he mast yharnit suld it haf,\n\u201cI hald me richt weill payit that yhe\n\u201cHas chosyn hym; for his bounte,\n\u201cAnd his worschip set my yharnyng,\n\u201cAy sen I thoucht till do this thyng,\n\u201cAnd sen yhe all assentit er,\n\u201cIt is the mar likand till me.\n\u201cLat se now quhat thar-till sayis he.\u201d\nAnd quhen the gud lord of Dowglas\nHe com and knelit to the Kyng,\nAnd on this wis maid him thanking.\n\u2018I thank yhow gretly, lorde,\u2019 said he,\n\u2018Of mony large and gret bounte,\n\u2018Sen fyrst I come to yhour servis.\n\u2018Bot our all thing I mak thanking,\n\u2018That yhe so digne and worthy thing\n\u2018As yhour hert, that illumynyt wes\n\u2018Will that I in my yheemsell tak.\n\u2018For yhow, Schir, will I blithly mak\n\u2018This travell, gif God will me gif\n\u2018Laser and space so lange till liff.\u2019\nThan wes nane in that cumpany\nThat thai ne wepit for pite;\nThair cher anoyus wes to se.\n[*206-*211: E omits, apparently on account of double termination\n_Douglas_. In C H.]\nDeath of Robert Bruce, King of Scotland.\n[Sidenote: JUNE, 1329] _The Sorrow for the King\u2019s Death_]\nQuhen the Lord Dowglas, on this wis,\nAs the gud Kyngis hert till ber\nOn Goddis fayis apon wer,\nPrisit for his enpris wes he.\nAnd the Kingis infermite\nWoxe mair and mair, quhill at the last                               245\nThe dulfull dede approchit fast.\nAnd quhen he had gert till hym do\nAll that gud Cristin man fell to,\nWith werray repentans he gaf\nThe gast, that God till hevin couth haf,                             250\nEmang his chosyn folk till be\nIn joy, solace, and angell gle.\nAnd fra his folk wist he wes ded,\nThe sorow rais fra sted to sted.\nThair mycht men se men rif thar hare,                                255\nAnd cumly knychtis gret full sar,\nAnd thar nevis oft sammyn driff,\nAnd as wode men thair clathes rif,\nRegratand his worthy bounte,\nAnd, our all, the gret cumpany\nThat he oft maid thame curtesly.\n\u201cAll our defens,\u201d thai said, \u201callas!\n\u201cAnd he that all our confort was,\n\u201cIs brought, allas! heir till ending.\n\u201cHis worschip and his mekill mycht\n\u201cMaid all that war with him so wicht,\n\u201cThat thai mycht nevir abaysit be,\n\u201cQuhill forouth thame thai mycht him se.                             270\n\u201cAllas! quhat sall we do or say?\n\u201cFor in liff quhill he lestit ay,\n\u201cWith all our fais dred war we:\n\u201cAnd in-till mony fer cuntre\n\u201cAnd that wes all for his persoune.\u201d\nWith sic wordis thai maid thair mayne;\nAnd sekirly wonder wes nane:\nFor better governour than he\nI hop that nane that is on lif\nThe lamentacioune suld discrif\nThat thai folk for thair lord maid.\nAnd quhen thai lang thus sorowit had,\nAnd he debowalit wes clenly,      [293] 285\nAnd bawlmyt eyne full richly,\nAnd the worthy lord Dowglas      [295]\nHis hert, as it forspokyn was,\nHas resavit in gret dantee,\nWith gret fair and solempnite      [298] 290\nThai have him had till Dunfermlyne,      [285]\nAnd hym solempnly erdit syne,\nAnd in a fair towne in the queyr.\nBischoppes and prelatis that thar weir\nWes done as thai couth best devis;      [290]\nAnd syne, apon the toder day,\nSary and wa ar went thar way.      [292]\n[273: E _our nychtbowris_. H _faes_.]\n[285-298: The arrangement here is from C H. E sets differently and\nillogically. The numbers in brackets follow Pinkerton.]\n[Sidenote: JULY-AUG., 1330] _Douglas reaches Spain_]\nQuhen at the gud King beriit was,\nTuk all the lande in governyng;\nAll obeysit till his bidding.\nAnd the gud lord of Dowglas syne\nGert mak ane cas of silvir fyne\nThar-in the Kyngis hert did he,\nAnd ay about his hals it bare,\nAnd fast him bownyt for his fare.\nHis testament devisit he,\nGovernit, quhill his agane-cummyng,\nOf frendis; and all othir thing,\nThat till him partenit ony wis,\nWith sa gude forsicht and sa wis,\nThat na thing mycht amendit be.\nAnd quhen that he his leif has tane,\nTo schip till Berwik is he gane;\nAnd with ane nobill cumpany\nHe put him thar in-to the se.\nA lang way furthwarde salyt he;\nBetuyx Cornwale and Bretanyhe\nHe salit, and left the Grunye of Spanyhe\nQuhill till Savill the Graunt com thai.\nBot gretly war his men and he\nTravaled with tempest on the se;\nBot, thouch thai gretly travalit war,\nThai arivit at gret Savill;\nAnd eftir, in a litill quhill,\nThar hors to land thai drew ilkane,\nAnd in the toune has herbery tane.\n[331: C _at Graunt Sebell_. H _the great Sebell_.]\nFor he had a fayr cumpany,\nAnd gold eneuch for till despend.\nThe Kyng all soyne eftir hym send,\nAnd him richt weill resavit he,\nGold and tresour, hors and armyng;\nBot he wald tak thar-of na thyng;\nFor, he said, he tuk that viage\nTo pass in-till his pilgrimage\nMicht eftir till his saull avale.\nAnd sen he wist that he had were\nWith Sarazenis, he wald dwell ther,\nAnd help him at his mycht lely.\nAnd betaucht him gud men that were\nWeill knawin of that landis wer,\nAnd the maner thar-of alsua.\nSyne till his innys can he ga.\nA weill gret sojourne thar he mad.\nKnychtis that com of fer cuntre\nCom in gret rowtis hym to se,\nAnd honorit him full gretumly.\nThe Inglis knychtis that war thar\nHonour and cumpany him bar.\n[356: C _sudiorne_ (S).]\n  Emang thame wes ane strange knycht,\nThat wes haldyn so woundir wicht,\nPrisit of all the Cristianite.\nSa fast till-hewyn wes all his face\nThat it our all neir wemmyt was.\nOr he the lord Dowglas had seyne,\nBot nevir ane hurt in it had he.\nQuhen he unwemmyt can it se,\nHe said that he had gret ferly\nThat sic a knycht and sa worthy,\nMycht in the face unwemmyt be.\nAnd he ansuerd thar-till mekly,\nAnd said, \u201cLove God, all tym had I\n\u201cHandis myne hede for till were.\u201d\nSuld se in it undirstanding,\nThat, and he that maid askyng,\nHad had handis to wer, his face,\nThat, for defalt of fens so was\nSuld haf, may fall, left haill and fer.\nThe gud knychtis, that than war by,\nPrisit this ansuer gretumly;\nFor it wes maid with meke speking,\n[378-386: For these lines H gives:\n_And said, \u201cGod lent me hands to beare,\nWherewith I might my head weere.\u201d\nThus maid he courteous answering,\nWith a right hie understanding:\nThat for default of fence it was,\nThat sa evill hewen was his fall._\n[Sidenote: AUG. 25, 1330] _A Battle with the Saracens_]\nApon this maner still thai lay,\nQuhill throu the cuntre thai herd say\nThat the hey King of Balmeryne,\nWith mony a mudy Sarasyne,\nWes enterit in the land off Spanyhe                                  395\nAll haill the cuntre till demanyhe.\nThe Kyng of Spanyhe, on othir party,\nGaderit his host delyverly,\nAnd delt thame in-to battellis thre.\nThe vaward for to leid and steir;\nAll haill the strangeris with him weir,\nAnd the gret mastir of Saint Jak\nThe tothir battell gert he tak.\nThusgat devisit, furth thai war\nTo mete thair fayis, that in battale\nArayit, reddy to assale,\nCom agane thame full sturdely.\nQuhen he to thame of his ledyng\nHad maid ane fair amonestyng\nTill do weill and na dede to dreid,\nFor hevynnis blis suld be thair meid,\nGif that thai deit in Goddis servis;                                 415\nThan, as gud werriours and wis,\nWith thame stoutly assemblit he.\nThar mycht men felloune fechting se;\nFor thai war all wicht and hardy\nSo fast thai faucht, with all thar mayne,\nThat of Sarasenys war mony slayne;\nThe-quhethir, with mony fell fachoune,\nMony Cristyn thai dang thar doune.\n[393: _Hey_ from E. C H omit.]\n_But ere they joyned in battell,          *421\nWhat Dowglas did, I sall you tell.\nThe Bruce\u2019s Heart, that on his brest\nWas hinging, in the field he kest,\nUpon a stane-cast and well more:          *425\nAnd said, \u201cNow passe thou foorth before,\nAs thou wast wont in field to be,\nAnd I sall follow, or els die.\u201d\nAnd sa he did withoutten ho,\nHe faught even while he came it to,       *430\nAnd tooke it up in great daintie;\nAnd ever in field this used he._          *432\n*421-*432. In H only; not in C E. See Appendix D.\n[Sidenote: AUG. 25, 1330] _The Death of Douglas_]\nAnd the gret rout that with hym was,\nPressit fast the Sarasenys swa\nThat thai haly the bak can ta.\nAnd thai chassit with all thar mayn,\nSo fer chassit the lord Dowglas,\nWith few folk, that he passit wes\nAll the folk that wes chassand then.\nHe had nocht with him atour ten\nQuhen he saw all reparit war\nToward his host than turnit he.\nAnd quhen the Saryzynys gan se\nThat the chasseris turnyt agane,\nAnd as the gud lorde Dowglas,\nAs I said air, reparand was,\nSo saw he, richt besyd him ner,\nQuhar that Schir Willyhame de Sancler\nHe wes anoyit, and said; \u201cAllas!\n\u201cYhone worthy knycht will soyn be ded,\n\u201cBot he haf help throu our manhed.\n\u201cGod biddis us help him in gret hy,\n\u201cAnd God wat weill our entent is\n\u201cTill lif and de in his servis;\n\u201cHis will in all thing do sall we,\n\u201cSall na perell eschevit be\n\u201cOr than we all be with hym slayn.\u201d\nWith that with spurris spedely\nThai strak the hors, and in gret hy\nAmang the Saracenys soyne thai raid,\nAnd rowme about thame haf thai maid.                                 460\nThai dang on fast with all thair mycht,\nAnd feill of thame to ded has dicht.\nGretar defens maid nevir sa quhoyne\nAgane so feill, as thai have doyne.\nQuhill thai mycht lest to gif battale.                               465\nBot mycht no worschip thar avale\nThat tym, for ilkan war slayn thar;\nFor Sarasynys sa mony war\nThat thai war tuenty neir for ane.\nThe gud lord Douglas thar wes slane,                                 470\nAnd Wilyhame Sancler syne alsua;\nAnd other worthy knychtis twa,\nSchir Robert Logan hat the tane,\nAnd the tothir Walter Logane;\nQuhar our Lord, for his mekill mycht,                                475\nThar saulys have to hevynnis hycht!\n[438: C H _And as he turnit, he can weill se_ (S). Text from E.]\nThe gud lord Douglas thus wes ded;\nAnd the Sarasenys in that sted\nAbaid no mair, bot held thar way;\nSum of the lord Douglassis men,\nThat thar lord ded had fundyn then,\nYheid weill neir wood for dule and wa.\nLang quhile our hym thai sorowit swa,\nAnd with gret dule syne hame him bar.                                485\nThe Kyngis hert have thai fundyn thar,\nAnd that haym with thame have thai tane,\nAnd ar toward thair innys gane\nWith greting and with evill cher;\nAnd quhen of Keth gud Schir Wilyhame,\nThat all that day had beyn at hame--\nFor at sa gret myschef wes he,\nThat he come nocht to the journee,\nQuhen he that folk sic dule saw ma,\nHe askyt quhat it wes in hy.\nAnd thai him tauld all opynly,\nHow that thair douchty lord wes slayn\nAnd quhen he wyst that it was sua,\nAtour all other he wes mast wa,\nAnd maid so woundir evill cher\nThat all wounderit that by him wer.\nAnoyis, and helpis litill thing.\nMen may weill wit, thouch nane thaim tell,\nHow angry, sorowfull, and how fell\nIs till tyne sic ane lord as he\nFor he wes swete, and debonar,\nAnd weill couth tret his frendis far,\nAnd his fais richt felonly\nStonay, throu his gret chevelry.\nThe-quhethir of litill effer wes he,                                 515\nBot our all thing he lufit lawte;\nAt tresoune growyt he so gretly,\nThat na tratour mycht be hym by,\nThat he mycht wit, na he suld be\n[496-501: From E H. Not in C, owing to _cher_ twice.]\n[Sidenote: 1330] _How Fabricius punished a Traitor_]\n  I trow, the leill Fabricius,\nThat fra Rome to warray Pirrus\nWes send with a gret menyhe,\nHatit tresoune na les than he.\nOn him and on his menyhe, mayd\nAne outrageous discumfitour,\nQuhar he eschapit throu aventour,\nAnd mony of his men war slane,\nA gret mastir of medicyne,\nThat Pirrus had in governyne,\nProfferit to this Fabricius\nIn tresoune for to slay Pirrus;\nHe suld him gif dedly poysoune.\nFabricius than, that wondir had\nThat he sic proffer till hym maid\nSaid; \u201cCertis, Rome is wele of mycht\n\u201cTill vencus weill thar fais, thouch thai\n\u201cConsent to tresoune be na way.\n\u201cAnd for thou wald do sic tresoune,\n\u201cThou sall, to get thi warisoune,\n\u201cQuhat evir in hert hym lyis the to.\u201d\nThan till Pirrus he sende in hy\nThis mastir, and gert him oppenly\nFra end till end tell all this tale.\nHe said; \u2018Wes nevir man that swa\n\u2018For laute bar hym till his fa,\n\u2018As heir Fabricius dois till me;\n\u2018It is als ill to ger hym be\n\u2018Or to consent till wikidnes,\n\u2018As at mydday to turne agane\n\u2018The sone that rynnis his cours all playn.\u2019\nThus said he of Fabricius,\nIn playne battell throu hard fechting.\nHis honest lawte gert me bryng\nIn this ensampell her, for he\nHad soverane pris of his lawte.\nThat honest, leill, and worthy was;\nThat ded wes, as befor said we;\nAll menyt hym, strange and preve.\n  Quhen his men lang had maid murnyng,\nGert seth him, swa that mycht be tane\nThe flesche all haly fra the bane.\nThe carioune thair in haly plas\nErdit with richt gret worschip was.\nThe banys have thai with thame tane,                                 575\nAnd syne ar till thair schippes gane.\nQuhen thai war levit of the Kyng,\nThat dule had of thar sorowyng.\nTill se thai went, gud wynd thai had,\nThair cours till Ingland haf thai maid,                              580\nAnd thair saufly arivit thai;\nSyne toward Scotland held thar way,\nAnd thar ar cummyne in full gret hy.\nAnd the banys richt honorabilly\nErdit, with dule and mekill car.\nSchir Archibald his sone gert syne\nOf alabast bath fair and fyne\nOrdane a towme full richly,\n[Sidenote: JULY 20, 1332] _Death of the Earl of Murray_]\nQwhen that on this wis Schir Wilyhame\nOf Keyth had broucht his banis hame,\nAnd the gud Kyngis hert alsua,\nAnd men had richly gert ma\nThe Erle of Murreff, that the cure\nThat tyme of Scotland had haly,\nWith gret worschip has gert bery\nThe Kyngis hert at the abbay\nThat he and his haffe paradis.\nQuhen this wes done that I devis,\nThe gud Erll governit the land,\nAnd held the pure weill to warand.\nAnd held in pes swa the cuntre,\nThat it wes nevir led or his day\nSo weill, as I herd ald men say.\nBot syne, allas! poysonyt wes he;\n  The lordis deit apon this wis.\nHe, that hye Lord of all thing is,\nUp till his mekill blis thame bryng,\nAnd grant his grace, that thar ofspryng\nBe to folow, in all thair liff,\nThair nobill elderis gret bounte!\nThe afald God in Trinite\nBring us hye up till hevynnis blis,\nQuhar all-wayis lestand liking is!--AMEN.                            620\n[610: In H _By a false Monk full traiterously_.]\nNOTES\n_For fuller details of the more important works referred to see\nBibliographical List._\nBOOK I.\n4 _on gud maner._ The best expansion of this phrase as an expression of\nBarbour\u2019s ideal of style is in the _Alexander_:\n  \u201cTo mak it _on sa gud manere,\n  Sa oppin sentence and sa clere\n  As is the Frenche_\u201d (p. 441).\n15 _tyme of lenth._ In modern phrase, \u201clength of time,\u201d and Skeat\naccordingly follows Hart\u2019s edition in so reading it. But \u201cof lenth\u201d\nis a common attributive phrase and may quite well stand here, though\nawkward to modern ears. In line 531 we have _this warld of lenth_ for\n\u201cthe length of this world,\u201d which is a close enough parallel, and will\nnot admit of alteration. In _Wyntoun_, too, occur such phrases as, \u201ca\nmerke schot large of lenth\u201d (_Bk._ ix. 27, 419).\n37 _Quhen Alexander the King was deid._ As in the first line of the\nwell-known double verse given by Wyntoun as a fragment of the time;\n\u201cQuhen Alexander our Kinge was dede.\u201d Wyntoun, in his extract from _The\nBruce_, here reads _oure_. Alexander III. was killed by falling, with\nhis horse, over the cliff at Kinghorn in Fife, on March 19, 1286.\n39 _six yher._ Rather less. Alexander \u201cwas dead\u201d on March 19, 1286,\nwhich Barbour would reckon as 1285. The dispute over the succession\nbegan on the death of Queen Margaret on September 26, 1290.\n40 _lay desolat._ Barbour, it may be from considerations of space or\nsymmetry, or as a Bruce partisan, omits all mention of the child-Queen\nMargaret (1286-1290); Bruce \u201cthe Competitor,\u201d indeed, held that his\nclaim was superior to hers, and on Alexander\u2019s death started a rising\napparently against the succession of a female contrary to the ancient\ncustoms of the country. In his pleadings before Edward he claims to be\n\u201chigher in degree and more worthy in blood\u201d even than she (_Palgrave_,\npp. 30-31). To the reign of Balliol (1292-1296) there is reference\nlater; but no notice is taken of the rising under Wallace (1297-1298)\nnor of the Barons\u2019 War (1299-1304); the former was carried on in the\nname of King John, and the latter was mainly a Comyn affair. Robert\nBruce (King) took a fitful share in both operations on the national\nside, but ended as an active partisan of Edward I. (but see note on\n49 _sum wald haiff the Balleol king._ The active heads of his party\nwere Sir John Comyn of Badenoch and William Fraser, Bishop of St.\nAndrews, two of the Guardians (_Palgrave_, p. 18). These two had\nassumed the control of the government (p. 16).\n51 _eldest systir was._ The direct line of William the Lyon having\nfailed, recourse was had to that of his brother, David Earl of\nHuntingdon. David\u2019s only son died without issue. His eldest daughter,\nMargaret, was the mother of Devorgoil, or Devorgilla, mother of John\nBalliol who was thus the great-grandson of the Earl, and of the senior\nfemale branch. David\u2019s second daughter, Isabella, had married Robert\nBruce of Annandale father of the Competitor, who was thus the son of\nthe second daughter, as Devorgilla was the daughter of the first.\n54 _in als nere degree._ The legal phraseology used throughout by\nBarbour corresponds with the pleadings submitted by Bruce. These\n(Anglo-French) are given in full by Palgrave in his _Documents and\nRecords_, vol. i.; the Latin version from the _Great Roll_, printed\nin Rymer\u2019s _F\u0153dera_, vol. i., is only a notarial summary. Barbour,\nhowever, does not put the issue clearly. In the \u201cbranch collaterale\u201d\n(_en lyne collateral_) of Earl David, Bruce was \u201cin als nere degre\u201d\n(_aussi pres en degre_) as Devorgilla. But Devorgilla was dead before\nthe vacancy in the throne occurred; she had never been vested in the\nsuccession, and thus had no rights to transmit to her son (_cf._ 59,\n60). The heritage, therefore, on the death of its possessor, came\nby law to him who was then nearest in blood--that is, to Bruce, as\ngrandson of Earl David; for John Balliol, as great-grandson, was a\ndegree further away (_qe en Sire Roberd de Brus meilleur dreyt deit\nreposer qe est plus procheyn du saunk qe en Sire Johan de Balliol qe\nest en plus loyngteyn degree._--_Palgrave_, p. 34, \u00a7 8). Though modern\nhistorians have scouted Bruce\u2019s plea, it was quite sound for the Middle\nAges. Bruce himself cites a contemporary case in Castile, where a\nyounger brother was, by the law of the Visigoths--_i.e._, their version\nof Roman law--preferred to the son of the elder.\n58 _nocht to lawer feys lik._ Balliol urged that the same law applied\nto kingdoms as to earldoms, and that thus a kingdom should pass to the\nnext heir by seniority, \u201cwithout any regard to nearness of degree\u201d\n(_Palgrave_, 27, \u00a7 3). To this Bruce replies that kings are above the\nlaws, and that the right to a kingdom should not be judged by common\nlaw, nor by laws applying to subjects and subject fiefs (29, \u00a7 5; 27,\n\u00a7 3), but by \u201cthe laws by which kings reign,\u201d the \u201claw of nations\u201d\n(_dreit naturel_, 25, \u00a7 5); and he therefore appeals to Edward as \u201chis\nEmperor\u201d to judge accordingly (29, \u00a7 6), on the analogy of the German\nor Holy Roman Emperor, who was, in theory, the superior of Christian\nkings in temporal matters (_cf._ on 153). Balliol rebuts this with\nthe further contention that the issue is not one of \u201cimperial law,\u201d\nsince \u201cthe kingdom of Scotland is held of the Crown of England and of\nno Empire\u201d; and that it would be to the prejudice of Edward\u2019s Crown\nrights (_en prejudice de la coroune notre Seigneur le Roi_) if he\njudged the matter in his Court by imperial law (p. 43). Bruce, it will\nbe observed, takes higher ground than Balliol, and presents a special\ninterpretation of the (alleged) overlordship, on which see further note\non 153. The distinction may seem over-refined to modern minds, but to\nthe medieval mind, with its own \u201cimperial\u201d idea, it was both real and\nimportant. Bruce had other pleas in support of his main position, but\non these Barbour does not touch (_cf._ on 153).\n61 _in lyne evyn descendand._ The correct reading is fixed by the legal\nphrase, _en la dreyte lyne descendant_ (_Palgrave_, p. 31, \u00a7 2).\n62 _Thai bar ... on hand._ Skeat says that \u201cto bear on hand often\nsignified to \u2018assert strongly,\u2019\u201d and interprets it here as, \u201cThey\nasserted.\u201d But this is meaningless in the present context, and the\ncorrect significance is as in Chaucer, \u201cFor _he bar hir on honde_ of\ntrecherye\u201d (_Complaynt of Faire Anelida_, line 158); and in _Troilus_\n(1154-1155), \u201cShe _bar him on honde_ that this was don for malice\u201d:\nhence, here \u201caccused\u201d in the sense of \u201ccontroverted,\u201d on the lines laid\ndown in 59-64. The weaker sense is probably seen in _Prologue of the W.\n67 _Erle off Carryk._ The Competitor was not Earl; it was his son,\nfather of King Robert, who married the widowed Countess of Carrick.\n71-5. _thai all concordyt._ \u201cThe nobles, by unanimous consent, decreed\namong themselves to send serious (_solemnes_) messages to Edward King\nof England that in this cause he should be their higher judge\u201d (Fordun,\n_Gesta Annalia_, lxx.). The parties were at bitter variance, and there\nwas no other authority strong enough to enforce a decision (_ibid._).\nIn fact, civil war was impending. On this account, Bishop Fraser of St.\nAndrews had already written to Edward on the matter (October, 1290).\nFrom this letter we gather that Balliol was about to approach Edward\non his own behalf. The \u201cSeven Earls\u201d appealed in support of their own\nrights to elect a king (_Palgrave_, p. 14). Bruce submitted his claim\nto Edward, as against the guardians, who favoured Balliol (_ibid._,\npp. 17, 18). Hemingburgh says that the Guardians of Scotland, fearing\na popular outbreak, by the advice of the magnates sent to the King\nof England, that in a matter of such great doubt they might have the\nbenefit of his advice (_ejus consilio fruerentur_, ii., p. 31).\n88 _as freyndsome compositur_--_i.e._, \u201cas a friendly arbiter\u201d (_cf._\nHemingburgh in previous note). Fordun urges that the appeal did not\nimply any confession of overlordship, but Edward was appealed to as\na \u201cfriendly and distinguished neighbour\u201d (_amicabilis et vicinus\npr\u00e6stantior_), to settle the difference \u201cin the manner of a friendly\ncompositor and for the sake of neighbourliness\u201d (_Gesta Annalia_,\nlxx.). The first notice in Sir Thomas Gray\u2019s _Scalacronica_ puts it\nthat the Scots asked Edward to interfere in the interests of peace,\nand that he replied that he would consider the matter. At Norham\nthe Scottish magnates are said to have asked him to try the case as\nsovereign lord (pp. 112, 119).\n100 _Walis ... Ireland._ Edward I. crushed the main Welsh rising in\n1282, and in 1284 annexed the principality. He took no special part in\nthe conquest of Ireland, which belongs to the reign of Henry II. (1171).\n103 _ryn on fute._ This, I take it, reflects the fact that Edward\nusually drew upon Wales and Ireland for the foot in his army. At\nFalkirk, indeed, Hemingburgh says that nearly all the English foot were\nWelsh. _Cf._ also XIII. 419 _ff._\n140 _on Saracenys warryand._ Edward was in England. His crusading took\nplace before he ascended the throne (1270-1272). The _Scalacronica_\nsays he was at Ghent (p. 112).\n146 _ane assemble._ Edward met the prelates and barons of Scotland at\nNorham, May 10, 1291. In his safe-conduct granted to these, Edward\ndeclares \u201cthat this shall not be a precedent to the prejudice of\nScotland\u201d (Bain\u2019s _Calendar_, ii., No. 474): _i.e._, their meeting him\non English ground.\n151 _all the senyhowry._ Edward had meanwhile (March 8, 23) sent writs\nto the cathedrals and chief monasteries of England, requesting to be\nfurnished with extracts from histories and chronicles respecting the\nrelations between England and Scotland. The responses are given in\n_Bain_, ii., No. 478, and _Palgrave_, pp. xcvii-cxv (see next note).\n153 _to Robert the Bruys said he._ Palgrave points out that Bruce\nwas the first to appeal to Edward as overlord, in conjunction\nwith the \u201cSeven Earls\u201d with whom he was acting; all submitting\nthemselves--relatives, friends, adherents, lands and goods--to the\nprotection of the King and Crown of England (pp. xlviii, 15, 18). In\nthis he finds nothing inconsistent with the speech here attributed to\nBruce, which he takes, not from Barbour, but from Fordun, who gives the\nsame account as Barbour of Edward\u2019s offer and Bruce\u2019s reply (_Gesta_,\nlxxii.). For Palgrave regards the original historic supremacy as a\nvague imperial relation, to which Edward tried to give a narrow feudal\nprecision (p. xliii). Bruce, he says, could properly regard himself \u201cas\nthe _Laensman_ of the Monarch who represented the Bretwald, the Emperor\nor Basileus of Albion, or of Britain, and not the vassal of the King of\nEngland and Duke of Normandy\u201d (p. xlix). Bruce, indeed, in one section\nof his pleadings addresses Edward as \u201chis Sovereign Lord and his\nEmperor\u201d (p. 29, \u00a7 6), but his pleading was against the purely feudal\nrelationship (see on 58), the holding \u201c_in cheyff_\u201d (154), which would\nallow Edward the _dominium_ or ownership of Scotland, as contrasted\nwith the _suzerainty_, which would grant a power of control. Edward\ninsisted on the former.\n169 _Assentyt till him._ After a delay of three weeks (June 2-3, 1292),\nnine of the Competitors made full acknowledgment of the supremacy of\nthe King of England; the others acquiesced on August 3 (_Bain_, ii.\n483, 507). The issue was finally narrowed down to a consideration of\nthe respective claims of Balliol and Bruce. Barbour is misleading.\n171 _He was king._ Judgment in favour of Balliol was given on November\n17, 1292, at Berwick. Balliol resigned \u201chis kingdom and people to\u201d the\nKing of England on July 7, 1296, \u201ca litill quhile,\u201d three years and\nseven months after.\n173 _For litill enchesone._ Balliol was treated as an ordinary vassal,\nand finally summoned, with the Scottish magnates, to attend Edward on\nan expedition into France (June 29, 1294). Balliol, however, made a\ntreaty with King Philip IV. In October he wrote Edward renouncing \u201cthe\nhomage extorted from him by violence\u201d (_Bain_, ii., No. 722). This was\nfollowed up by a raid into England in the spring of 1296. Meantime the\ngovernment had been taken out of Balliol\u2019s hands, and was administered\nby twelve Scottish barons and prelates.\n189 _And stuffyt all._ The list of castles and towns committed to\nEnglishmen and Scottish supporters of Edward is given in _Bain_,\nii., No. 853. Gray says Edward took possession of all the castles of\nScotland (_Scala._, p. 123).\n193 _He maid off Inglis nation._ The offices of Governor, Treasurer,\nand Justiciar, as well as minor ones, were filled by Englishmen. Some\nof the appointments of Sheriffs, etc., are given in _Bain_ as above,\nand in Stevenson\u2019s _Historical Documents_, II., pp. 90, 91. Barbour\noverstates the case.\n194 _That worthyt than sa ryth felloune._ Gray says that the revolt of\nthe conquered territories in Scotland under Robert Bruce was in great\nmeasure due to \u201cthe bad government of the ministers of the King, who\ngoverned them with too great harshness for their own personal gain\u201d\n(_qi trop asprement lez governoient pur singuler profit._--_Scala._, p.\n250 _in disputacioun._ For the \u201cdisputations\u201d of clerks, _cf._ Chaucer,\n_Nun\u2019s Priest\u2019s Tale_ and _Franklin\u2019s Tale_, 162.\n259 _I leve all the solucioun._ As Mr. Neilson has pointed out (_An\nEnglish Miscellany_, p. 383), this is a quite serious reference to a\nclass of questions discussed by ecclesiastical lawyers. A whole book\n(ix.) is devoted to the _Redditio Debiti Conjugali_ in the volume by\nThomas Sanchez, one of the Salamanca doctors (_De Sto. Matrimonii\nSacramento_; Venice, 1625). Chaucer\u2019s _Wife of Bath_ has some\ncharacteristic remarks on the same subject:\n  \u201cWhy sholde men elles in hir bookes sette\n  That man shal yelde to hys wyf hire dette?\u201d\n282 _Put in presoun Sir Wilyham was._ Sir William Douglas, \u201cthe bold\u201d\n(_le Hardi_), joined Bruce and the other lords who followed Wallace in\nrising, and formed a camp at Irvine in July, 1297. When these submitted\nand surrendered, Douglas, for not fulfilling his terms of surrender,\nwas confined in Berwick Castle. Thence he was taken to the Tower, where\nhe died before January, 1299. His Scottish lands were given to Sir\nRobert de Clifford (_cf._ lines 285-7).\n293 _that hym ne dred._ _Cf._ note on _Bk._ XX. 514.\n313 _James of Douglas._ \u201cJames is, in general, dissyllabic in Barbour\u201d\n(Skeat).\n323 _will off wane._ See glossary, and note on _Bk._ II. 471.\n339 _Erle off Artayis._ This is probably the Count Robert of Artois,\nwho was a friend of Queen Isabella and her son Edward III. He was\ndriven from France (_Le Bel_, i., chap. xix., and notes in ed. 1904).\nHe wandered from place to place, after quarrelling with King Philip,\nfor three years; then crossed to England, disguised as a merchant\n(1334), which fact Barbour probably has here in his mind (_M\u00e9moires de\nl\u2019Acad\u00e9mie Royale_, vol. x., p. 635. Paris, 1733).\n343 _Catone sayis._ Dionysius Cato, a writer of the fourth century.\nThe reference is to his line, \u201cTo pretend foolishness is, at times,\nthe highest wisdom\u201d (_Stultitiam simulare loco prudentia summa est._\n_Disticha de Moribus_, Bk. ii. xviii; Ed. Amsterdam, 1754, p. 178).\n346 _then come._ See on 282.\n354 _the byschop._ William Lamberton. Edward sent to the Pope a lengthy\nlist of charges against Lamberton, who had broken his most solemn oaths\nof fealty and shared in the \u201crebellions\u201d against him. He had, when\nChancellor of Glasgow, supported Wallace, and had himself chosen Bishop\nof St. Andrews, on Fraser\u2019s death, without Edward\u2019s consent. Then,\nwith other lords, he went to France to do all the mischief he could\nthere against Edward, and sent letters of encouragement to Wallace.\nAfter the suppression of the rising, he again submitted and took the\noaths (see on 412), and was made chief of the Guardians of Scotland. He\nwas suspected of complicity in the murder of Comyn (see on 611), and\nimmediately supported Bruce. Arrested after Methven, he was imprisoned\nwith Bishop Wishart of Glasgow, though not guilty of so many perjuries\nas he. These two bishops (with the other Scottish clergy), were the\nprincipal \u201cabettors and maintainers\u201d of Bruce\u2019s rising (_Palgrave_, pp.\n331-340; also _Bain_, ii., as indexed). Lamberton was released in 1308,\non giving securities for good behaviour and swearing fealty to Edward\nII. (_Bain_, iii., No. 50). Thereafter he acted as a negotiator between\nEngland and Scotland (_Bain_, iii.). He was excommunicated, and was one\nof the four bishops (St. Andrews, Dunkeld, Aberdeen, Moray) summoned by\nthe Pope in 1319 to answer for their support of Bruce (_Lanercost_, p.\n423). He died some time before June, 1329 (_Bain_, iii., p. 316).\n356 _forouth him to scher._ So did Chaucer\u2019s Squire: \u201cAnd carf biforn\nhis fader at the table\u201d (_Prologue_, 100).\n381-2. _But he wes nocht so fayr, etc._ _Cf._ of Porrus, in the\n_Alexander_:\n  \u201cBot he was nocht so fare suthly,\n  That men _need_ speke of him gretly,\n  For he was broun red in visage\u201d (p. 176).\n399 _And wlyspit alsua._ Guido delle Colonne says that Hector\n\u201cstammered a little in his speech\u201d (_parum vero erat balbutiens in\nloquela._ See on 525): and so in the _Gest. Hystoriale_ of Hector, \u201ca\nlittle he stotid\u201d (stammered) (line 3881).\n403 _Till Ector._ In the _Alexander_ that monarch is the incomparable\nhero:\n  \u201cBot Alexander I tak beforne,\n  To him I mak na man compeir\u201d (p. 110).\n406 _lovyt._ \u201cpraised\u201d (see Glossary).\n412 _Byschop Wylyhame._ Lamberton, as Edward says, went to him at\nStirling on May 4, 1304, and again took the oath of fealty, receiving\nfrom Edward\u2019s hands the temporality of his bishopric (_Palgrave_, p.\n334). \u201cStrevellyne,\u201d with several variations of spelling, is the usual\nform in contemporary records.\n429 _my fay feloune._ See on 282.\n455 _thaim thai._ \u201cThaim\u201d refers to the Scots; \u201cthai\u201d to the English.\nBarbour is particularly careless in the use of this pronoun. In 458\n\u201cthai\u201d is again the English, who were sometimes rather more (\u201cerar\nmay\u201d) in proportion; in 460 \u201cthaim\u201d is the Scots.\n466 _in the Bibill._ The deeds of the Jewish patriots, as recorded in\nthe apocryphal Books of the Maccabees, were, of course, included in\nthe Vulgate Bible of the Church. The rising of the Maccabees and their\nsupporters against the over-rule of the Seleucids in the latter half\nof the second century B.C. was, for the medieval writers, the prime\nexample of a national uprising against foreign dominance. (See also\n477 _I spak of ayr._ Here Barbour appears to refer to the Competitor,\nlast mentioned in line 153, thereby confusing him with his grandson\nRobert the King. Much grave reproof has accordingly been wasted upon\nthe poet. According to Maxwell, the poem \u201chas been almost irretrievably\ndiscredited as a chronicle by a monstrous liberty which the author\ntakes in rolling three personages\u201d (Competitor, Robert \u201cthe elder,\u201d and\nthe King) \u201cinto one ideal hero\u201d (_Robert the Bruce_, p. 6). Mr. Brown\naccuses Barbour of having \u201cdeliberately and consciously perpetrated the\nfabrication\u201d of making his hero a trinity of these three (_The Wallace\nand Bruce Restudied_, p. 93). Barbour, it is to be observed, at worst\nonly combines two, grandson and grandfather--he says nothing of the\nintermediate Robert; unless we force what is said in line 67 to this\nsense. One chronicler alone distinctly achieves the feat of making the\nthree one person--Geoffrey Baker of Swinbroke (pp. 100-1)--but so far\nhe has escaped censure, and no one rejects his work on that account.\nSurely in Barbour\u2019s case it is but a striking case of his frequent\ncarelessness of reference (see on 445). He started with King Robert,\nhis subject, in line 25, and it is not too much to ask that \u201cI spak\nof ayr\u201d goes back to that point. This is a simpler way out than that\ninconsistently taken by Mr. Brown, who argues that, after all, the\nreading is probably wrong, and proposes to restore \u201cthe original\u201d\nfrom Wyntoun\u2019s lines, a paraphrase of Barbour (p. 95). Wyntoun was\nnot deceived, nor was anyone likely to be. Barbour had nothing to\ngain by purposeless perversity, not even a literary point as has been\nsuggested, for the \u201cRomance\u201d proper begins at line 445, and for it\nthere is but one Robert.\n478 _swa forfayr._ \u201cGoing to ruin.\u201d _Cf._ _Gest. Hystoriale_, \u201cFele\nfolk _forfaren_,\u201d ready to perish (1438). Modern Scots in sense of\n\u201cneglected,\u201d as in Thom\u2019s _Mitherless Bairn_; \u201csairly _forfairn_.\u201d\n485 _Said till him._ Gray gives a similar account of the alternative\nproposals here made, putting them, however, into the mouth of Robert\nBruce, who, with him, takes the initiative, and stating that they\nwere made upon the occasion of the meeting in the Greyfriars Church,\nwhere Comyn refused to listen to them. It must be remembered that\nBarbour admits the existence of various accounts. Gray supplies also\nthe significant motive: \u201cfor now is the old age of the present English\nKing\u201d (_qar ore est temps en veillesce de cesty roy Engles_, p. 130).\nBruce, in this account, speaks of the land being in servitude to the\nEnglish by fault of Balliol, \u201cwho suffered his right and his freedom\nof the kingdom to be lost\u201d (_qe son droit et la fraunchise du realme\nad lesse perdre_, p. 129). The account in Fordun gives Bruce the\ninitiative in making the offer on the ride from Stirling, and dates it\n1304 (_Gesta Annalia_, cxiii.). See note on _Bk._ II. 35.\n525-6 _Dares ... and Dytis._ These two represented to the medieval mind\nthe more trustworthy authorities on the Siege of Troy; Homer, whom they\nknew only through the Latin classics, being obviously biassed in favour\nof the Greeks, a strong objection to historians who loved to attribute\nthe beginnings of their nation to a colony of Trojan fugitives--_e.g._,\nBrutus, who founded Albion or Britain. Dares Phrygius, whose _De\nExcidio Troj\u00e6_ is merely a good-sized pamphlet, here comes first as\nthe favourite. Figuring as a priest of Heph\u00e6stus, he gives the Trojan\nside. The point of the present reference is that he makes Troy fall\nby the treachery of \u00c6neas and others, who admit the Greeks by night\nat the Sc\u00e6an gate on the outside of which \u201cwas painted the head of a\nhorse\u201d (ed. London, 1825, p. 336); thus rationalizing the story of the\nwooden horse as he does Homer\u2019s other remarkable incidents. The book\nis in Latin, and is late--not much earlier than the twelfth century.\nIt professes, however, to have been translated from a Greek manuscript\nfound at Athens by the translator, Cornelius Nepos! Dictys Cretensis,\nstyled companion of Idomeneus, stands for the Greek side, giving,\nhowever, a more impartial account than Homer. His MS. (_Ephemeris\nBelli Trojani_) was found, it is alleged, in Gnossus, Crete, in one\nof the tin (lead) coffers, examples of which have been found in the\nrecent explorations of the great palace. It was translated from the\noriginal Punic into Greek in the time of Nero and again translated\ninto Latin. It is the older production of the two by a few centuries;\nboth, of course, are fabrications. On them Benoit de Sainte-More based\nhis _Roman de Troie_, which Guido delle Colonne turned into a Latin\n_Historia Trojana_ and successfully passed off on the Middle Ages as\nhis own work. Scotland came under the spell of Guido, and it is from\nhim Barbour takes his information.\n533 _throw pusoune._ The account of the medieval romances of Alexander.\nHe really died in 323 B.C., of a combination of malarial fever and hard\ndrinking--which was much too tame an end for his admirers.\n542 _fryst maid emperour._ A usual medieval error, but Julius C\u00e6sar\ndid not become Emperor. Chaucer says the same thing (_Monk\u2019s Tale_).\nGeoffrey of Monmouth speaks of \u201cJulius C\u00e6sar and the rest of the Roman\nkings\u201d--a double error (_Edit. Giles_, 1844, p. 176). See below on 554.\n549 _Als Arthur._ Arthur\u2019s European conquests are enumerated in the\ncontemporary, _Morte Arthure_, p. 2. The Eastern ones, such as \u201cSurry\u201d\n(Syria), follow the triumph over Rome.\n554 _Lucius Yber._ \u201cSir Lucius Iberius, the Emperor of Rome,\u201d is a\nleading figure in _Morte Arthure_. Wyntoun observes that his correct\ntitle was Procurator, as the Emperor proper was Leo, but excuses the\nearlier author for calling him Emperor on that ground that,\n  \u201cAne empyroure in propyrt\u00e9 (in especial)\n  A comawndoure suld callyt be\u201d (_Bk._ v., Chap. xii.):\n_i.e._, Emperor is simple _imperator_. In fact, Geoffrey styles him\n\u201cLucius Respublic\u00e6 procurator\u201d to begin, but in the account of his\ndeath, \u201cLucius imperator\u201d (ed. cited, pp. 174, 198). In the _Gest.\nHystoriale_, Agamemnon is \u201cEmperor\u201d of the Greeks. On conclusions from\nthis passage, see _Appendix_ F.i.c.\n611 _The endentur, the seile to se._ Fordun, too, tells of \u201cendentures\u201d\n(_indenturas_) between the barons, and of Comyn\u2019s disclosure to Edward,\nbut gives a different account of Edward\u2019s action and Bruce\u2019s escape.\nWyntoun adopts Barbour\u2019s version in his own words, so that we may\ntake it that, substantially, the story was the current explanation\nin Scotland. Gray, too, it must be remembered, drew upon a Scottish\nchronicle (see on 485 and _Introd._, ii.). It may just be that there\nwas a confusion as to the origin of the indenture which caused the\nmischief. There actually was an indenture or bond between Bruce and\nBishop Lamberton, drawn up, too, in 1304, the year to which Fordun\nattributes that between Bruce and Comyn. In this the parties bound\nthemselves to act together, in matters affecting them, against all\npersons whatever, and provided that neither should attempt any\n\u201cdifficult business\u201d without consulting the other, and that, in the\ncase of any peril threatening, each should warn and shield the other\nto the utmost of his power. The implication is clear: a fresh rising\nwas in contemplation, probably on the death of Edward I. (_cf._\nGray in note on 485). A copy of this document came into Edward\u2019s\nhands--certainly not, however, through the agency of Comyn--and\nLamberton was charged before witnesses at Newcastle on August 3, 1306.\nHe was asked whether the seal was his (_cf._ line 612), and whether it\nhad been affixed with his will and knowledge; to which he answered in\nthe affirmative (_Palgrave_, 323-5). The story of this endenture may\nhave got worked into what was known of Comyn\u2019s refusal to co-operate\nwith Bruce. The records give no hint of anything else of the kind in\nEdward\u2019s possession, and the knowledge of it, had it existed, would not\nhave been suppressed (see also note on _Bk._ II. 17).\n625-6 _into bourch, etc._ _I.e._, Bruce pledges his lands as bail for\nhis appearance. There is no record of such a Parliament, nor is any\nsuch procedure at all probable.\nBOOK II.\n17 _Thai raid._ The account in Fordun is that one night, \u201cwhen the wine\nwas giving its colour in the cup\u201d (_cum merum splenderet in calice_),\nEdward, on his way to bed, explained that on the morrow Bruce would\nlose his life. Thereupon the hint of his danger was conveyed to Bruce\nby the Earl of Gloucester (_i.e._, Randolph or Ralph de Monthermer), in\nthe form of twelve silver pennies and a pair of spurs (_Gesta Annalia_,\ncxiv.). Gloucester was presently in the field against Bruce. Edward\ndeclared that up to the time of the rupture, Bruce had enjoyed his\n\u201cfull confidence\u201d (_F\u0153dera_, ii., p. 988).\n17 _on the fyften day._ Bower says the seventh day (_Scotich_, Lib.\nxii., Cap. vii.). But the news of Comyn\u2019s murder on February 10 seems\nto have reached Edward (at Winchester) not long before the 23rd,\nprobably only a day or so (_Bain_, ii., No. 1746), and this would be\ncarried quickly.\n18 _Louchmaban._ Bruce\u2019s castle in Annandale.\n32 _Schyr Jhone the Cumyn._ According to both Gray and Hemingburgh,\nBruce first sent his two brothers, Thomas and Neil, to ask Comyn\nto meet him at Dumfries; Gray says that they might kill him on the\nway, which, to Bruce\u2019s disquiet, they failed to do; Hemingburgh that\nhe might discuss with Bruce certain matters affecting them both\n(_Scala._, p. 129; _Chronicon_, ii., p. 245). Sir John Comyn \u201cthe Red\u201d\nwas Balliol\u2019s nephew, the son of his third sister (_Scala._, p. 121),\nand his wife was a sister of Aymer de Valence. He came to Dumfries from\nDalswintion, not far away.\n33 _In the Freris, at the hye awter._ Edward informed the Pope that\nComyn was murdered \u201cin the church of the Friars Minor (Franciscans)\nof Dumfries, near the high altar\u201d (_Palgrave_, i., pp. 335, 346). The\n\u201chigh altar\u201d is part of the setting in all the accounts. The date is\nFebruary 10, 1306.\n34 _with lauchand cher._ Hemingburgh says they embraced in the cloister\n(_mutuo se receperunt in osculum_, p. 245).\n35 _The endentur._ According to Fordun, Bruce, on his way home, had\nmet a messenger of Comyn carrying to Edward letters advising the\nimprisonment or death of Bruce. He had killed the messenger and taken\nthe letters, and it was with these he now confronted Comyn (_Gesta\nAnnal._, cxv.). Gray relates that Bruce now made Comyn the proposal\ndescribed in note on _Bk._ I. 485, which Comyn refused to entertain,\nwhereupon Bruce said: \u201cI had other hopes of you from the promises of\nboth you and your friends; _you have betrayed me to the King by your\nletters_, and, since you cannot live to accomplish my wish, take your\nreward\u201d (_pur quoi viaunt ne pusse eschever moun voloir, tu auras toun\nguerdon._--_Scala._, p. 130). Hemingburgh\u2019s version is that Bruce\naccused Comyn of treason, _in that he had denounced him to the King\nof England_, and lowered his standing to his loss (p. 246). Edward\u2019s\naccount to the Pope is that Comyn would not assent to the treason\nwhich Bruce proposed--that is, to renew the war against him, and make\nhimself, by force, King of Scotland (_Palgrave_, 335).\n36 _hym reft the lyff._ The other accounts are more detailed, and agree\nin stating that Bruce merely wounded Comyn, and that his followers\ncompleted the work: \u201cIn the middle of the church, before the altar,\u201d\nsays Gray; \u201con the steps of the high altar, which was stained with his\nblood,\u201d according to Hemingburgh (as cited).\n37-38 _Schyr Edmund Comyn ... And othir mony._ Barbour is wrong in the\nname; it was Sir Robert Comyn, John\u2019s uncle (_Fordun_, _Lanercost_,\n_Gray_, _Hemingburgh_, _Palgrave_, as cited). Sir Edmund fell at\nBannockburn (_Annal. London_, p. 251). No other fatalities are\nmentioned. Hemingburgh adds that Bruce took the Castle and forced the\nEnglish justices, then holding court, to surrender, but allowed them to\ndepart in safety (p. 246).\n40 _that debat fell othir wayis._ \u201cThat the quarrel came about\notherwise.\u201d Barbour was familiar with, at least, another version. _Cf._\nprevious notes.\n67 _drawyn and hangit._ See note on _Bk._ IV. 322.\n81 _the byschop of Androws towne._ On June 9 Lamberton writes to Aymer\nde Valence, Edward\u2019s lieutenant in Scotland, that no blame attached to\nhim in the matter of the death of John Comyn and his uncle, or for the\nbeginning of this war (_Palgrave_, p. 322).\n86 _Thomas prophecy._ Thomas of \u201cHersildoune\u201d is Thomas of Ercildoune\n(now Earlston), or Thomas Rhymer whose alleged prophecies had a great\nvogue in Scotland for hundreds of years, especially at a national\ncrisis. One such was current with the Jacobites of the Forty-Five.\nA MS. of the first quarter of the fourteenth century gives a long\nprediction by Thomas in answer to the question when the Scottish War\nshould end (_Thomas of Ercildoune_, E.E.T.S., pp. xviii, xix). It\ncontains the line, \u201cWhen Bambourne (? Bannockburn) is donged wyth dede\n92 _befor the byschop schar._ See note on _Bk._ I. 356.\n96 _the burdys down war laid._ _I.e._, the boards which formed the\ntable were removed from the trestles after dinner.\n107 _wald disherys._ Bruce\u2019s lands had been immediately confiscated and\ndistributed to others (_Bain_, ii.; s.v. Earl of Carrick).\n112 _the Clyffurd._ See note on _Bk._ I. 282.\n118 _Ferrand._ Also the name of the horse of Emynedus, Alexander\u2019s\ncomrade, in the _Alexander_. \u201cFerrand\u201d means \u201ciron-grey,\u201d as in _Morte\nArthure_: \u201cone _ferant_ stedez\u201d (2259, etc.). Like \u201cBlanchard\u201d (white)\na common name for a horse.\n148 _Aryk stane._ At the head of Annandale.\n179 _wes maid king._ On the Feast of the Annunciation, March 25, 1306\n(_Lanercost_, 203; _Hemingburgh_, 247; _Scala._, 130).\n187 _went out our the land._ Malise, Earl of Strathearn, presented\na memorial to the King of England, explaining how Bruce, after his\ncoronation, had summoned him to give homage, how he had refused at\nfirst, but was apprehended, and submitted in order to save his life\n(_Palgrave_, pp. 319-21). According to Hemingburgh, it was after\nComyn\u2019s murder that Bruce went round Scotland (_circuivit terram\nScociae_), seizing and fortifying castles, etc. (II., p. 246). There\nwas scarcely time at that stage.\n200-1 _Schir Amer the Vallang._ Sir Aymer de Valence, Earl of Pembroke,\nsent to put down Robert Bruce, etc., April 15, 1306 (_Bain_, ii., No.\n1762). In Barbour\u2019s spelling the \u201cg\u201d is soft. Valence had taken an\nactive part in the Scots\u2019 war since Falkirk, and figures, as before\nthat date, in the _Wallace_. He was now about twenty-six years of age\nand practically a professional soldier.\n204 _in all hy._ Valence was to enter Scotland at once; the Prince of\nWales and then Edward himself were to follow. Edward, however, wished\nto hear of \u201csome good exploit, if possible, before their arrival\u201d\n205 _And byrn, and slay, and rais dragoun._ Edward, writing to Valence\non June 12, is \u201cwell pleased to hear he has burned Sir Simon Fraser\u2019s\nlands in Selkirk Forest.\u201d He is \u201cto do the same to all enemies on his\nmarch,\u201d \u201cto burn, destroy, and waste their houses, lands, and goods\u201d\n(_Bain_, ii., No. 1782). In later letters these commands are repeated\nfor specific instances. On June 28 he is \u201creferring to his orders to\nput to death all enemies and rebels already or hereafter taken\u201d (No.\n1790). The expression \u201crais dragoun\u201d has been fully explained and\nillustrated by Mr. Neilson in the _Scottish Antiquary_, vol. xii.,\nNo. 48. His summary is as follows: \u201cIn the middle of the fourteenth\ncentury, and later, there was still prevalent the conception ...\nthat the dragon banner was a token of hostility more deadly than the\nordinary conditions of feudal and chivalric warfare countenanced.\nIts display in every example adduced was against subjects in revolt,\nhowever supposititious, as at Crecy, the claim of sovereignty might be\u201d\n(p. 151). The origin and development of this association is the subject\nof Mr. Neilson\u2019s article. _Cf._ also in _Morte Arthure_, \u201cFor thare es\nnoghte bot dede _thare the dragone es raissede!_\u201d (line 2057).\n211 _Philip the Mowbray._ He is among those with Valence given by Gray\n(_Scala._, p. 130). See on Mowbray, _Bk._ XIII. 363.\n212 _Ingram the Umfravill._ He had taken an active part in previous\nyears on the national side. He is among the \u201cScotsmen and late rebels\u201d\nwho, on October 10, 1305, had their lands in Scotland and England\nrestored on renewing their fealty to Edward (_Bain_, ii., No. 1696).\n215 _off Scotland the maist party._ It is not clear what Barbour\nprecisely means. But, according to Gray, Valence had with him several\nScottish barons, friends of Comyn, opposed to Bruce (_Scala._, p.\n130); and a fortnight before the battle Edward was requesting Valence\n\u201cto inform the King\u2019s foresters of Selkirk how they have loyally and\npainfully served the King, and done well\u201d (_Bain_, ii., No. 1782).\nFordun says that Valence had in Perth \u201ca great power of both English\nand Scots\u201d (_Gesta Annalia_, cxix).\n235 _Levynax._ _I.e._, Lennox, otherwise _Levenauch_. Malcolm \u201cComte de\nLevenaux\u201d is on _Ragman Roll_ (_Bain_, ii., p. 209). He was the fifth\nin the line of Celtic Earls. _Cf._ on 482.\nAtholl is John de Strathbogie, Earl of Atholl. He was among the first\nto join Bruce, and it was by his advice that the safe-conduct to\nStrathearn was broken and the Earl confined in Inchmacolm (see on 187).\nHe was captured after Methven, and, as he was of royal blood, was\nspared torture, but was hanged \u201chigher than the rest\u201d (_Hemingburgh_,\nii., p. 250): on a gallows thirty feet higher (_Scala._, p. 131). He\nwas alleged to be the son of Edward\u2019s aunt, but see _Genealogist_, N.S.\n236 _Edward the Bruce._ Robert\u2019s brother.\n237 _Thomas Randell._ Thomas Randolph, the King\u2019s nephew, afterwards\nEarl of Moray. For his change of side, see on 463. _Hew de le Hay_ is\non Ragman Roll, apparently of Fife (_Bain_, ii., p. 204); brother of\nGilbert de la Hay, afterwards Constable of Scotland and ancestor of the\nEarls of Errol.\n238 _David the Berclay._ David de Berkele on Ragman Roll (_Bain_, ii.,\n209); of Cairns, in Fife (_Hailes_, ii., p. 2. Ed. 1797). _Cf._ on\n239 _Fresale, Somerveile, and Inchmertyn._ _Fresale_ is \u201cAlexander\nFraser\u201d (see line 407). Jamieson identifies him as \u201cthe brother of\nSimon Fraser, of Oliver Castle, in Tweeddale,\u201d which is Hailes\u2019s\nstatement (_Annals_, vol. ii., p. 2), and Skeat follows, whence arises\na serious confusion in _Bk._ VIII. 397. Sir Simon Fraser, \u201cfilius,\u201d of\nOliver, to distinguish him from his father (\u201cpater\u201d), and grandfather\nof the same name, the hero of the English defeat at Roslin in 1302,\nwas captured and executed as a traitor in 1306. His brother was Thomas\nFraser, and neither seems to have left any descendants (Lord Saltoun\u2019s\n_Frasers of Philorth_, ii., p. 94). This Alexander Fraser was of the\nsame stock, but was the elder son of Sir Andrew Fraser of Touch-Fraser,\nStirlingshire, Sheriff of Stirling in 1293, and was afterwards\nBruce\u2019s Chamberlain of Scotland (_ibid._, p. 125). He was not \u201cSir\u201d\nAlexander till after 1312 (_ibid._, i., pp. 49, 54). Bruce granted him\n\u201cTulch-fraser\u201d afresh (_Reg. Mag. Sig._, p. 17, 86). He had a brother\nSimon, but a different Simon from the one Jamieson refers to (see note\non _Bk._ VIII. 397). \u201cFresale,\u201d Jamieson adds, \u201cis still the vulgar\npronunciation of the name in Lothian.\u201d _John de Somerville_ was second\nson of Sir Walter de Somerville of Linton and Carnwath (_Memorie of\nthe Somervills_, i., 83, 86). _Inchmertyn_ is David de Inchmartyn, who\nwas, according to Hailes, the ancestor of the Earls of Findlater and\nAirlie, and of Lord Banff (_Annals_, vol. ii., p. 3, note. Ed. 1797).\n_John de Somerville_ and _David de Inchmartyn_ are among the fifteen\nScots captured at Methven and sentenced to death at Carlisle on August\n4, without being allowed to plead, under the charge of \u201cfeloniously and\nwickedly slaying some of the King\u2019s liegemen\u201d at that battle. They were\nall hanged (_Bain_, ii., No. 1811).\n*243 _Cristall of Setoun._ See line 418 and note on _Bk._ IV. 16. He\nwas married to Cristina Bruce, Robert\u2019s sister (_Bain_, ii., No. 1910):\ntwenty-eight years of age.\n*244 _Robert Boyd._ Ancestor of the Viscounts of Kilmarnock\nKildrummy (_Bain_, ii., No. 1829), but must either have escaped or been\nreleased, as he appears again. See _Bk._ IV. 342; VIII. 415.\n247 _Sanct Johnstoun._ Perth. The church was dedicated to St. John.\n248 _bad Schyr Amery isch to fycht._ Hemingburgh writes that Bruce\nsent a message that the English should either come out to fight or\nsurrender (ii., p. 248); Gray that Bruce offered battle to the Earl\n(of Pembroke), and remained before the town from the early morning\ntill after noon (_Scalacronica_, p. 130). Noon would be dinner-time.\nTrivet briefly says that Bruce \u201cinvited\u201d Valence to come out and fight\n(_Annals_, p. 409); similarly Rishanger (_Chronica_, p. 230).\n252 _Schir Ingram._ According to Gray, Pembroke acted on the advice of\nhis Scottish lords, and lay low (_se teint tot coy_, p. 130).\n279 _bot gyf thai faile._ \u201cIf they do not fail on their part.\u201d\n301 _on the morn cum._ The English, \u201cseeing they were fewer in number,\ncautiously replied that they would not come out then, because it was\na feast day (Sunday, June 26), but would gladly fight with him on the\nmorrow\u201d (_Hemingburgh_, ii., p. 249. _Cf._ also Trivet\u2019s _Annals_, p.\n410; Rishanger, _Chronica_, p. 230).\n305 _went to the forray._ The English had calculated that the Scots\nwould be occupied in preparing food (_Hemingburgh_).\n310 _Ischyt in-forcely._ At vespers (_Hemingburgh_: _Trivet_).\n313 _wes unarmyt then._ Had put off his armour. Hemingburgh says they\nfound the Scots carelessly resting (_recumbentes secure_: as cited);\nTrivet that they came on the Scots suddenly, and slew many unarmed (p.\n410). Bruce and some others speedily armed themselves and resisted\n(_ibid._).\n319 _on thair hors lap._ According to Hemingburgh, the English attacked\nbefore all the Scots could mount. Gray says they formed up hastily, and\nall on horseback attacked the English (_Scala._, p. 131).\n330 _For multitud mais na victory._ \u201cFor the victory of battle standeth\nnot in the multitude of an host\u201d (I. _Maccabees_, Chap. iii., 19).\n340-1 _Cf._ in _Alexander_:\n  \u201cQuha for his Lord dois he sall be\n  Harbreid with Angellis gle\u201d (p. 21).\n365 _all the renk._ Skeat has a note on this word explaining renk as \u201ca\nrank of fighting men,\u201d and citing \u201cthe plur. form renges\u201d in Chaucer\u2019s\n_Knight\u2019s Tale_ (Globe, _Chaucer_, A 2594). But while there is a form\n_renk_ = rank, that is not the word or the sense here. The proper\nexplanation comes from the _Alexander_, in such examples as:\n  \u201cAne _renk_ about him hes he made,\n  Quhair evir he straik nane him abade\u201d (p. 145, 8-9).\nand\n  \u201cAne _renk_ about him hes he maid,\n  He sparit nane that him abaid\u201d (p. 231, 20-21);\nwhile we have a similar use in the _Morte Arthure_:\n  \u201cRyde thrughte all the rowtte, rerewarde and other,\n  Redy wayes to make, and _rennkes full rowme_.\u201d\nAnother passage from the _Alexander_ gives us the sense in the setting\nand phraseology of the passage on hand:\n  \u201cThe woundit gave cryis and granes,\n  Trumpettis and hornes blew atanes,\n  _It seemit all the countre quok_\u201d (p. 412, 29-31).\n_Renk_, then, has nothing to do with \u201crank,\u201d but signifies \u201can open\nor clear space\u201d; here \u201call the place about them quaked.\u201d It is, in\nfact, our modern \u201crink,\u201d and appears to be a form of \u201cring,\u201d as in\n\u201cprize-ring\u201d (Skeat\u2019s _Etymol. Dict._). It has nothing to do with\n\u201crange\u201d in the sense of \u201crove,\u201d as Mr. Amours thinks (_Alliterative\nPoems_, S.T.S.). H actually reads _rinke_.\n415 _hynt hys rengyhe._ The account in Gray is that Bruce\u2019s rein was\nseized by John de Haliburton, who let him go immediately when he saw\nwho he was. The difficulty about recognition was due to the fact that\nBruce showed no coat of arms, having on a white tunic (_un chemys\nblank._--_Scalacronica_, p. 131). Hemingburgh says that all the mounted\nScots, in their approach to Perth, had these white overalls (_super\nomnia arma vestem lineam_), so that they could not be identified (ii.,\n438 _corn-but._ This reading for the obscure _torn-but_ of E (_t_ and\n_c_ are often indistinguishable in MS.) and _combat_ of H is due to Mr.\nGeorge Neilson, basing on a passage in the _Morte Arthure_ (_Scottish\nAntiquary_, July, 1902, p. 51). The \u201cheathen king\u201d is down with a\nmortal wound from Sir Cador, who exclaims:\n  \u201cThow has _corne botte_, sir kynge, there God gyfe the sorowe,\n  Thow killyde my cosyn, my kare is the less\u201d (1837-8).\nThough the general meaning of \u201crevenge,\u201d \u201ctit-for-tat,\u201d is clear,\nno satisfactory analysis of the phrase has been offered. Skeat and\nGollancz think that the first part of the term is French--_corne_,\na horn \u201cas the symbol of pride\u201d--and that the compound signifies\n\u201ca requital for pride, a taking down.\u201d The passages will scarcely\nbear this. Moreover, _b\u014dt_ is admittedly old English--\u201cremedy,\natonement\u201d--and one shies at a solitary compound in such a case.\n_Mann-b\u014dt_ was a fine paid to the lord of a murdered man; _brycgbot_\nwas a levy for the repair of bridges; _corn-gesc(e)ot_ was a\ncontribution of corn. _Corn-bot_ may thus have been a fine for the\ndestruction of corn, and have taken on a general sense of requital or\nrevenge. It does not seem to require the force of a specially intense\nrevenge (_auserlessene busse._ Holshausen), but appears to have been a\nslang term, whence its rare occurrence in literature. It is not given\nin the _New English Dic._ (See further _Scottish Antiquary_. June,\n463 _Thomas Randell._ He was given in ward to Sir Adam de Gordon to\nbe kept till the King\u2019s arrival in Inverkip Castle (_Bain_, ii., No.\n1807). Gray says he was released at the instance of Gordon, when he\nremained English till his recapture (_Scala._, p. 131).\n467 _sum thai hangyt._ See on 235, 239.\n471 _will of wane._ \u201cAstray in thought (weening); distracted, at\na loss. _Will_ = modern English _wild_, astray, bewildered (Icel.\n_villr_). _Cf._ in the _Gest. Hystoriale_: \u201cAll wery I wex and _wyll of\nmy gate_\u201d = out of my way (line 2369).\n479 _the Boroundoun._ This name has puzzled editors and given rise to\na good deal of conjecture. But a Sir Walter de Borondone was constable\nof Carstairs Castle in 1305-1306 (_Bain_, ii., No. 1880), and he is the\nsame person as Sir Walter de Bourghdon, constable there in 1301-1302\n(_ibid._, No. 1290), of Roxburghshire (_ibid._, p. 199). He was an\nEnglish officer.\n482 _The Erle of the Levenax wes away._ Fordun, however, says that\nLennox and De la Hay alone followed Bruce, and became \u201chis inseparable\ncompanions (_comites individui_) in every tribulation\u201d (_Gesta Annal._,\n491 _Schir Nele Cambell._ Ancestor of the Campbells of Lochow, or Loch\nAwe, and so of the Argyll family. He married Mary Bruce, the King\u2019s\nsister, but not, it would seem, before 1312 (_Scots Peerage_, i., p.\n323; but see on xvi. 119). The grant of \u201cLauchaw\u201d was to their son\n494 _the Month._ \u201cThe mountain which is called the Mound, which\nstretches from the western to the eastern sea\u201d (_De Situ Albaniae_, MS.\nParis; cited in _Historians of Scotland, Innes\u2019 Essay_, p. 412). The\nmodern Grampians.\n513 _Nele the Bruys ... and the Queyn._ _Neil_ or Nigel (Nigellus)\nBruce was the King\u2019s brother. His Queen was Bruce\u2019s second wife, a\ndaughter of Richard de Burgh Earl of Ulster.\n514 _othir ladyis._ Fordun says all the ladies went with their husbands\nand the King, hiding in the woods, etc. (_Gesta Annal._, cxix.).\n529 _King Adrastus._ One of \u201cthe Seven against Thebes,\u201d and the only\none who returned home in safety. Barbour follows neither the Greek\nsources nor the Thebaid of Statius, but one of the many French romances\non the subject. See _Appendix_ F.\n534 _Campaneus._ Properly _Capaneus_, who was struck with lightning by\nZeus, whom he had defied, while attempting to scale the walls of Thebes.\n542 _the tour._ See note on _Bk._ XVII. 224.\nBOOK III.\n1 _The Lord of Lorne._ Strictly this should be Alexander Macdougall of\nArgyll or of Lorn, but probably his son, John of Lorn, is meant, as\non September 14 Edward writes to the Prince of Wales how \u201cSir John of\nArgyll has well served him and the Prince\u201d (_Bain_, ii., No. 1830).\n3 _his emys sak._ Alexander of Argyle, according to Wyntoun (_Bk._\nviii., Chap, vi., 1171) had married an aunt of the murdered John\nComyn, a daughter of Sir John Comyn \u201cthe Red\u201d (!), of Badenoch, his\ngrandfather. He was thus the \u201ceym\u201d or uncle of Comyn, not his nephew\n(_Scots Peerage_, i., 507).\n15 _thar fryst metyng._ According to Fordun, this skirmish took\nplace at Dalry (\u201cthe King\u2019s field\u201d), near Tyndrum, in the west of\nPerthshire, on August 11, 1306 (_Gesta Ann._, cxx.). Bruce was making\nhis way westwards by Glen Dochart. There is the usual \u201cKing\u2019s Cave\u201d in\nBalquhidder (Jamieson).\n62 _ane sik aw._ \u201cIn such awe.\u201d For this form, _cf._ _Alexander_ (78,\n5), \u201che stude of thame lytill aw,\u201d and _Wallace_ (_Bk._ v. 929), \u201cOn\nthaim he raid, and stud bot litill aw.\u201d This usage is a stage in the\ngrammatical development of the modern phrase from the original type,\n\u201cAwe of one stood men\u201d (_dat._), for which see N.E.D.\n67 _Marthokys sone._ Jamieson suggests _Marthok_ to be for\n_Muratach_ (_Muredach_) = _Murdoch_; so \u201cMarthokys sone\u201d = MacVurich\n(_MacMhuirich_).\n69 _Fyn all._ Here E gives _hym all_, which is clearly wrong. Skeat\nadopts _Fyngall_ from H and A. Better, however, is the more ancient\nand correct form, _Fyn_, which the scribe has turned into _hym_,\nwhile the \u201call\u201d is preserved to balance the \u201call\u201d in the next line.\nGolmakmorn is _Goll mac Morna_, head of the Clann Morna, the rivals of\nthe _Fianna_, and the reference is to the detachment of members of his\nband from Finn by Goll; Finn, indeed, perished in a conflict with rebel\nfollowers.\n75 _in Gadyrris the forrayours._ The reference is to one of the later\nepisodes in the _Romance of Alexander_, appearing in the Scottish\n_Alexander_ as _The Forray of Gadderis_ (_La Fuerre de Gadres_).\nAlexander, while besieging Tyre, sends out a body of men to forage in\nthe \u201cvale of Josaphas.\u201d On their return with the cattle, they are set\nupon by a large army under Betys of \u201cGaderis,\u201d one of whose followers\nwas Gaudifer. Only the timely arrival of Alexander saved his men,\nand, on the flight of Betys, Gaudifer maintained the struggle till he\nwas slain. Skeat says that Barbour could not have used the Scottish\ntranslation, dated 1438, but \u201cmust have seen it in an earlier form.\u201d\nLines 81, 82, however, correspond literally, with one exception, to the\npassage in the _Alexander_, and, according to Neilson, they have no\nplace in the original French (_John Barbour_, p. 55):\n  \u201cFor to defend all the flearis\n  And for to stony the chassaris\u201d (p. 88, 20).\n_Coneus_ (line 85) is there _Corneus_ (pp. 88, 89), and _Danklyne_,\n_Danclyne_ or _Danclene_--in the French original _Corneus_ and _Dans\nClins_. _Cf._ Brown\u2019s _Wallace_ and _Bruce_, p. 101, where, however,\nMr. Brown\u2019s transcription of the names in the _Alexander_ must be\nchecked; and see further _Appendix_ E. In the _Wallace_ there is a\nsimilar reference to _The Forray_, _Bk._ x. 340-2.\n101 _\u201cthe Durwarth sonnys.\u201d_ \u201cThe Durward or door-ward\u2019s sons,\u201d a\ntranslation of the Gaelic name _Mac-na-dorsair_, \u201cson of the door-man.\u201d\nSkeat has a long note, contributed by Dr. Murray, claiming that \u201cno\nwriter seems to have seen the point of this passage.\u201d Reference is\naccordingly made to the trouble caused by Alan Durward in the reign\nof Alexander III., and the connection of Durward with Nicholas de\nSoulis, one of the Competitors (see also on _Bk._ XIX. 11). Whence it\nis inferred that these \u201cmen were the clansmen of Alan the Durward,\nwho, like the Comyns of Badenoch, the Baliols, and others, were almost\nmore dangerous to Bruce than the arms of England.\u201d That can scarcely\nhave been the case, since it must also be taken into account (1) that\nthe Bruces were of the Durward party in the reign of Alexander III.,\nand (2) that an Alan Durward was hanged with Nigel Bruce at Berwick,\nhaving, apparently, been captured at Kildrummy (_Scala._, p. 131).\n153 _a baroune Maknauchtan._ The chief of the Macnaughtons (? Ferchar\nor Farquhar), whose father was of the time of Alexander III., an\nancient clan having lands near Loch Awe (_Cf._ _Coll. de Reb. Alb._, p.\n51). There is no \u201cDuncan\u201d (Jamieson following Nisbet, _Heraldry_) in\nthe genealogy.\n162 _his owtrageous manheid._ _Cf._ in _Alexander_, \u201couttragius\nhardement\u201d (p. 184, 16). This use of \u201coutrageous\u201d = extreme or\nexcessive, is common, if not peculiar, to the _Alexander_ and the\n172 _\u201csa our Lord me se.\u201d_ \u201cMay our Lord watch over me,\u201d as in\nChaucer\u2019s _Pardoner\u2019s Tale_, \u201cNow, lordes, God yow see\u201d (Group C, line\n208 _Hanniball._ The reference is to Hannibal\u2019s crushing defeat of\nthe Romans at Cannae, 216 B.C. Barbour takes his details in a rather\nhuddled fashion from _Martinus Polonus_, a popular monkish historian\nof the thirteenth century (_Chronicon de Gestis Romanorum_, etc.),\nwho again bases on _Paulus Orosius_, of the beginning of the fifth\ncentury. Wyntoun confessedly reproduces the chapters of Polonus at\ngreater length and more accurately than Barbour, and on this fact,\nviewed in the light of the general relation of Wyntoun to Barbour, and\ncertain peculiarities in the present case, Mr. Brown bases an argument\nthat the Hannibal passage is \u201cderived from the _Cronykil_\u201d and \u201can\ninterpolation\u201d in the _Bruce_. On this see _Appendix_ F, v. Mr. Brown\ngives in full the relevant portions of the text of Polonus and Orosius\n(_Wallace and Bruce_, pp. 120-7).\n211 _thre bollis, etc._ \u201cTres modios aureorum anulorum Carthaginem\nmisit, quos ex manibus interfectorum nobilium extraxerat\u201d (_Mart.\nPol._).\n216 _Scipio the king._ For the medieval usage in titles, _cf._ also\nnote on _Bk._ I. 554. Polonus calls Scipio _Tribunus militum_; Barbour\n(and Wyntoun) translate _milites_, from the contemporary use of the\nword, as \u201cknights\u201d; whence \u201cthe Tribune of the knights\u201d naturally\nsuggests the title \u201cKing,\u201d Wyntoun preferring \u201cchyftane.\u201d _Cf._ also\nwhat is said in the footnote. It may, however, be considered that in\nthe _Alexander_ we have \u201cGaudifer the yhing\u201d (121, 20), and \u201cIdeas the\n221 _knychtis._ Really only \u201csoldiers\u201d (_milites fecerunt_).\n231 _Thai ischit._ Barbour hurries over the interval of four years\nbetween the Battle of Cannae and Hannibal\u2019s appearance before the walls\nof Rome, 212 B.C.\n234 _throw mycht of Goddis grace._ _Divina miseratio_ in _Mart. Pol._\nand _Orosius_.\n242 _twys thar-eftir._ No; only twice altogether. But Barbour is\napparently summarizing from memory, though Mr. Brown repudiates the\nsuggestion (p. 126).\n281-2 _That hym thocht, etc._ From Lucan\u2019s _Pharsalia_: _Nil actum\ncredens, si quid superesset agendum_ (ii. 657).\n337 _Kildromy._ Kildrummy Castle, in Aberdeenshire, on the Don, a royal\ncastle which Edward had ordered Bruce, in September, 1305, to place \u201cin\nthe keeping of one for whom he shall answer\u201d (_Bain_, ii., No. 1691).\n365 H has flatly misunderstood this line, and Skeat\u2019s partial\nemendation therefrom introduces a use of _the quhilk_ rare in Barbour\n(see on XVIII. 225). Moreover, as Koeppel further points out, the\nsense of the passage implies an antithesis such as E gives. The only\ndifficulty is the redundant syllable _yt_, and for _confort_ alone,\n_cf._ V. 210, XV. 371 (_Englische Studien_, x., p. 380, note).\n373 _to the wynter ner._ Kildrummy fell before the middle of September,\n1306, but August is scarcely \u201cnear\u201d winter, even in Scotland.\n390 _hys werdis, etc._ \u201cFollow out his fate (werdis) to the end.\u201d\n392 _Nele Cambel._ See note on _Bk._ II. 491.\n437 _Ferambrace._ The romance of _Fierabras_ or _Ferumbras_ (_ferri\nbrachium_, \u201ciron-arm\u201d or \u201cstrong-arm\u201d) was the most popular of the\nCharlemagne romances. It still circulates among the French peasantry.\nThere are two versions of it in English of the fifteenth century, _Syr\nFerumbras_ (E.E.T.S.) and _The Sowdone of Babylone_ (E.E.T.S.). The\nlatter also has the peculiar form _Lavyne_ from _Laban_ for _Balan_,\nthe Sowdone or Sultan and father of Fierabras. On these points see\n_Appendix_ F, iii. _Olyver_ (439) is Oliver, one of the \u201cduk-peris\u201d\n(440) or \u201ctwelve peers\u201d (_douze pairs_) of Charlemagne, and _Syr\nFerumbras_ opens with the account of how he defeated Fierabras in\nsingle combat, which also begins the second division of the Sowdone.\nThe French knights are, however, trapped by the Saracens and confined\nin the castle of _Egrymor_ (441), or Aigremont, in Spain, but are\nreleased and joined by Floripas, the daughter of Balan, and make\nthemselves masters of \u201cthe tower\u201d (449). They are the twelve peers,\nthough Barbour makes them \u201cbot eleven\u201d (444), probably with reference\nto the one who was slain in the defence. But they lack provisions, and\nnews of their plight is carried to Charlemagne by Richard of Normandy\n(450). Charlemagne, who, supposing them slain, was on his way home to\nFrance, turned back with his army, seized the marble bridge over the\nriver _Flagot_, which was warded by a giant, and captured the great\ntower of _Mantrible_ on the other side (445). Thereafter Lavyne, or\nBalan, is defeated and captured, and, later, executed; the Christians\nrecover from Floripas the sacred relics carried off by Fierabras from\nSt. Peter\u2019s, Rome. The \u201csper\u201d (459) is the spear with which the side\nof the crucified Jesus was pierced by the Roman soldier; the crown is\nthe crown of thorns; \u201cthe naylis\u201d are the nails with which he was fixed\nto the cross. In the _Complaynt of Scotlande_ (E.E.T.S., p. 63) is a\nreference to the _Tail_ (tale) _of the Brig of the Mantrible_. Readers\nof _Don Quixote_ will recall \u201cthe balsam of Fierabras,\u201d which also\nfigures in the romance. On Mr. Brown\u2019s treatment of this passage, see\n_Appendix_ F, iii.\n493 _will of red._ \u201cAt a loss what to do\u201d; _red_ = \u201crede,\u201d counsel,\nadvice. See note on _Bk._ II. 471.\n517 _but anger._ \u201cWithout trouble or sorrow.\u201d\n561 _To tell of paynys, etc._ An allusion to Virgil: _Forsan et haec\nolim meminisse juvabit_ (_\u00c6neid_, i. 203).\n578 _mony frely fute._ \u201cMany a handsome _child_\u201d is Skeat\u2019s\nexplanation, taking \u201cfute = fode, one fed or nourished up.\u201d But in\nthe _Morte Arthure_, Gawain says to Mordred, who was no child, \u201cFals\nfosterde _foode_, the fende have thy bonys\u201d (3376); and \u201cfrely\u201d also\noccurs as in, \u201cThow arte _frely_ and faire,\u201d etc. (970); whence Barbour\njust means, \u201cmany a goodly or handsome person.\u201d\n584 _the hyde leve on the tre._ \u201cThey left the skin on the wood of the\noars,\u201d being unaccustomed to the rough work of rowing.\n588 _To furthyr thaim, etc._ \u201cTo carry them on in their floating.\u201d\n658 _our stycht._ \u201cOur fixed purpose or determination.\u201d _Cf._ A.S.\n_stihtan_, to establish (Skeat). The _Morte Arthure_ has the related\nverb, \u201cstyhtyll tha steryn men\u201d--_i.e._, \u201cplace these stern men\u201d (line\n157): _styhtlen_, to dispose.\n659 _Angus of Ile._ Angus Macdonald, known as Angus Oig (\u201cthe\nyounger\u201d). His elder brother, Alexander of Islay, or of the Isles,\nwas in the English interest, and had married Juliana of Lorn, sister\nof John of Lorn. Their father, Angus Mor (\u201cthe big or elder\u201d), had\nsupported the Bruce party during his life, taking an active part with\nit in 1286. Angus also was English (_Rot. Scot._, i., 40, 41) till the\nappearance of Bruce. His lands were in Kintyre (see further _Scots\n666 _Donavardyne._ The castle of Dunaverty, at the south end of\nKintyre. It was being besieged, for some days at least, before\nSeptember 22, by the English pursuing Bruce (_Bain_, ii., Nos. 1833,\n1834), who believed that he was inside (_Hemingburgh_, ii. 249;\n680 _Rauchryne._ Now Rathlinn, off the north coast of Ireland towards\nKintyre. Dean Monro (1549) calls it _Rachlinn_, but Jamieson gives\nten variations of the name from Archdall\u2019s _Monastic. Hibern._,\nincluding _Rachryne_ and _Rochrinne_, \u201cfrom the multitude of trees\nwith which it abounded in ancient times.\u201d Surprise has been expressed\nthat Bruce should have chosen for retreat an island four miles off the\nIrish coast, which was within the territory of the Bissets of Antrim,\nstrong English partisans, and in which he could be trapped by a fleet.\nNot, however, till January 29-30, 1307, do we find a fleet in being,\nsupplied by Hugh Bysset and John de Mentieth, which was to operate in\n\u201cthe Isles on the Scottish coast\u201d \u201cin putting down Robert de Brus and\nhis accomplices lurking there, and destroying their retreat\u201d (_Bain_,\nii., p. xlix, Nos. 1888, 1889). Hemingburgh says (and _Trivet_, 410)\nthat Bruce had gone \u201cto the farthest isles of that region\u201d (_in\nextremas insulas_, ii. 249). \u201cWas lurking in remote island\u201d is the\naccount in _Lanercost_, p. 205.\n688 _strait off Marrok._ The Strait of Gibraltar, so called also by\nChaucer in the _Man of Lawes Tale_.\n696 _the mole._ The \u201cMull\u201d of Kintyre. Gaelic _maoil_ = a promontory, a\nborrow of the Norse _m\u00fali_. It is \u201cle Moel de Kintyr\u201d in an indenture\nin _Bain_, ii., No. 1941.\n745 _loud and still._ A romance phrase for \u201cin all ways,\u201d \u201cunder all\ncircumstances.\u201d Henryson has it in his _Robene and Makyne_, \u201cI haif\nthee luvit _loud and still_.\u201d\nBOOK IV.\n10-12 _off na degree ... Nothir of the kyrk_, etc. The Lanercost writer\nnotes that among those hanged at this time were not only \u201ccommon folk\nand countrymen\u201d (_simplices laici et rurales_), but also \u201cknights,\nclerics, and prebendaries\u201d--the latter in spite of their profession\nthat they were \u201cmembers of the church\u201d (p. 204).\n13 _byschop Robert._ Robert Wischard, or Wishart, Bishop of Glasgow\nsince 1273. He had been, at one time, a Guardian of the Kingdom, and up\nto 1306 had taken the oath of fealty to Edward six times. He had taken\na share in the rising of Wallace, had absolved Bruce for his murder\nof Comyn, and had furnished the robes for his coronation, further\nstirring up the people by declaring that to fight against Edward was as\nmeritorious as to go on a Crusade. Edward sent to the Pope a long list\nof charges on these lines (_Palgrave_, pp. 340-350). He was captured,\n\u201cas a man of war,\u201d in the castle of Cupar, Fife, shortly before June\n18 (_Bain_, ii., No. 1780; _Palgrave_, p. 349); at which Edward was\n\u201calmost as much pleased as if it had been the Earl of Carrick\u201d (_Bain_,\nii., 1786). He was kept a prisoner till after Bannockburn (see note on\n_Bks._ I. 354, XIII. 687; and _Scot. Hist. Rev._, vol. v., pp. 86-88).\n14 _Marcus of Man._ Mark, Bishop of Sodor (_i.e._, of the \u201cSudereys,\u201d\nthe \u201cSouth Isles,\u201d or Hebrides, or of Man and the Isles), had been\nimprisoned with Wishart in 1299. He had taken a prominent part in\nScottish affairs on the national side, and had been one of the\n\u201cauditors\u201d in the case of the Competitors (_Palgrave_, p. 53).\nApparently, however, he had died some years before, in 1303, so that\nBarbour is post-dating his imprisonment (Keith\u2019s _Catalogue of Scottish\n16 _Crystoll of Seytoun._ See note on _Bk._ II. *243. Hemingburgh\nsays he was captured in \u201cthe castle of Lochdor,\u201d for which we should\nprobably read \u201cLochdon,\u201d which fixes the reading in the text (_Hem._,\nii. 250). Lochdon or Loch Doon, source of the river Doon, in Ayrshire,\nhad a castle of which Sir Gilbert de Carrick, ancestor of the Earls\nof Cassilis, was hereditary keeper. Its traitorous surrender was the\nsubject of a remission \u201cof all rancour of mind conceived\u201d on this\naccount by King Robert to Sir Gilbert (_Reg. Mag. Sig._, i., p. 115,\n8). The castle was being besieged on August 10 by Sir Henry de Percy,\nand had fallen before October (_Bain_, ii., Nos. 1819, 1841). Jamieson\nhad identified his \u201cLondon\u201d with Lochdon, and has a long note on the\nmatter.\n19 _Maknab._ In the remission above referred to, the castle is said to\nhave been surrendered \u201cinto the hands of the English\u201d by Sir Gilbert\u2019s\nson-in-law, when Seton was given up.\n29 _in Ingland._ In this Barbour seems to be wrong. Hemingburgh says\nEdward ordered him to be taken to Dumfries, and there to be drawn,\nhanged, and beheaded (ii. 251). Gray, too, says he was executed at\nDumfries, but erroneously adds that he had been captured at Kildrummy\n(_Scala._, p. 131). He was \u201cthe late\u201d Christopher de Seton on October 4\n(_Bain_, ii., No. 1841). Hemingburgh and Gray both explain that Seton\nwas an Englishman, and had killed a knight at Dumfries. Bruce founded\n36 _Schyr Ranald Crauford._ Sir Ranald, or Reginald, Crauford, Edward\u2019s\nSheriff of Ayr in 1296 (_Bain_, ii., No. 853). Under March, 1307,\nthere is a list of rewards by Edward to Dougal Macdowall and others of\nGalloway for the capture of \u201cSir Ranald de Crauford and other enemies\u201d\n(_Bain_, ii., No. 1915), these being Robert\u2019s brothers Alexander and\nThomas, and their friends, who made a descent on Galloway, with the\nresult stated above, February 17, 1307 (_Lanerc._, p. 205; _Bain_ iv.\n37 _Schyr Bruce the Blair._ As Jamieson points out in his note, the\nreading \u201cBruce\u201d (S) should more properly be _Bryce_ or _Brice_. Sir\nBryce was an ancestor of the Blairs of Blair, in Ayrshire. In the\n_Wallace_ it is \u201cSchyr Bryss the Blayr\u201d (_Bk._ vii. 209). Conversely\nBrys for Bruce (IV. 61, etc.).\n38 _a berne in Ar._ The _Bruce_ being undoubtedly one of the sources\nof the _Wallace_ this is--in part, at least--the origin of the famous\noutrage of \u201cThe Barns of Ayr,\u201d there told in _Bk._ VII. as before the\nBattle of Stirling Bridge, 1297. Crawford and Blair are expressly named\namong the sufferers on that occasion. Crawford is claimed as Wallace\u2019s\n39 _dame Marjory._ Bruce\u2019s daughter by his first wife, Isabel, daughter\nof Donald Earl of Mar. She afterwards married Walter, the High Steward\n(see _Bk._ XIII. 689).\n47 _the gyrth of Tayne._ The enclosure or \u201csanctuary\u201d attached to\nthe chapel of St. Duthac, at Tain, Ross-shire, a favourite place of\npilgrimage with the Scottish kings, especially James IV. There was,\nhowever, no privilege of sanctuary for treason. William Earl of Ross\nwas in the English interest, and on May 20, 1308, is the recipient of\nthanks from Edward II. \u201cfor faithful service to his father and himself\u201d\n(_Bain_, iii., No. 43). Hemingburgh says \u201cthe new Queen\u201d was taken\nin Kildrummy (ii. 249); Gray that Cristina Bruce was captured there,\nand the Queen and Nigel Bruce in Dunaverty (_Scala._, p. 131); Trivet\nagrees with the second statement, but obviously confuses (p. 410);\naccording to Fordun the Queen was taken at Tain, and many ladies at\n\u201cKyndrumy\u201d (_Gesta Ann._, cxx.).\n49 _thai of Ros._ Fordun says the Queen was seized at St. Duthac\u2019s by\nthe Earl of Ross (_Gesta Ann._, cxx.).\n55 _put the ladyis in presoune._ On November 7, 1306, there are\n\u201cfurther orders for the custody of the Countesses of Carrick (the\nQueen) and Buchan, Marie, and Christine, the sisters, and Margerie the\ndaughter, of Robert de Bruce ... three of the ladies to be in \u2018kages.\u2019\u201d\n(_Bain_, ii., No. 1851). The Countess of Buchan, who had crowned Bruce,\nwas to be placed in a cage of wooden bars and lattice in one of the\nturrets of Berwick Castle (_Palgrave_, p. 358; _Scala._, p. 131); Marie\nBruce in a \u201ckage\u201d in Roxburgh (_Palgrave_, 359); Marjory in a \u201ckage\u201d in\nthe Tower of London (359); Cristina in ward in England (_ibid._). The\nQueen was to be in custody at \u201cBrustewik\u201d (p. 357); was removed thence\nby an order of June 22, 1308 (_Bain_, iii., No. 48). Marjory was in\nward at Wattone in March, 1307 (_Bain_, ii., 1910). By 1311-1312 Maria\nde Brus is a prisoner in Newcastle (_Bain_, iii., 227, 340).\n57-65 The Cambridge MS. begins at line 57. Lines 59-66 do not read\nsatisfactorily in either MS., and the text is a composition from both\nwith a view to clearness.\n80 _And set a sege._ The Prince of Wales was in command at Kildrummy\nwhen it fell, shortly before September 13 (_Bain_, ii., No. 1829). Gray\nsays the castle was invested by Thomas Earl of Lancaster and Humphrey\nde Bohun, Earl of Hereford (_Scala._, p. 131).\n83 _He bad distroy._ _Cf._ note on _Bk._ II. 205.\n96 _bargane at the barras._ \u201cBarras\u201d or \u201cbarrace\u201d is a \u201cbarrier\u201d or\noutwork before a fortress, usually of wood. _Cf._ _Wallace_:\n  \u201cOff hewyn temyr in haist he gert thaim tak\n  Syllys off ayk, and a stark _barres_ mak\u201d (_Bk._ x. 829-30).\n115 _the mekill hall._ One form of the tradition is that the corn or\nforage was stored in the chapel of the castle and there set on fire\n(O.S.A., xviii. 417); another, that on the east side is the \u201cBlack\nLardner,\u201d so called because it was burnt in the siege (Macfarlane\u2019s\n_Geog. Coll._, i., p. 29). Fordun says simply that the castle was lost\nby treachery (_Gesta Annalia_, cxx.).\n134 _wes battalit all_, etc.--_i.e._, had battlements on the inside of\nthe wall, as well as on the outside. The former case was unusual, but\nfortunate here because the besieged could thus shelter themselves from\nthe fire within.\n181 _Snawdoune._ Kildrummy is said to have had seven towers, of which\none on the west side still stands, with the name of the \u201cSnow Tower\u201d\n(_Geog. Coll._, i., p. 28). There was a \u201cSnowdoun\u201d also at Stirling,\nand Sir David Lindsay, in the _Complaynt of the Papingo_, addresses\nStirling Castle as \u201cfair Snowdoun.\u201d Nisbet speaks of a Snowdoun Castle\nin the county of Ross as an ancient residence of the Scottish kings\n(_Heraldry_, ii. 166). The name is, undoubtedly, old, and in its\npresent form probably a corrupt assimilation to more familiar syllables.\n189 _in-to Northumberland._ Edward was certainly in Northumberland in\nthe autumn of 1306, being at Newcastle on August 8 (_Bain_, ii., No.\n1816), at Newburgh, in Tynedale, August 28 (_F\u0153dera_, ii., p. 1018).\nHe was delayed in Northumberland by sickness but passed the winter of\n1306-1307 at Lanercost, near Carlisle, to which, on \u201caccount of old age\nand weakness,\u201d he came by easy stages in a horse-litter, arriving on\nSeptember 29, and staying till Easter of the following year, March 26,\n1307 (_Chron. de Lanercost_, p. 205). Barbour thus antedates his death,\nwhich took place at Burgh-on-Sand, \u201cthree (about five) miles north of\n211 _In Burch I wist weill_, etc. This is a familiar type of story, the\n\u201cdowbill undirstanding,\u201d told of several historic personages: of Henry\nIV., to whom it had been prophesied that he should die in Jerusalem,\nand who died in the \u201cJerusalem chamber,\u201d Westminster (Shakespeare\u2019s _2\nHenry IV._, Act IV., Scene 5); of Cardinal Wolsey, and others.\n220 _Ane spirit._ Archbishop Sharpe was reported to have a \u201cfamiliar\nspirit,\u201d which he carried in a snuff-box in the form of a bee!\n241 _Erle Ferrandis moder._ Ferrand was an historical personage, a\nPrince of Portugal, who, by marriage, became Earl of Flanders. The\nstory of the oracle which can be read in two ways, is also one of which\nthere are many examples from that of the utterance of the Delphic\noracle to Cr\u0153sus, as told by Herodotus. Ferrand is in the _Morte\nArthure_:\n  \u201cOne sir Feraunt before, upon a fayre stede,\n  Was fosterde in Famacoste, _the fend was his fadyre_\u201d\n_Famacoste_ is Famagosta, in Cyprus.\n249 _Bosbek_ or Busbecq was in Flanders, west of Courtrai.\n253 _in Inglis._ Barbour calls his own language English, as the Scots\npoets do down till the fifteenth century (see on _Language_, _Appendix_\n256 _Mynerff._ Minerva, the Roman goddess of wisdom, etc. For the early\nand medi\u00e6val Christians, the ancient deities were demons.\n282 _in the fechting._ Ferrand and the Emperor Otho IV. were defeated\nat Bouvines, between Lille and Tournai, July 27, 1214.\n322 _\u201changis and drawis.\u201d_ It was Edward I. who regularized the\nhorrible form of punishment allotted to traitors, several examples of\nwhich have already been noted. The victim was first drawn by horses\non a rough cart through the principal streets, as Fraser was through\nthe streets of London, then hanged, next taken down before he was dead\nand decapitated. The head was then stuck up on a public place, if the\nvictim was sufficiently notorious, and the limbs might be similarly\nexposed, as was done with Wallace. Fraser\u2019s heart and entrails\nwere burned, and his body was again hung up till about three weeks\nafterwards, when it and the gallows were burned together. For Fraser\u2019s\ncase, see _Ann. Paul_, pp. 148, 149. For the grammatical forms, see\n_Appendix_ H.\n336 _To King Robert._ The narrative now goes back to the closing months\n338 _till the wyntir neir wes gane._ Too long a period. On February\n1, 1307, Edward is ordering out ships to hunt for Bruce \u201ctowards Ayr\u201d\n367 _In-to Kintyre._ Hemingburgh has it that about September 29, 1306,\nBruce came back from the islands and waited in Kintyre, and sent\nsome men over to Carrick, who lifted his rents for Martinmas. Trivet\nhas an account which is simply a careless abridgment of Hemingburgh\n(_Hemingburgh_, ii. 251; _Trivet_, 410). Nothing is said of Arran, but\nthese writers are not strong in geography. Hemingburgh says Bruce had a\nforce of \u201cIrish\u201d (_Hibernicis_) and Scots (_ibid._). \u201cIrish\u201d suggests\nRathlin, or they may be west-islanders.\n384 _Schir John the Hastyngis._ Sir John de Hastings had been the most\nimportant of the Competitors, next to Balliol and Bruce, being the\ngrandson of the youngest daughter of the Earl of Huntingdon. On May 22,\n1306, he received from Edward a grant \u201cof the Earldom of Mentethe in\nScotland, with the Isles\u201d (_Bain_, ii., No. 1771). In July or August,\n1307, he is one of the garrison of Ayr Castle (_ibid._, 1901).\n388 _Brathwik._ Brodick.\n421 _neid to fourty._ In line 405 he says the English were in all\n\u201cthretty and ma\u201d!\n464 _The King arivit._ On the west side of the island, opposite\nCampbelltown, is the _King\u2019s Cove_, where, as tradition says, \u201cKing\nRobert de Bruce and his retinue lodged ... for some time when taking\nshelter in retired places\u201d (_Old. Stat. Acct._, vol. ix., p. 167).\n466 _in a toune._ Not \u201cin a town\u201d in the modern sense, but in the Scots\nmeaning of any group of houses or buildings--_e.g._, a farm \u201ctoun.\u201d\n556 _Turnberys snuke._ Turnberry Point, on the coast of Ayrshire,\nthe site of the castle of the Earls of Carrick. The castle was in\npossession of Henry Percy, to whom Edward had granted Bruce\u2019s Earldom,\nas is stated in lines 599-600 (_Hem._, ii. 251). The point at Berwick\nwas known as \u201cle Snoke\u201d (_Hist. Docts._, ii. p. 160). S reads \u201cnuk\u201d\nfrom C.\n682-3 _Jeromy_ = Jeremiah. _Ysay_ = Isaiah.\n720-1 \u201cThe constellation that gives to them kindly manners\u201d--_i.e._,\nnatural dispositions. _Cf._ \u201ckyndly\u201d = naturally, in line 735. For\n\u201cmanners\u201d = character, _cf._ Chaucer. _The Dethe of Blaunche_:\n  \u201cShe used gladly to do wel,\n  These were hir _maners_ everydel\u201d (1012-13).\n747 _Nigramansy._ \u201cNecromancy,\u201d or the art of revealing the future\nthrough communication with the dead (Gr. _nekros_, a dead body);\nappearing in medi\u00e6val Latin as _nigromanteia_; O.F., _nygromancie_, the\nfirst part of the compound being confused and identified with Latin\n_niger_, black--whence \u201cthe black art.\u201d\n753 _the Phitones._ The _Pithoness_ or _Pythoness_, which usually\nappears in the M.E. writers as in the text. _Cf._ Chaucer\u2019s _Hous of\nFame_, iii. 171: \u201cAnd _phitonesses_, charmeresses,\u201d etc. Pythia was\nthe oracle-giving priestess of Apollo at Delphi; hence a woman who\nprophesies or divines. The name was given, as in the reference here, to\nthe witch of Endor (1 _Chron._ x. 13), as in Bacon, _Prophecies_, etc.,\n\u201cSaid the _Pythonissa_ to Saul,\u201d etc.\nBOOK V.\n1 _in vere._ \u201cIn spring\u201d--February, 1307 (see note on _Bk._ IV. 338.)\nThe description here is really of the \u201cPoets\u2019 May.\u201d\n23 _na nedill had na stane_; _i.e._, neither an actual needle\nmagnetized, nor a piece of magnetic iron, loadstone, to serve as a\ncompass.\n24 _in-till ane._ \u201cIn a straight course,\u201d guiding themselves by the\nfire.\n90 _till the toune._ _Cf._ note on III. 556. Hemingburgh\u2019s account is\nthat Bruce, coming on him suddenly, attacked Percy by night and slew a\nfew of his company (ii. 251). _Cf._ 95, etc. Fordun says Bruce captured\nand destroyed one of his own castles, slew the garrison, and divided\narms and other spoils among his men (_Gesta Annalia_, cxxi.). This is\nnot Barbour\u2019s version, which is the right one. _Cf._ on 107, 118.\n104 _Makdowall._ Probably, as Jamieson suggests, the Dougall Macdowall\nwho, about this time, defeated and captured Bruce\u2019s brothers in\nGalloway. See on _Bk._ IV. 36.\n107 _In the castell._ See above on 90. According to Hemingburgh, \u201cBruce\nbesieged Percy in the castell till the siege was raised by an English\narmy\u201d (ii. 251). There were desertions, February 18, among troops\ncalled out to deal with Bruce (_Parliam. Writs_, i., p. 379).\n118 _All haill the reif._ Bruce had captured their steeds and silver\nplate (_Hemingburgh_, as cited); steeds and much other spoil (Trivet\u2019s\n133 _a lady of that cuntre._ Fordun says that Bruce was assisted in\nreturning to Carrick by Christian \u201cof the Isles,\u201d who \u201chad a kindness\nfor him\u201d (_Gesta Annalia_, cxxi.), but the lady here would seem to be\nof Carrick, and a relative. _Cf._ on _Bk._ IV. 367. Fordun is probably\nright as to the name, and Barbour as to the location, for \u201cCristiane de\nCarric\u201d had, afterwards, a pension of forty shillings \u201cat the King\u2019s\n(Robert\u2019s) pleasure\u201d (_Excheq. Rolls_, i., p. 114).\n151 _the Erle Adell._ See on _Bk._ II. 235.\n153 _till his party war heldand._ There were others who were no longer\n\u201cinclining\u201d to his party; Allan, \u201clate Earl of Menteith,\u201d Sirs Patrick\nde Graham, Hugh Lovel, William de Moray of Sandford, Walter de Moray,\nand other adherents, had \u201ccome to the King\u2019s (Edward\u2019s) peace to be in\nlaw\u201d in November of the previous year; and Thomas Randolph, too, had\ngone over (_cf._ _Bk._ II. 463 note).\n156 _Cristole of Setoun._ See note on _Bk._ IV. 16.\n174 _Bot quhar worschip_; _i.e._, in fair fight on the field of battle.\n192 _Bot lay lurkand._ On February 6 there is a letter from Edward\nto the Bishop of Chester, his Treasurer, expressing \u201cgreat wonder at\nhearing no news of Sir Aymer de Valence and his forces since he went to\nAyr,\u201d and requesting him to order Valence, Percy, Sir John de St. John\nand others to send particulars of what they are doing and of the state\nof affairs. He states also that \u201che hears they have done so badly that\nthey do not wish him to know\u201d (_Bain_, ii., No. 1895). On February 11\nthere are letters to the same effect, sent direct to Valence, the Earls\nof Gloucester and Hereford, St. John, and Percy (_ibid._, 1896).\n203 _Schir Gauter the Lile._ Sir Walter de Lisle.\n205 _schavalduris._ Skeat explains this as \u201cwanderers,\u201d and says \u201cthe\nright form seems to be _shaveldour_, a vagrant\u201d (Glossary). Jamieson\ntakes it to mean \u201cwanderers in the woods, subsisting by hunting.\u201d There\nwere bands of \u201cschavaldurs\u201d on the Border, who robbed and plundered\n(_Bain_, iii., No. 675); but John de Harcla had \u201cschavaldurs\u201d in his\nemployment (_ibid._, p. 128). Clerk \u201cHelias\u201d was a _schavaldus nobilis_\n(_Stevenson_, p. 2; _Bk._ XVI. 441 note). The exact force of the word\nis not yet clear. Probably they were what later times knew as \u201cbroken\nmen.\u201d\n231 _the Clyffurd._ _Cf._ note on _Bk._ I. 282. Ancestor of the\nCliffords, Earls of Cumberland.\n256 _Toward Douglas._ In the valley of the Douglas (Gael: _dubh glas_,\nblack water), a tributary of the Clyde, in Upper Lanarkshire. In Bain\u2019s\n_Calendar_ is a petition from one of the garrison in Douglas Castle,\n\u201cwhen Sir Robert de Brus and Sir James de Douglas attacked it, the year\nwhen the late King (Edward I.) died\u201d (iii., No. 682).\n296 _manrent._ \u201cHomage\u201d; Scots form of \u201cmanred\u201d (A.S. _mannra\u00e9den_,\nhomage, allegiance). \u201cBonds of manrent\u201d are a familiar form of\nassociation with some great noble in later Scottish history.\n307 _Palme Sonday._ March 19, 1307.\n317 _mantill._ For long a mantle or cloak was the upper garment of the\nScots, rich and poor.\n336 _Sanct Brydis._ The church of Douglas was dedicated to St. Bridget,\nor Bride, a Celtic Saint.\n388 _With burdys set._ On trestles, as the dinner-table. _Cf._ note on\n403 \u201cKnocked out the heads of the wine barrels.\u201d\n410 _the Dowglas Lardenere._ \u201cThe Douglas Larder,\u201d a North English\nand Scottish form of A.F. _lardiner_: here with the double meaning of\na store of food and a slaughter. For the latter, _cf._ \u201cThe knyghtes\nof the round table made soche _lardare_ through the field\u201d (_Merlin_,\ncited N.E.D.). In the _Alexander_ it is said of the slaughter\naccomplished by Porrus:\n  \u201cOf handis and heidis baith braune and blude\n  He maid ane _lardnare_ quhare he stood\u201d (p. 233, 5).\nDr. Neilson says, \u201cthere is nothing corresponding in the French,\u201d and\nclaims that the lines in the _Bruce_ are the source of the \u201clurid and\ntelling phrase\u201d (_John Barbour_, p. 56). But this does not follow, as\nthe word occurs in this sense elsewhere (see N.E.D.), and the simple\nsense of \u201cslaughter\u201d in the _Alexander_ is not quite parallel to the\nfull significance of the word in the _Bruce_, where the \u201cmeile, malt,\nblude and wyne\u201d fill out the suggestiveness of its use. According to\nHume of Godscroft, the Douglas historian, the \u201cwyne-sellar\u201d of line 399\nis identified with a cellar \u201ccalled yet the Douglas Lairder\u201d (_History\nof the House of Douglas_, p. 28, ed. 1644).\n460 _The thrill-wallis._ May be \u201cJohn de Thirlewal, vallet of Sir Adam\nde Swynburne,\u201d who, \u201cwith a barbed horse,\u201d was one of a company hunting\nBruce in Glentrool, April, 1307 (_Bain_, ii., p. 572).\n483 _Schyr Ingrame Bell._ Evidently a misreading of \u201cIngrame\nUmphrevell,\u201d as is clear from _Bk._ VI. 3; not the other way, as Skeat\nputs it. There was no such person as \u201cBell.\u201d Umfraville was holding\nCumnock Castle on May 18 (_Bain_, ii., 1931). Later in the year he is\nat Ayr, July or August, sent there by Valence (_ibid._, No. 1961).\n575 _about his hals._ Hung from his neck. A two-handed sword too long\nto be supported by a waist-belt.\n642 _toym._ \u201cLeisure.\u201d Modern Scots _toom_ = empty; not time. The\ndistinction is clearly marked in the _Gest. Hystoriale_: \u201cBut this\n_tyme_ is so tore (inconvenient), and we no _tome_ have\u201d (644).\nBOOK VI.\n3 _the Umphrevell._ See _Bk._ V. 483, 513, etc.\n69 _Gilbert de la Hay._ See note on _Bk._ II. 237.\n120 \u201cSince he was provided with armour.\u201d\n121 _thurt._ \u201cNeeded.\u201d The word occurs once in _Morte Arthure_, in the\npresent impersonal: \u201cHym _thare_ be ferde (afraid) for no faces\u201d (403).\n_Cf._ also _Bk._ VIII. 257.\n128 _For litill strynth of erd._ \u201cOn account of a slight natural\ndefence in the character of the ground.\u201d\n149 _fiff-sum._ \u201cFive together.\u201d The compound is still familiar in\nScotland--_e.g._, a \u201cthree-some reel,\u201d a \u201cfour-some\u201d in golf. _Cf._\n\u201csex-sum\u201d in line 231.\n179 The story is from the _Thebaid_ of Statius through some\nintermediate source which cannot now be identified. See _Appendix_ F, \u00a7\niv.\n195-6 \u201cFirst the one should reign a year, then the other for a year\nfrom the expiry of the previous term,\u201d and so on.\n201 _his constabill._ Defined in the _Alexander_:\n  \u201cThat of the duke\u2019s hoist all hale,\n  Was _constabill_ and chief ledere\u201d (73; 14, 15).\n252 _the gret anciente._ \u201cThrough its great antiquity.\u201d\n314 \u201cThen they praised greatly God the all-mighty.\u201d The comparative\n_fastar_ is in _Bk._ XIII. 129.\n316 _Thaim byrd._ \u201cIt behoved or was necessary for them.\u201d (O.E.\n_byrian_, impersonal verb). _Cf._ \u201cSa _byrd_ al Galouya hyme honoure\u201d\n(_Lives of the Saints, Ninian_, 932): \u201cMe byrd be blyth\u201d in same\n(_Martha_, 152). Frequent in the _Alexander_. _Cf._ on _Bk._ I. 381.\n336 _Worschip extremyteis has twa._ Valour as a mean between two\nextremes is an Aristotelian notion (_cf._ line 347).\n339 \u201cAnd they are both to be avoided.\u201d\n341 \u201cThings which should be left alone as well as those which should be\ndone\u201d (_cf._ lines 348-9).\n463 _In Cumnok._ A town and parish in Kyle, Ayrshire.\n481 _Johne of Lorn._ See note on _Bk._ III. 1.\n483 _aucht hundreth men and ma._ On July 19, 1307, there is a command\nfrom Aymer de Valence, the King\u2019s lieutenant, for aid to John of Lorn\n\u201cguarding the town of Ayr and parts adjacent.\u201d Lorn had 22 men-at-arms\nand 800 foot, so that Barbour\u2019s statement is remarkably accurate, while\nhis details enable us to fix the date of the events (_Bain_ ii., No.\n484 _A sleuthhund._ Jean le Bel has a reference to some such occurrence\nas this, though he credits it to Edward I., and distorts the course\nof events. He explains that one time Edward had Robert Bruce chased\nthrough great forests for the space of three or four days, \u201cby dogs and\nsleuth-hounds\u201d (_par chiens et limiers_), and gives as his authority\nnot only popular report (_ce dit on_), but also \u201can account composed by\nthe said King Robert\u201d (_et le treuve on en hystoire faitte par le dit\nroy Robert._ _Chronique_ i., chap. xxii.). Sleuth-hounds were common\nfor police purposes: \u201cThat thar sal nane lat (obstruct) a sluthe hund\npassand or the men that are cumand with hym for to follow theyffis or\nto tak mysdvaris,\u201d etc. (1289) (_Acta Parl. Scot._, I. 108). See on\n487 _a strecour._ A fast runner, a dog for the chase; from the verb\n_streke_, to go rapidly (Skeat).\n503 _his emys sak._ See note on _Bk._ III. 3.\n507 _Schir Amery._ Valence is at Glenken, Kirkcudbrightshire, on July\n24, and at Doon-side on July 31, 1307 (_Bain_ ii., Nos. 1958, 1959).\n510 _Thomas Randale._ Thomas Randolph, on the English side. See note on\n558 \u201cHe would pay no attention to the others.\u201d\n650 _Out of dawis doyn._ \u201cDone out of days\u201d--_i.e._, killed.\n657 _yhow ane._ \u201cYourself alone\u201d--a rather awkward expression, but the\nreading in H supports E.\n665-6 \u201cAs they did not fear me, I could do them much more harm.\u201d\nBOOK VII.\n2 _will of wayn._ \u201cWild of weening\u201d or thought--_i.e._, quite at a\nloss. See on II. 471.\n10 _yhe._ _Ye_ from an inferior to a superior; _you_ on the part of the\nlatter, as in line 15.\n17 _I haf herd_, etc. In a note to the _Wallace_, _Bk._ v. 25, Jamieson\ncites from \u201cBellenden, after Boece,\u201d a long passage on bloodhounds,\nin which this occurs: \u201cAnd thocht the thevis oftymes cors the wattir,\nquhair thai pas, to caus the hound to tyne the sent of thaym and\nthe guddis, yit he serchis heir and thair with sic deligence, that\nbe his fut he fyndis baith the trace of the theiff and the guddis\u201d\n(_Description of Albion_, chap. xi.). See on VI. 484.\n48 \u201cAnd he is a good distance off by this time.\u201d\n90 _price and loving._ \u201cHonour and praise.\u201d _Cf._ 99, 294.\n103 _war bodyn all evynly._ \u201cWere armed equally well,\u201d equipped for\nfighting.\n132 _bryng hym than of daw._ \u201cBring him then out of day\u201d--_i.e._, kill\n163 _housis._ MSS. give \u201chous\u201d with flourished \u201cs,\u201d here expanded to\n\u201cis.\u201d See _Preface_ 3.\n177 _slep._ \u201cTo sleep,\u201d infinitive, not a substantive.\n188 _as foul on twist._ \u201cLike a bird on a bough.\u201d\n*302 _to-waverand._ \u201cTo-wavering\u201d--_i.e._, distracted, uncertain.\n_Waverand_ occurs in line 112 above, and in the _Wallace_ in \u201cwaverand\nwynd\u201d (_Bk._ iv. 340). \u201cTo\u201d is intensive = German _zer_. In _Morte\nArthure_ we have \u201cto-stonayede\u201d = astounded (1436) and \u201cto-briste\u201d =\nburst asunder (3982). Skeat gives for the text, \u201cwandering uncertainly\nin different directions,\u201d but \u201cher and thar\u201d follows.\n330 _nakyt._ \u201cWithout armour,\u201d as always in the poem.\n423 _for Jhon Cumyng\u2019s sak._ That this feeling did operate in certain\nquarters we gather, further, from a story told in the _Scalacronica_,\nciting \u201cthe chronicles of his (Bruce\u2019s) actions,\u201d in which two men\nferry Bruce, whom they did not know, over a passage between two\nislands. They ask about Bruce, and express a wish that they had him\nin their hands, that they might kill him. Bruce inquired why, and the\nanswer is, \u201cBecause he murdered John Comyn, our lord.\u201d This incident is\nplaced after Loudon Hill, and the precise locality is not mentioned.\nBruce discloses his identity in parting from them (_Scala._, pp. 132-3).\n455 _top our teill._ \u201cTop over tail,\u201d head over heels. The phrase\noccurs in the _Alexander_ (72, 8).\n468 _till him dreuch._ \u201cDrew the man towards him.\u201d\n494 _Glentruell._ Glen Trool and Loch Trool are in the west of\nKirkcudbright. See below on 622.\n497 _the deir war in sesoun._ June or July, and so after Loudon Hill in\n_Bk._ VIII.\n561 _the Clyffurd._ Sir Robert Clifford. See note on 622 and on _Bk._\n588 _his baneour._ \u201cHis banner-bearer,\u201d as in _Morte Arthure_, \u201cHe\nbyddys his _baneoure_, Buske yow,\u201d etc. (3732).\n622 _Vaus._ \u201cVaux\u201d = _de vallibus_, like Clifford, a Cumberland family.\nSir John de Vaus is on service under Valence against Bruce in June,\n1307 (_Bain_, ii., No. 1938). We have a set of memoranda relative to\nexpeditions against Bruce in Galloway, dated February 12 to May 3,\n1307, for wages to horse, foot, and archers under different commanders,\n\u201cin the valley of Nith,\u201d \u201cbeyond the water of Cree,\u201d \u201cGlentruil, riding\nin search of Robert de Brus,\u201d \u201con the raid to Glentruyl, against said\nSir Robert,\u201d \u201cin Carrick and Glentruyl\u201d; and among the leaders is Sir\nRobert de Clifford (_Bain_, ii., No. 1923).\n623 _raucht him a col\u00e8._ \u201cReached him a blow.\u201d Skeat explains _col\u00e8_ as\nfrom O.F. _colee_, from _col_ (_cou_), the neck. _Cf._ _accolade_, a\nblow with the flat of a sword in dubbing a knight.\n624 \u201cBoth drew up their men in sides,\u201d for a fight.\n632 _than he com of toune._ \u201cThan when he set out,\u201d a general phrase.\nBOOK VIII.\n9 _Kyle._ The central division of Ayrshire, between _Carrick_ to the\nsouth and _Cunningham_ (13) in the north.\n14 _He gert helde._ \u201cHe made to submit\u201d (O.E., _hieldan_, to incline;\nAnglian _haeldan_). _Cursor Mundi_, \u201cAll folk to Rome suld _heild_\u201d\n15 _Bothweill._ Bothwell Castle, on the Clyde. It had seen a good deal\nof fighting in the earlier war. In August, 1301, the castle and barony,\nwhich had belonged to William de Moray, were presented to Aymer de\nValence and his heirs (_Bain_, ii., No. 1214). See also note on _Bk._\nxiii. 409.\n21 _Philip the Mowbray._ More probably Sir John de Mowbray serving in\nAyr for Valence, with others, in June to August, 1307 (_Bain_, ii.,\n28 _Makyrnokis way._ Godscroft gives the name in the form _Machanacks_;\nbut David Macpherson, supporting the spelling in the text, says it is\n\u201ca narrow pass on the bank of Makyrnok wattyr,\u201d which he located near\nKilmarnock (_Geog. Illust._, s.v.).\n34 _Edry-furd._ The meaning of this name appears to be given in the\nline below, \u201cbetwix marras twa,\u201d in which case _Edry_ is for Gaelic\n_Eadar_, \u201cbetween,\u201d as in other ancient names--_e.g._, _Eddirdail_ for\nthe Black Isle, being _Eadar-da-dhail_, \u201cbetween two dales.\u201d \u201cFurd,\u201d\nof course, is English, and we may conjecture that the place was first\nknown as \u201cthe ford,\u201d with a Gaelic name beginning with _Eadar_, and\nsignifying \u201cbetween the marshes\u201d; then that the unwieldy title was\ntelescoped, the latter part of the Gaelic compound dropping out, and\nreduced to the hybrid \u201cEadar-ford,\u201d finally to the form given.\n95 _Kilwynnyn._ Kilwinning is west of Kilmarnock, near Ardrossan. At\nArdrossan they turned north by the coast road and passed Largs on to\nInverkip, where are still the remains of the castle. In 1301 Edward I.,\nafter capturing Bothwell Castle, went on to besiege that of Inverkip,\nand in July, 1306, after Methven, Thomas Randolph was imprisoned there\n123 _Gawlistoun._ Galston is a little east of Kilmarnock. Beyond it\nrises Loudon Hill.\n133 _the tend day of May._ May 10. The memoranda cited in note to _Bk._\nVII. 622, relating to the pursuit of Bruce in Galloway, extend to May\n3. The battle of Loudon Hill was fought before May 15. See note on 362.\n164 _The hye-gat._ \u201cThe high-road\u201d to Ayr, as we learn also from the\n_Wallace_, _Bk._ iii. That hero, with his men, there lay in wait for\n\u201cPersey\u2019s caryage,\u201d which was being convoyed up Avondale (78) to Ayr\n(63). The waggons of supplies \u201ctook Loudon Hill\u201d (116), on which\nWallace had prepared a position (100). Loudon Hill itself is a bold,\noutstanding eminence commanding the valley of the Avon. The road must\nhave crossed the lower slope (line 165).\n172 _thre dykis._ On each side of the road, but a bowshot (150 to 200\nyards) away (169), was a moss, impassable for horsemen. Further to\nnarrow the hard ground (170), Bruce dug inwards from \u201cthe mosses\u201d three\nditches up to the road (173), each a bowshot behind the other (175). In\nthe ditches he left gaps (\u201cstoppis\u201d) for the road (179), wide enough\nfor 500 men to ride abreast (? 650 to 700 yards). Thus he could not be\noutflanked (185) or attacked in the rear (186), and he had sufficient\nmen to deal with a frontal attack (187, 188). If he could not check\nthe English at the first ditch, he could retreat to the next, and so\nto the third, if necessary (189-194). Bruce\u2019s tactics was thus to make\na position defensible by a small number on foot, and open only to an\nattack in front. Maxwell\u2019s suggestion that the ditches were to shelter\nthe Scots from the archers has no warrant in the text (_Robert the\nBruce_, p. 164). In the _Wallace_:\n  \u201cA maner _dyk_, off stanys thai had maid,\n  _Narrowyt the way_ quhar throuch thair thikar raid\u201d\nThe incident in the _Wallace_ is certainly derived from _The Bruce_,\nbut Barbour\u2019s \u201cdykis\u201d = ditches, as in the modern English sense, has\nbecome a stone dike in the _Wallace_, where \u201cdyk\u201d has been taken in its\nmodern Scots sense = a wall.\n216 _The sone wes rysyn schynand bricht._ So too in the _Wallace_.\nHe took up his position \u201cin the gray dawing,\u201d and then \u201cThe sone was\nrysyne our landis schenand brycht\u201d (_Bk._ iii. 119).\n232 _quhit as flour._ See on _Bk._ II. 415; XI. 131. Barbour here must\nmean the white linen garment covering the armour--the surcoat.\n257 _that us thar dout._ \u201cWhom it needs us to fear.\u201d See for \u201cthar\u201d =\nneeds, note on _Bk._ VI. 121.\n280 _cant and keyn._ _Cant_ = lively, brisk; _cf._ _canty_. _Keyn_\n(keen) is probably in the sense of \u201cbold\u201d or \u201cvaliant.\u201d The words are\nalmost synonymous. _Cf._ _Morte Arthure_:\n  \u201cThe knyhte coveride (got) on his knees with a _kaunt_ herte\u201d (2195).\n326 _skalyt in soppis._ \u201cScattered in groups.\u201d The _Wallace_ simply\nparaphrases:\n  \u201cThe Inglissmen, that besye was in wer,\n  _Befors ordand in sondyr thaim to ber_\u201d (163-4).\n339 _At erd ane hundreth and weill mar._ So in _Wallace_:\n  \u201cA hundreth dede in feild was levyt thar\u201d (205).\n351 _to-ga._ A past tense: \u201cwent off in a hurry.\u201d See note on _Bk._\n362 _He gaf up thar his wardanry._ Loudon Hill was fought in May, 1307;\nValence was still \u201cwarden of Scotland\u201d in July 31 (_Bain_, ii., No.\n1959), but was replaced by Sir John de Bretagne, Earl of Richmond, on\nSeptember 13 (_Foedera_, iii., p. 10). An anonymous letter of May 15\nsays that \u201cthe King (Edward I.) was much enraged that the guardian and\nhis force had retreated before \u2018King Hobbe\u2019\u201d; also that James Douglas\n\u201csent and begged to be received, but when he saw the King\u2019s forces\nretreat, he drew back\u201d (_Bain_, ii. 1979).\n380 _For that victour._ There exists a letter written by \u201csome high\nofficial\u201d at Forfar on May 15, which appears to refer to the events\nof this year. Bain gives it in full in Anglo-French in vol. ii., pp.\n536-7, and an abstract on p. 513. The writer says that \u201cthe news of\nthese parts are as follows: so far as I am able to understand, Sir\nRobert de Bruys has never before had the good will of the people even\nhalf so fully as at the present moment\u201d (_ne avoyt onkes sa en arere\nsi avaunt la volunte des gentz ne la moyte si entierement cum il ad\nore aparmeymes_); \u201cand that now they consider it manifest that he is\nin the right, and that God is clearly on his side, since he has now\ndiscomfited and defeated the full power of the King, as well English as\nScots\u201d (_ausint bien les Engleis cum les Escoteys_), \u201con which account\nthe power of England is in full retreat before his men, not to return.\u201d\n391 _Than wox his power._ According to Hemingburgh, who sets Bruce\nriding through Lothian \u201ca little after Easter,\u201d before the battle of\nLoudon Hill, many then joined him who had been \u201cexiled\u201d by the English\njusticiars in the former year when they \u201csat\u201d upon malefactors and\nsupporters of \u201cthe new king.\u201d \u201cAnd because, according to the English\nlaw, they were sentencing them to burning, being drawn on horses and\nhanging, on that account they rose unanimously and went with him\n(Bruce), preferring to die rather than be judged by English laws\u201d (ii.,\np. 265). Then follows the account of Valence\u2019s defeat at Loudon Hill,\nthe driving of the Earl of Gloucester into Ayr Castle, and Bruce\u2019s\nsubsequent defeat, after which he lurked \u201cin moors and marshes\u201d with\nten thousand foot; and how Bruce always \u201cslipped out of the hands\u201d of\nhis pursuers--clearly a misplaced account of the Galloway operations.\nOf the late summer and autumn of this year the Lanercost chronicler\nsays that \u201cRobert Bruce, with his brother Edward and many others\nadhering to him, without any opposition from the English guardians,\nwanders about in Scotland wherever he wished, and especially in\nGalloway, and took tribute from that country on condition that it\nshould be left in peace; for, _on account of the number of people who\nthen adhered to him_, they were not able to resist him\u201d (_Chron._,\np. 210). See also _Foedera_, iii., p. 14, for the official English\ndescription of Bruce\u2019s raids on Galloway in August to September of this\nyear.\n393 _Outour the Month._ The writer of the letter cited above says that\nhe learns from those who are watching the place beyond and on this side\nof the mountains, \u201cthat if Sir Robert Bruce is able to get away in any\ndirection without inconvenience\u201d (_saun dreytes_), \u201cor towards the\ndistricts of Ross, he will find them all ready to his will more wholly\nthan ever.\u201d For \u201cthe Month,\u201d see note on _Bk._ II. 494.\n395 _Sir Alexander the Fraser._ See note on _Bk._ II. 239, and next\nnote.\n397 _his brother Symon._ See on _Bk._ II. 239. Skeat thinks this\nmention and that in _Bk._ IX. 10 \u201codd,\u201d because he identifies him\nwith the Sir Simon executed in 1306. Hence one of Barbour\u2019s \u201cerrors.\u201d\nSir Alexander Fraser, sheriff of Kincardine, and \u201cSimon Fraser his\nbrother\u201d are witnesses to a charter not dated, but later than 1312.\n(_Fraser\u2019s of Philorth_, ii., p. 126). Simon Fraser is one of the\nhonorary burgesses of Aberdeen in 1317 (_Miscellany of Spalding Club_,\nv., p. 283). He fell at Halidon Hill, 1333. In line 396 C reads\n_frendis_ where E gives _cosyngis_ and H _cousings_ in the general\nsense of \u201crelatives.\u201d Bruce gifted the Earl of Atholl\u2019s lands in part\np. 19, 105). The gift must be after 1315 (_Bk._ XIII. 490).\n400 _Schir Johne Cumyne._ On September 26, 1306, John Comyn, Earl of\nBuchan, is forgiven his debts to the Exchequer (England), on account of\nthe loss sustained \u201cin the death of Sir John Comyn his cousin\u201d (_Bain_,\n401 _Schir Johne the Mowbray._ Had the custody of \u201cthe late John\nComyn\u2019s\u201d lands in England from February 23, 1306; on duty in Ayr, June\n402 _Schir David of Brechyne._ Also serving Edward in Ayr, July or\nAugust, 1307 (_ibid._, No. 1961); of Forfarshire (_ibid._, p. 199). See\n413 _The Erle of Lennox._ See on _Bk._ II. 235. With line 414 _cf._\nextract from Fordun on _Bk._ II. 482.\n415 _Schir Robert Boyd._ See on _Bk._ IV. 342.\n425 _The forest of Selcryk._ Sir Walter Scott has a note (45) to _The\nLord of the Isles_ on \u201cThe forest of Selkirk, or Ettrick,\u201d which, he\nsays, \u201cembraced the neighbouring dales of Tweeddale, and at least the\nupper ward of Clydesdale.\u201d But Gray distinguishes between \u201cthe forests\nof Selkirk and of Etryk\u201d (_Scala._, p. 127); and Douglas, later, had\na grant of the forests of Ettrick, Selkirk, and Traquair (Robertson\u2019s\n427 _Gedward Forest._ \u201cJedworth,\u201d or Jedburgh Forest. \u201cThe vulgar, and,\nindeed, almost universal, pronunciation, Jethart\u201d (Jamieson on the\n_Wallace_, _Bk._ vii. 1277). See further on _Bk._ XVI. 363.\n447 _Lanrik fair._ No doubt \u201cLanark\u201d fair, as it appears in Godscroft\u2019s\naccount (_History_, p. 30, ed. 1644). \u201cLanerik\u201d is an old form of the\nname in charters, etc.\n449 _gang on raw._ \u201cGo in a row.\u201d\n453 _Schir Johne of Webitoune._ In Godscroft \u201cSir John Walton,\u201d\nunder which name Sir John de Walton, he figures in Scott\u2019s _Castle\nDangerous_. The citation from Godscroft will be found in the Appendix\nto the Introduction to that tale.\n492 _per drowry._ _Drowry_ is O.F. _druerie_, _droerie_, love,\nfriendship; here = \u201cas a sweetheart,\u201d apparently in a sinister sense.\n_Cf._ Chaucer:\n  \u201cTo be loved is not worthy,\n  Or bere the name of _druerie_.\u201d\n  (_Romaunt of the Rose_, 5063).\nIn the _Alexander_, as here, \u201cAnd yharnes to lufe _be droury_\u201d (126,\nBOOK IX.\n34 _Enverrowry._ Inverury, on the Don, fifteen miles north-west of\nAberdeen.\n64 _a-pane._ A curious use of the French adverbial phrase _a peine_,\nin, or with, difficulty; here = \u201chardly,\u201d \u201cscarcely.\u201d The sense seems\nto be that even in a case in which a company is successful without a\ncaptain, which they can be only with difficulty, still they will not\naccomplish as much as if they had one.\n107 _the Slevach._ Sliach in Drumblade parish, about sixteen miles\nnorth-west of Inverurie. Certain arch\u00e6ological features in the district\nare connected with Bruce\u2019s visit, the \u201cMeet-hillock,\u201d \u201cRobin\u2019s Height,\u201d\netc. (_Old. Stat. Acct._, iv., p. 55; Macpherson\u2019s _Geograph. Coll._,\n117 _And als frendis._ According to Fordun, whose account is\nindependent of that of Barbour, Buchan had many nobles, both English\nand Scots, when he went to attack Bruce at Sliach (_Gesta Annalia_,\ncxxii.).\n118 _Schir Johne the Mowbray._ See note on _Bk._ VIII. 21.\n127 _Martymes._ Martinmas, November 11, 1307.\n153 _thai send._ This second \u201cthai\u201d refers to the Scots of Bruce\u2019s\nparty.\n183 _begouth to fale._ \u201cThey retired, overcome with shame and in\nconfusion\u201d (_Gesta Annalia_, cxxii.). But in Fordun the reference is to\nChristmas Day. See below, 204.\n188 _Strabogy._ Strathbogie.\n190 _cover and ga._ \u201cRecover and go about.\u201d\n202 _Ald Meldrom._ About five miles north-east of Inverury.\n204 _Before Yhoill-evyn nycht._ \u201cOne night before Christmas Eve.\u201d\nFordun records an attack by Brechin on Bruce on Christmas Day (see\nabove on 183), but the battle of Old Meldrum he puts on to 1308\n(cxxiv.). But he sends Bruce north right away after his landing in\nCarrick and capture of Turnberry to destroy Inverness and other\nfortresses (cxxi.), whereas Bruce could scarcely go north before the\nautumn, as he was in Galloway on September 30 (_Foedera_, iii., p. 14).\nAfter his victory at Inverury, Bruce ravages Buchan, subdues the north,\nand, according to Fordun, is in Argyll by August, 1308 (cxxvi.). This\nwould be quick work, even for Bruce, and Lord Saltoun therefore argues\nthat Barbour is right in his chronology (_Frasers of Philorth_, ii.\n221 _His horse ... he askit._ When the King heard of the attack, says\nFordun, \u201cthough he was still prostrated by great weakness, he rose from\nthe litter on which he was constantly carried, and ordered his men to\narm him and place him on his horse\u201d (_Gesta Annalia_, cxxiv.).\n249 _merdale._ \u201cRabble\u201d; O.F. _merdaille_, \u201ca dirty crowd.\u201d _Cf._\n_Alexander_, \u201cFor thay war pure, small _mardale_\u201d (379; 14); also\n_Lives of the Saints; Ninian_, 921.\n289 \u201cThe son of him (the Earl of Atholl) that was in Kildrummy.\u201d But\nsee note on _Bk._ XIII. 489. Atholl was English, and Barbour must be\nwrong.\n293 _Com syne his man._ But on May 20, 1308, Edward II. was expressing\nhis thanks to \u201cDavid de Breghyn,\u201d etc. (_Bain_, iii., No. 43). This\nwould support Fordun\u2019s date for the battle, if, as Barbour says,\nBrechin submitted soon after. But \u201cSir David de Breghyn\u201d is receiving\nwine from Edward II. on July 12, 1310 (_Bain_, iii., No. 121). See\nfurther on _Bk._ XIX. 19.\n296 _all Bouchane._ The district of Buchan is in the north-east of\nAberdeenshire.\n307 _Toward Angus._ In the north of Forfarshire.\n309 _the Scottis Se._ The Firth of Forth (see on 461). Of old it marked\nthe boundary between the land of the Gaelic-speaking Scots and the\nEnglish Lowlands.\n312 _Philip the Forster of Platan._ Jamieson explains that there is\nstill a _Forest-muir_ in Angus, \u201cthe name of a great track of waste\nground a few miles to the north of Forfar\u201d and about two miles east of\nit, \u201ca village vulgarly named _Forster-seat_ ... said to be properly\ndesigned _Forester-seat_, as having been the place where the forester\nanciently resided.\u201d He identifies _Platan_ with _Platter_, a forest\nNo. 43); while a charter of Robert II. confers on Alexander de Lindsay\nthe office of Forester of the Forest of Plater, \u201cin the sheriffdom of\n330 _Till Perth is went._ According to Gray, it was the Earl of Atholl\nwho captured Perth for Bruce (_Scala._, p. 140). This is quite wrong;\nAtholl was English.\n335 _the wallis war all of stane._ Perth was an exceptional case, the\nlarger Scottish towns, except Berwick, being fortified only with ditch\nand palisade (_de bons fossez et de bons palis._ _Le Bel_, I., xxii.).\nAnd so was Berwick till 1296.\n338 _Olyfard._ Barbour is about four years too soon with the capture\nof Perth. William de Olifard (modern Oliphant) was still holding it\nfor Edward II. in February, 1312 (_Bain_, iii., No. 247). Oliphant\nwas a Scot, and the state of the garrison for July, 1312, shows a\ngreat number to have been Scotsmen (_ibid._, pp. 425-7). Fordun says\nPerth fell on January 8, 1313; the _Chron. de Lanercost_ gives the\ndate as January 10, 1313 (_Gesta Annalia_, cxxix., _Lanerc._, p. 221).\nAccording to the Lanercost writer, the Scots climbed the walls on\nladders during the night, and captured the place through the neglect\nor lack of sentinels and defenders (_propter defectum vigilum et\ncustodum_, p. 222).\n340 _Of Stratherne als the Erll._ But see below on 433.\n354 _the dik._ The burgesses of Perth had, by order, made \u201ca pielle and\nfosse\u201d--_i.e._, a tower and a ditch--\u201cwhen Robert de Brus broke the\npeace\u201d (_Bain_, iii., No. 68).\n371, 373 _mak ledderis ... in a myrk nycht._ See above on 338.\n377 _slepit all._ See on 338.\n391 _A knycht of France._ In the _Wallace_ it is explained that this\nwas Sir Thomas de Longueville, a French pirate and a friend of Wallace.\nSuch an identification is in the usual plagiarising fashion of the\nauthor of the _Wallace_.\n405 _eftir the Kyng._ _Cf._ preceding note.\n412 _the tothir man that tuk the wall._ \u201cThe second man to reach the\ntop of the wall.\u201d\n433 _Malis of Strathern._ Barbour is quite wrong in placing the Earl\nof Strathearn in Perth, and his son on the Scottish side. Both were\nstill in the English interest. Malise of Stratherne, son of the Earl\nof Stratherne, is in English pay November, 1309 (_Bain_, iii., No.\n121). The Earl appears to have been at Berwick during the winter of\n1310-1311 (_Bain_, iii., No. 208); and it is no doubt his son who on\nJanuary 28, 1313, after the fall of Perth (see on 338), is still in\nreceipt of an allowance from Edward II. (_ibid._, No. 299). Malis, Earl\nof Strathearn, is among the signatories to the 1320 letter to the Pope\n(_Act. Parl. Scot._ I., p. 114).\n448 _thai war kynde to the cuntre._ \u201cThey were related to the\ncountry\u201d--_i.e._, they were Scots (see on 338). The _Lanercost_\naccount is the contrary of this; it is there said that on the morrow\nof the capture, a Tuesday, Bruce had the chief burgesses of the town\n(_meliores burgenses_), who were of the Scottish nation, put to death,\nbut allowed the English to depart in freedom. This writer errs,\nhowever, as to the fate of Olifard, a Scot, who, he says, was sent in\nbonds (_ligatus_) far off to the Isles (p. 222); for Olifard was in\nEngland a few months afterwards, and there is no mention of any escape\nor exchange (_Bain_, iii., p. xviii). Fordun\u2019s version is that the\ntreacherous folk (_perfida gens_), both Scots and English, were slain,\nbut that Bruce, in his mercy, spared the common people (_plebi_), and\ngave pardon to those who asked for it (_Gesta Annalia_, cxxix.).\n452 _wallis gert he tummyll doune._ Bruce\u2019s usual policy with fortified\nplaces. See on _Bk._ X. 496. The _Lanercost_ chronicler says he\ncompletely destroyed the town (p. 222); Fordun that he destroyed the\nwall and ditches, and burned everything else (_ibid._).\n461 _Obeysit all._ Not quite, in 1308. Dundee was in English hands\nin April, 1312, when reinforcements were being sent to its \u201crescue\u201d\n(_Bain_, iii., p. 401); and in 1313, according to Barbour himself\n(_Bk._ X. 800-1). So was Banff (Watt\u2019s _History of Aberdeen and Banff_,\np. 68). Bain assigns to June, 1308, a note of instructions regarding\nScotland, in which two wardens are appointed for \u201cbeyond the Scottish\nsea between the Forth and Orkeneye,\u201d with 120 men-at-arms, \u201cbesides\ngarrisons.\u201d The \u201cguardians of Scotland,\u201d however, are told \u201cthat it\nis the King\u2019s pleasure they take truce from Robert de Bruys, as from\nthemselves, as long as they can\u201d--an indication of the growing power of\nBruce, emphasized by Barbour (_Bain_, iii., No. 47).\n497 _With all the folk_, etc. The _Lanercost_ writer explains this\nraid as being on account of the discord between the English King and\nhis barons. With Edward Bruce, he says, went Robert himself, Alexander\nde Lindsay, and James Douglas, with their following, which they had\nbrought together \u201cfrom the remote isles of Scotland\u201d (p. 212).\n500 _ryotit gretly the lande._ The people of Galloway had paid tribute\nto be left alone (see on _Bk._ VIII. 391), but, says the _Lanercost_\nwriter, they made no account of this, and in one day slew many of the\nmore noble men of Galloway, and subjugated nearly the whole country,\nthe Galloway men who could escape flying to England (p. 212).\n502 _Ingrame the Umphrevell._ In June, 1308, Umfraville, with two\nothers, was made a warden of Galloway, Annandale, and Carrick (_Bain_,\n509 _als Amery._ Amery St. John; but there is no one on record of this\nname. Aymer de Valence was still a warden, but in September, 1307, when\nBruce was raiding Galloway (see on _Bk._ VIII. 391), John de St. John\nwas one of \u201cthe greater men\u201d there (_Bain_, iii., No. 15). \u201cAmery St.\nJohn\u201d is referred to again in _Bk._ XVI. 506.\n517 _Besyde Cre._ The River Cre divides Kirkcudbrightshire from\nWigtown. Fordun says the battle was on the Dee, and dates it June\n29, 1308 (_Gesta Annalia_, cxxv.). The Dee flows into the Solway at\nthe town of Kirkcudbright. Though Barbour\u2019s position is universally\naccepted, Fordun is probably right. See next note.\n522 _Buttil._ Here, at least, C is more correct in a place-name than\nE, which gives Bothwell, on the Clyde, an absurd distance away, across\nmountains. The castle is that at Buittle, near Dalbeattie, a Balliol\nhold. It is a few miles east of the Dee, which seems to bear out Fordun\nas in the preceding note; _cf._ also lines 533-5. Edward\u2019s operations\nby the Cree could hardly be seen from Buittle.\n547 _by Cre._ A second battle by the Cree, or, more probably, one\nfollowing on the English reverse by the Dee.\n575 _Schir Alane of Catcart._ Cathcart is near Glasgow. Sir William\nde Cathcart (Kethker) is a knight of Roxburgh garrison (English) in\nDecember, 1309 (_Bain_, iii., No. 121).\n610 \u201cDirected their heads inwards again\u201d--_i.e._, turned their horses\nto make a fresh charge from the rear.\n658 _Thretten castellis._ Small castles, Border \u201cpeels\u201d--ditch and\npalisade.\n683 _the wattir of Lyne._ In Peeblesshire, flowing into the Tweed from\nthe north, a short distance west of Peebles.\n692 _Alysander Stewart._ In C, _Alexander Bonkill_. Son of Sir\nJohn Stewart, who married the heiress of Sir Alexander de Bonkyl\nin Berwickshire, and grandson of the fourth High Steward. He died,\napparently, in 1319, and his son John was created by Bruce Earl of\nAngus (_Scots Peerage_, i. 13, 169).\n694 _Thomas Randole._ Randolph. See note on _Bk._ II. 463.\n695 _Adame ... of Gordoun._ See note on _Bk._ II. 463; XI. 46; XV. 333.\n728 _His emys son._ The mother of Douglas was Elizabeth, daughter of\nAlexander, the fourth High Steward, and her elder brother was Sir John\nStewart, father of Alexander Stewart, of Bonkil. _Cf._ on 692. Thus\nDouglas and Sir Alexander were cousins.\nBOOK X.\n9 _toward Lorn._ Barbour\u2019s chronology is here not specific, but he\napparently places the expedition against Lorn in the late summer or\nautumn of 1308. So does Fordun (see on _Bk._ IX. 204). On the other\nhand, there exists a letter from John of Lorn to Edward II., clearly\nreferring to the present expedition. Unfortunately, it is not dated\nfurther than as an acknowledgment of the receipt of the King\u2019s letters\nof March 11. About that date, in 1308, Bruce must have been in the\nNorth, beyond the Mounth (see on _Bk._ IX. 204). On June 16, 1309,\nAlexander of Lorn and John are in council with Edward at Westminster\n(_Bain_, iii., No. 95). Meantime Alexander of Argyll is in the sederunt\nof Bruce\u2019s first Parliament, March 16, 1309, at St. Andrews (_Act.\nParl. Scot._, vol. i., p. 160). Either, then, Bruce\u2019s expedition is to\nbe placed in the spring and early summer of 1309, or, after the defeat\nat Loch Awe, John of Lorn held out during the winter, and Dunstaffnage\nfell at some date between March 11, 1308, and June 16, 1309.\n14 _twa thousand._ In the letter referred to above, John of Lorn says\nthat \u201cRobert Bruce had approached his territories with 10,000 or 15,000\nmen, it was said, both by land and sea. He had no more than 800 to\noppose him, 500 of these being in his pay to keep his borders, and the\nbarons of Argyll gave him no aid.... He has three castles to guard,\nand a lake 24 leagues (miles) long on which he has vessels properly\nmanned, but is not sure of his neighbours\u201d (_Bain_, iii., No. 80).\nLorn\u2019s estimate of Bruce\u2019s strength is clearly exaggerated. Hemingburgh\nsimilarly gives Bruce 10,000 men in his Galloway wanderings (ii., p.\n17 _Ane evill place._ From the description, the Pass of Brander through\nwhich the River Awe flows from Loch Awe to Loch Etive, a sea-loch. The\nCallander-Oban Railway follows this route. The Pass is three miles long.\n27 _Crechanben._ Cruachan Ben, or Ben Cruachan, on the north side,\n34-35 _on the se ... with his galays._ Skeat says this must be \u201cLoch\nEtive, a sea-loch, not the inland Loch Awe, from which the ships could\nnot have escaped.\u201d He is thinking of line 130, but the flight there\nmentioned has no connection with the present case. Loch Etive is not\n\u201cweill neir the pas\u201d (35; _cf._ also 97, 98), but Loch Awe is, and we\nsee from Lorn\u2019s letter (note on 14) that he had ships on that loch.\nHe says further that he \u201cwas on sick-bed\u201d when he received Edward\u2019s\nletters, \u201cand had been for half a year\u201d; which probably accounts for\nhis presence in a galley, or large Highland row-boat, as the Marquis of\nArgyll was, for a like reason, when his forces were cut to pieces by\nMontrose at Inverlochy in 1645.\n46 _Williame Wisman._ A \u201cWilliam Wysman\u201d was made Edward\u2019s Sheriff at\nElgin in 1305 (_Bain_, ii., p. 458). The wife of \u201cMonsieur William\nWysman\u201d was among the ladies captured in 1306, and was sent to Roxburgh\n(_Foedera_, ii., p. 1014). William Wyseman was at the St. Andrews\nParliament, 1309 (_Act. Parl. Scot._, i., p. 160). It was a Moray name.\n47 _Schir Androu Gray._ Ancestor of the Lords Gray. Sir Andrew Gray\nreceived from Bruce in 1315 the barony of Longforgan and other lands\nin Perthshire and Forfarshire, which had belonged to Edmond Hastings\n82 _ane wattir._ The River Awe. The river here is wide, deep, and\nbroken by rapids.\n88 _till brek it._ The bridge, of course, was of wood. It was probably\nbeyond the lower extremity of the Pass, somewhere near the present\nbridge.\n113 _Dunstaffynch._ In Fordun _Dunstafynch_; Dunstaffnage Castle at the\nmouth of Loch Etive.\n126 _And com his man._ As has already been noted (see on 9), Alexander\nof Arygll is, with the other \u201cbarons\u201d of Argyll and the Hebrides,\npresent at Bruce\u2019s Parliament at St. Andrews, which, if correct,\nindicates that Barbour, so far, is right. Lorn wrote to Edward that,\n\u201cthough he and his were few in respect of his power, Robert de Brus\nhad asked a truce from him, which he granted for a short space, and\nreceived the like, till the King sends him succours. He hears that\nRobert, when he came, was boasting and saying that the writer had come\nto his peace at the report that many others would rise in his aid,\nwhich God and the writer know is not true. Should the King hear this\nfrom others, he is not to believe it\u201d (_Bain_, as cited). Fordun\u2019s\nstory is that Bruce besieged Alexander of Argyll in Dunstaffnage, that\nthe castle was surrendered, but Alexander refused to do homage and\nwas allowed a safe-conduct for himself and friends to England (_Gesta\nAnnalia_, cxxvi.).\n137 _at Lythkow wes than a peill._ Linlithgow \u201cpeel\u201d was constructed\nby Edward I. in 1301-1302. Barbour\u2019s chronology is again at fault, or\nhe is not concerned about it. Linlithgow was still being munitioned\nagainst the Scots in August, 1313 (_Bain_, iii., No. 330). Barbour\nappears to be simply grouping the different captures of castles\ntogether (see lines 144-7). Strictly a \u201cpeel\u201d was a fortification\nconsisting of a stockade and ditch, enclosing the buildings of the\ngarrison (see lines 144-7).\n153 _Wilyhame Bunnok._ See note on 254. C reads _Bowne_ here, but\n_Bunnok_ in line 194.\n180 _the hede-soyme._ That is, the \u201ctrace\u201d or \u201ctraces\u201d connecting the\nanimals with the cart would be cut, when the waggon would block the\ngateway. By a similar trick, in which the agents are dressed as carters\nand the traces are loosened by withdrawing the pins, Oudenarde was\ncaptured in 1384 (_Froissart_, Johnes, ii., chap. cli.).\n185 _the harvist tyde._ September or October, 1313. See above on 137.\n195 _To leid thair hay._ To \u201clead\u201d the hay, still the usual country\nphrase, is to bring it in from the field to the place of storage.\nBunnok was to gather the hay and cart it to the castle.\n196 _but dangeir._ \u201cWithout difficulty,\u201d readily.\n223 _callit his wayn._ \u201cDrove\u201d or \u201curged forward\u201d his waggon. The word\noccurs in this sense in the _Wallace_ \u201cThir cartaris ... _callyt_ furth\nthe cartis weill\u201d (_Bk._ ix. 717-8), where, as usual, the incident is\nborrowed from the _Bruce_. _Cf._ Burns: \u201cCa the yowes to the knowes.\u201d\n232 _he leyt the gadwand fall._ \u201cHe\u201d is not Bunnock, but the driver,\nwho drops his goad and cuts the trace.\n254 _hym rewardit worthely._ According to Nisbet\u2019s _Heraldry_,\nBunnock is the same name as _Binning_, and the arms of Binning of\nEaster-Binning are \u201cplaced on the bend of a waggon argent\u201d; and he\ngives as an explanation that \u201cone of the heads of that family, with his\nseven sons, went in a waggon covered with hay, surprised and took the\ncastle of Linlithgow, then in the possession of the English, in the\nreign of David II.\u201d (I. 100, ed. 1816). The reference is clearly to the\npresent incident, though \u201csons\u201d is a later development, and the date is\nwrong. Jamieson is highly suspicious over the identification, and it\nseems, in fact, to be a case of ancestry manufacture.\n265-6 _Murref ... And othir syndri landis braid._ \u201cMurref\u201d is English\ntranscription of the Gaelic form, _muiraibh_, dative plural of _muir_,\nthe sea. The grant to Randolph was most extensive, including lands\nfrom the mouth of the Spey to Lochaber and Mamore, and \u201cthe marches\nof northern Argyll,\u201d and covering 2,550 square miles in Banff, Elgin,\nRampini\u2019s _Moray and Nairn_, p. 140).\n324 _Schir Peris Lumbard._ Peter de Loubaud (Lybaud, Libaut) was\nconstable of Edinburgh Castle and the peel of Linlithgow in March, 1312\n(_Bain_, iii., No. 254). Edinburgh Castle was captured during Lent,\n1314 (_Chron. de Lanercost_, p. 223; Fordun says March 14, 1314), by\nRandolph (_Gesta Annalia_, cxxx.); March 24, apparently, in _Gesta\nEdw. de Carn._ (p. 45), where it is said that Roxburgh and Edinburgh\nfell between February 29 and March 24, 1314. Hailes goes a year wrong\nin these dates, and Skeat adopts. For the intrusion of \u201cm\u201d before \u201cb,\u201d\n_cf._ _Ferumbrace_ for _Fierabras_ in _Bk._ III. 437.\n327 _mystrowit hym of tratory._ So we have it in the _Vita Edw. Sec._\nthat Edinburgh Castle was captured \u201cby the betrayal of a certain\nGascon, who was known as Peter de Gavestone, to whom the King had\ncommitted the custody of the castle. He, a perjured traitor, adhered to\nRobert the Bruce, and betrayed the castle\u201d (p. 199). _Cf._ on 766.\n360-1 _ledderis ... With treyn steppis_, etc. Ladders of this sort\nare carefully described by the Carlisle friar as having been used at\nan unsuccessful siege of Berwick by Bruce in 1312. Two strong ropes\nwere taken, of a length according to the height of the wall. These\nwere knotted at intervals of a foot and a half; on these knots rested\nwooden (_treyn_) steps two and a half feet long by half a foot broad,\nsufficient for one man at a time, and every third step had a projection\ninwards, to keep the ladder out from the wall. At the top end was a\ncurved iron (_cf._ \u201ca cruk ... of iron\u201d), one end of which, about a\nfoot long, lay on the top of the wall, while the other hung down, was\npierced with a hole, and had a ring on each side for the rope. In the\nhole a sufficiently long spear was inserted, by which the ladder was\nput in position by two men. When the Scots had placed two ladders for a\nnight attack, a dog barked, and Berwick was saved, the Scots making off\nand leaving their ladders behind to be hung up in derision of the Scots\nby the garrison (p. 221).\n372 _on the fasteryn evyn._ \u201cFastern\u2019s Eve,\u201d Shrove Tuesday, February\n27, 1314. So, too, in Fordun (_Gesta Annalia_, cxxx.), and in\n_Scalacronica_, the night of Shrove Tuesday (p. 140); in _Lanercost_\nthe capture is dated the day after, February 28, the first day of Lent,\n1314 (p. 223). The castle was still in English hands on February 7,\n1314 (_Bain_, iii., No. 352), but lost before May 29 (No. 358), in 1314\n400 _up thair ledderis set._ \u201cFor James (Douglas) himself on a certain\nnight secretly approached the castle (of Roxburgh), and placed ladders,\nwhich had been carried up in concealment (_latenter_) against the wall,\nand so by these ascended the wall,\u201d etc. (_Vita Edw. Sec._, p. 200).\n441 _The custom._ It was the custom to spend the day before the\nbeginning of the fast of Lent in feasting and jollity. This practice\ncontinued in Scotland long after the Reformation, when Lent was no more\nobserved. The _Vita Edw._ says that the garrison were sleeping or off\ntheir guard.\n456-7 _Gylmyne de Fenis ... in the gret toure_, etc. \u201cThey (the Scots)\ntook the whole castle except one tower, to which, with difficulty,\nhad escaped the warden of the castle, Sir Gilminus de Fenes, a Gascon\nknight, and his men with him, but that tower the Scots had soon\nafterwards\u201d (_Lanercost_, p. 223). Sir William de Filinge (Filling,\nFelynges) was constable of Roxburgh since 1312 at least (_Bain_, iii.,\nNos., 332, 337, 351). On the conduct of Roxburgh garrison see on _Bk._\n479 _Woundit so felly._ According to Gray, \u201cGuillemyng Fenygges\u201d was\nkilled by an arrow while holding the great tower (_Scala._, p. 140).\n496 _to tummyll it doune._ \u201cAnd all this beautiful castle, as with all\nthe other castles which they were able to get, they laid level with the\nground, that the English might never afterwards by holding the castles\nbe able to dominate the country\u201d (_Lanercost_, p. 223). So also _Vita\nEdw. Sec._, p. 199, and _Gesta Edw._, p. 45, where it is alleged that\nBruce did this to prevent the Scottish nobles taking refuge therein\ninstead of helping him. See on _Bk._ IX. 452, and below on 771.\n504 _Outane Jedworth._ There was fighting about Jedburgh in 1315, 1316\n(_Bain_, iii., No. 494), but it was still in English hands in 1321\n509 _At Edinburgh._ Edinburgh Castle was still in English hands in\nAugust, 1313 (_Bain_, iii., No. 330). See further note on 324.\n513 _all his purchas._ \u201cBy his own procurement.\u201d\n516 _voidry._ Skeat\u2019s suggestion. See footnote. It means \u201ccunning,\nstratagem\u201d (S).\n529 \u201cEre that siege should miscarry, or go wrong.\u201d _Cf._ on _Bk._ I.\n478. The mood here is subjunctive, past tense.\n530 _William Francas._ Francis or \u201cFraunceys\u201d appears from Bain to have\nbeen a common name in the Lothians. A \u201cWilliam Francis\u201d got lands from\nBruce in Roxburgh in 1322. His grant just precedes one to John Crab\n701 _The Erll has tane the castell all._ The _Lanercost_ historian\nsays the castle was captured in this manner: \u201cThose besieging the same\ncastle, one day in the evening, made a bold assault on the south gate,\nbecause on account of the position of the castle, there was no other\nplace where an assault could be given. But those within, all collecting\nat the gate, resisted them stoutly; meanwhile, however, others of the\nScots climbed the rock on the north side, which was very high and\nsteep, up to the foundation of the wall, and there, placing their\nladders against the wall, they climbed up in such numbers that those\nwithin could make no resistance; and so they (the Scots) opened the\ngates and brought in their friends, and took the whole castle and slew\nthe English\u201d (p. 223). The _Scalacronica_ account is that Moray took\nthe castle at the highest part of the rock, where there was no thought\nof danger (_a quoi il ne se dotoit_) (p. 140).\n708 _Lap fra a berfrois._ For a \u201cbeffroi,\u201d see on _Bk._ XVI. 597. O.F.,\n\u201cberfroi,\u201d etc. For form \u201cbelfry,\u201d _cf._ \u201cpilgrim,\u201d from \u201cperegrinus\u201d;\nin English not before the fifteenth century. French dropped the \u201cr\u201d\n(N.E.D.). The reference here is to one of the _Alexander_ romances,\nof which there was no translation, and is indicative of Barbour\u2019s\nfamiliarity with this literature. _Cf._ _Appendix_ E.\n740 _in stede of prophesye._ \u201cIn the way of, or as, a prophecy.\u201d\n742 _hir chapell._ St. Margaret\u2019s Chapel, built for Queen Margaret,\nwife of Malcolm Canmore. She died in Edinburgh Castle in 1093. In 1336\nthe chapel was fitted with four windows of glass (_Bain_, iii., p.\n746 _as old men sayis._ The picture and inscription were, therefore, no\nlonger extant.\n747 \u201cGardez-vous de Francois.\u201d \u201cBeware of Francis or of the French.\u201d\n766 _he becom the Kingis man._ Gray tells how \u201cLebaud\u201d went over to\nBruce, but, because he was in heart English (_qil estoit Engles qe\nquer_), Bruce had him accused of treason and hanged (_Scala._, p. 140).\nThe official record is that he was convicted of treason, and, from his\nforfeitures, he seems to have received large holdings in Lothian (_Reg.\nMag. Sig._, where he is styled _Peter Luband_, p. 3, 3; p. 13, 63, 64,\n771 _myne doune all halely._ The _Lanercost_ writer adds that the Scots\nlevelled Edinburgh Castle to the ground, as they had done Roxburgh.\n815 _Fra the lenteryne._ Lent, 1313. In the _Vita Edw._ it is said that\nMowbray brought the news of his pact at the beginning of Lent, which\nmust be Lent, 1314, suggesting a considerable difference in dates (p.\n816 _Quhill ... Saint Johnnis mess._ That is, by June 24, 1313, the\nEnglish garrison began to find their food running short. \u201cTheir victual\nwas insufficient\u201d (_Vita Edw._, p. 200).\n822-3 _it was nocht with battaill Reskewit._ So, too, in _Vita Edw.\nSec._, where the agreement is that Mowbray \u201cwould either procure the\nKing of England to come to the defence of the castle, or, if he should\nnot be able to induce the King to do this, that he would summarily\n(_indilate_) surrender the castle.\u201d St. John\u2019s day is fixed as the\nlimiting date. The writer makes Robert Bruce himself conduct the siege\n(p. 200). So does Gray, who says that the castle was to be surrendered,\n\u201cunless the English army came within three leagues of the said castle\nwithin eight days after St. John\u2019s day in the summer next to come\u201d\n(_dedenz viii jours apres le Saint Johan en este adonques procheine\nBOOK XI.\n32 _outrageous a day._ \u201cDay\u201d has here the meaning of \u201ca space of time,\u201d\nas in Berners\u2019 _Froissart_. \u201cThe truce is not expired, but hath _day_\nto endure unto the first day of Maye next\u201d (I. ccxiii., N.E.D.): a\nsense of the Latin _dies_. For \u201coutrageous,\u201d see on _Bk._ III. 162.\n44 _Akatane._ Aquitaine, the ancient southern duchy of France, the\nhereditary possession of the Kings of England.\n46 The _Lanercost_ chronicler affirms (1311) that in the war the Scots\nwere so divided that sometimes a father was with the Scots and his son\nwith the English, or brothers were on opposite sides, or even the same\nperson at one time on the Scottish side, at another on that of England;\nbut that it was a pretence, either because the English seemed to get\nthe better or to save their English lands, \u201cfor their hearts, if not\ntheir bodies, were always with their own people\u201d (p. 217). Thus, at\nthis time, there were still to be found among supporters of the English\nKing such names as Stewart, Graham, Kirkpatrick, Maxwell, St. Clair,\netc. (_Bain_, iii., _Introd._, pp. xvi, xvii). As many of these were\nBorder lairds--some, indeed, are of Annandale--even their Scottish\nlands were specially exposed to English attack. Late in 1313 (October\nor November) we have a _Petition to the King_ (of England) _from\nthe People of Scotland, by their envoys, Sir Patrick de Dunbar, Earl of\nMarch, and Sir Adam de Gordon_, complaining of the great losses they\nhave suffered \u201cby their enemies\u201d--_i.e._, the Bruce party--also of the\nbrigandage of the English garrison in Berwick and Roxburgh (_Bain_,\niii., No. 337). One of the results of Bannockburn was to bring many of\nthese waverers over to the national side. Adam de Gordon, indeed, was\nalready under suspicion, and apparently was a waverer. He had, in fact,\na grant of the lands of Strathbogie in 1309, according to Robertson\n720, etc.; XV. 333; and on March, _Bk._ XIX. 776, note.\n79-82 _Cf._, as bearing out Barbour\u2019s assertion, the comment by the\nauthor of the _Vita Edwardi Secundi_ on the army when assembled at\nBerwick: \u201cThere were in that assemblage amply sufficient men (_satis\nsufficientes_) to traverse all Scotland, and, in the judgment of some,\nif the whole of Scotland had been brought together, it could not make\na stand against the army of the King (_cf._ line 150). Indeed, it was\nconfessed by the whole host that, in our time, such an army had not\ngone out of England\u201d (_Chronicles of Ed. I. and Ed. II._, ii., pp.\n91 _Erll of Hennaut._ Count William of Hainault, Flanders. _Cf._ on\n93. _Almanyhe_: Germany. Friar Baston says four German knights came\n\u201cgratis\u201d (_Eng. Hist. Rev._, vol. xix., p. 507).\n100 _of Irlande ane gret menyhe._ In _Foedera_ we have the list\nof twenty-five Irish chiefs summoned to the campaign against the\nScots--O\u2019Donald, O\u2019Neil, MacMahon, O\u2019Bryn, O\u2019Dymsy, etc. The Irish\ncontingent was commanded by Richard de Burgh, Earl of Ulster, Bruce\u2019s\nfather-in-law (III., pp. 476-478).\n*103-4 See note on 46.\n103 _Ane hundreth thousand men and ma._ See _Appendix_ C.\n105 _Armyt on hors._ That is, the men alone wore armour, being thus\ndistinguished from the knights \u201cwith helit hors,\u201d or horses armoured\nalso in _bardings_ of leather or mail. Skeat rejects the reading of\nE in favour of \u201cplayn male,\u201d taking \u201cplayn\u201d to represent the French\n_plein_ = \u201ccomplete mail,\u201d on the ground of Innes\u2019s remark that the\ndistinction between mail or ring-armour and plate, \u201cif known, was not\nso specific in Barbour\u2019s age.\u201d But plates had been coming into use\nsince the last quarter of the thirteenth century, and by 1300 the\npractice of attaching such additional defences was rapidly developing.\nSee note on 131. In 1316 we read of \u201c200 men armed in plate,\u201d who were\nsent to Ireland from England (_Bain_, iii., p. 99, No. 519).\n114 _Of cartis._ \u201cThe multitude of waggons (_multitudo quadrigarum_),\nif it had been extended in a line one behind the other, would have\ntaken up a space of twenty leagues\u201d (_Vita Edw. Sec._, p. 202). The\nmeaning of \u201cleague\u201d is uncertain; apparently it was just a mile.\n117 _veschall._ In _Vita Edw. Sec._ (pp. 206-7) the author speaks of\n\u201ccostly garments and gold (or gilt) plate\u201d (_vasa aurea_). Baker of\nSwinbroke, in his _Chronicon Angli\u00e6_ (p. 55), also mentions the \u201cplate\nof gold and silver,\u201d and affirms that, in addition to an abundant\nsupply of victuals, the English brought with them things which were\nwont to be seen only in times of peace on the luxurious tables of\nprinces. Among the ornaments of the high altar of Aberdeen Cathedral in\n1549 was \u201can old hood made of cloth of gold ... from the spoil of the\nBattle of Bannockburn\u201d (_Reg. Episc. Aberd._, ii., p. 189).\n119 _schot._ Arrows, and bolts for cross-bows. _Cf._ _Bk._ XIII. 311,\nand below, note on 544.\n130 _ryche weid._ The rich flowing housings or drapery of the steeds,\ncovering the armour, if any, as the \u201csurcoat\u201d of the knight did his.\n131-*132. Armour was in a state of rapid transition, and so at this\ntime is very complicated. An English brass of 1325 shows a knight\nwearing (1) a _gambeson_, or close-fitting quilted tunic, to ease the\npressure of the armour; (2) a _hauberk_ of _banded_ or _chain mail_,\nwith half-plates on the upper arm; (3) an _habergeon_ (\u201chawbyrschown\u201d),\nor lighter hauberk, apparently of small plates; (4) a _haketon_,\nanother padded coat like the gambeson; (5) and a short _surcoat_.\nHe has leggings of mail covering also the feet, and half-plates in\naddition from the knees to the toes: a hood of mail continued upward\nfrom the hauberk and a _bascinet_, or pointed, nut-shaped helmet, with\nno visor. Over this he would wear in battle such a heavy, closed,\nflat-topped _helm_ as we see on the seal of Robert I. He carries a\nsmall triangular shield on his left arm, and his sword, a little more\nthan half the body in length, hangs in front from a waist-belt. Such\nwas probably the equipment of the leading knights at Bannockburn.\n136 _Till Berwick._ The army was to assemble at Werk on the Tweed by\nMonday, June 10, 1314 (_Foedera_, iii., p. 481). But the start was made\nfrom Berwick on June 17 or 18 (_Vita Edw._, 201).\n150 _Mannaustt the Scottis._ _Cf._ note on 79-82.\n163 _Glowcister._ Gilbert de Clare, Earl of Gloucester and Hertford,\nnephew of the King, and a young man of twenty-three. _Herfurd._\nHumphrey de Bohun, or Boun, Earl of Hereford and Essex, and Constable\nof England. \u201cThe Earl of Gloucester and the Earl of Herford commanded\nthe first line\u201d (_primam aciem_, _Vit. Edw. Sec._, p. 202). The\n_Scalacronica_ says Gloucester commanded \u201cthe advance guard\u201d (p. 141),\nbut does not mention Hereford (see note on _Bk._ XIII. 466).\n174 _Schir Gylys de Argente._ Sir Giles d\u2019Argentine, popularly regarded\nas one of the three most eminent men of the time, the others being\nthe Emperor Henry and Robert Bruce (_Scotich. Lib._, xiii. 16). He\n\u201cguided the King\u2019s bridle\u201d (_Vita Edw. Sec._, p. 204). _Cf._ also\n_Scalacronica_ (p. 143), _votre reyne me fust baillez_--\u201cyour rein was\nentrusted to me\u201d: among others (p. 142).\n210 _the Torwood._ Stretching north and west from Falkirk. It reached\nto near Bannockburn, a little south of which is \u201cTorwoodhead\u201d Castle.\n237 See note on 103.\n250 _abaysing._ Fear which grew to panic. _Morale_, or firm courage, is\nalways an important element in warfare, but in medieval times it seems\nto have been specially important (_cf._ IV. 191-200, and XII. 184-8).\nThe remarkable successes of the Scots against larger numbers were often\ndue to the \u201cabaysing,\u201d for one reason or other, of their opponents.\nFootmen were peculiarly liable to this loss of nerve, as they received\nno mercy, as a rule, from the mounted knights. Bruce was all along most\nanxious to guard against the rise of any such spirit of \u201cfunk\u201d among\nhis men. \u201cSuccess in battle,\u201d said Napoleon, \u201cdepends not so much upon\nthe number of men killed as upon the number frightened.\u201d\n277 _the wayis._ As Bruce explains in the lines that follow, there were\ntwo \u201cways\u201d of advance to Stirling; one through the wooded New Park, and\nthe other by the level below St. Ninian\u2019s, extending to the \u201cpools\u201d or\nlagoons along the side of the Forth. The trees of the New Park seem to\nhave extended from above the banks of the burn to St. Ninian\u2019s on the\none side and Stirling, or near it, on the other (_cf._ note on _Bk._\nXII. 58). It was made as late as 1264 by Alexander III., and enclosed\nwith a paling in 1288 (_Excheq. Rolls_, I. 24, 38); whence the name\n\u201cNew.\u201d\n291 _licht armyng._ \u201cEveryone of them (the Scots) was protected by\nlight armour\u201d (_levi armatura_). (_Vita Edw. Sec._, p. 203). See\nfurther, note on _Bk._ XII. 448.\n296 _ficht on fut._ Fighting was still regarded as almost entirely the\nbusiness of armoured men on horseback, the footmen serving only for\nminor purposes. That an army all on foot should oppose chivalry was a\nnew departure. Bruce was an original general. Sir Thomas Gray says that\nthe Scots \u201ctook example from the Flemings,\u201d who, in 1302, at Courtrai\nhad in this way defeated the French knights (_Scalacronica_, p. 142).\nBut this is an after-thought. The _Vita Edwardi Sec._ also draws the\nparallel with Courtrai (p. 206). But the Scots could take the hint from\nthe tactics at Falkirk in 1298, where Wallace was only defeated by the\nEnglish archers. An English chronicler of about 1330 suggests that the\nScots were made to fight on foot to avoid the mischance at Falkirk when\ntheir little body of cavalry fled at the sight of the English advance\n(_Annales Johannis de Trokelowe_, p. 84).\n300 _the sykis._ No doubt shallow lagoons with a muddy bottom, about\nthe Bannock, where it entered the Forth, flooded by the tide. Jamieson,\nin his _Dictionary_, defines _syk_ as \u201ca marshy bottom, with a small\nstream in it.\u201d A rivulet in Selkirkshire is known as the Red Syke\n(Chambers\u2019 _Popular Rhymes_, p. 17, ed. 1826).\n333-6 Pinkerton suggests in his edition that Bruce could not trust the\nHighlanders and Islesmen, and so put them in the rear, and stiffened\ntheir ranks with his own followers from Carrick. For this there is no\nwarrant. The \u201cbarons of Argyll and Inchgallye\u201d (the Hebrides) attended\nBruce\u2019s Parliament at St. Andrews in March, 1309 (_Acts Parl. Scot._,\ni. 99). _Cf._ also note on X. 14. In any case on the Sunday afternoon\nBruce took the _front_ position in the New Park with these very men\n360 _ane playne feld by the way._ _I.e._, an open, level part by the\nroad through the park, just outside the wood. The historians have\nshifted the position to suit their various and erroneous ideas of the\nfield of battle. Barbour, it is to be noted, says nothing of bogs, nor\nof Buchanan\u2019s \u201ccalthrops of iron\u201d (_Scot. Hist._, ed. 1762, p. 213).\nFriar Baston, captured at Bannockburn, in his Latin poem, says there\nwere stakes in the pits (_Scotichronicon_, lib. xii., chap. xxii.).\nGeoffrey Baker, of Swinbroke, enlarges them to long ditches covered\nwith hurdles, an utter misapprehension (_Chronicon_, pp. 56, 57. _Cf._\nnotes on _Bk._ XII. 536, 537). At Cressy (1346) the English dug \u201cmany\npits\u201d (_multa foramina_) of the depth and width of a foot in front\nof their first line as a defence against possible pursuit by the\nFrench cavalry (_Baker_, p. 166). An analagous device is described by\nHerodotus as having been successfully used by the Phocians to destroy\nMessalian cavalry (Book viii., chap. xxviii.).\n426 _till ane vale._ Apparently in the valley behind Coxet Hill.\n\u201cGillies Hill\u201d is said to have taken its name from these \u201cgillies,\u201d or\nservants (Nimmo\u2019s _History of Stirlingshire_, second edition, p. 219).\nBarbour never calls them \u201cgillies,\u201d and why a Gaelic name? The writer\nof the description of the district in the _Old Statistical Account_\n(1796) makes no mention of this \u201ctradition,\u201d and suggests a derivation\nfrom the personal name Gill or Gillies. \u201cThe names both of Gillies and\nMorison occur in the muirlands\u201d (vol. xviii., p. 392).\n437 _the Fawkirk._ A Scots translation of the original Gaelic name\n(in twelfth century) _Eaglais breac_, \u201cthe speckled or particoloured\nchurch,\u201d in reference to the stone of which it was built. In \u201cFalkirk\u201d\nthe \u201cl\u201d has been substituted for \u201cw,\u201d as a sign of length in the vowel\n(see _Language l_, App. G). Local pronunciation does not sound the \u201cl.\u201d\nThe English chroniclers write the name _Foukyrk_ (_Vita Edw. Sec._, p.\n205), or _Faukirke_ (_Annales London._, p. 104).\n440-453 Acting on the information received, and unaware, as yet, which\nroad the English would choose for an advance to Stirling, Bruce makes\na fresh disposition of his troops, departing from that laid down in\nlines 305-347, so as to be ready for either line of advance. He himself\noccupies the \u201centry\u201d to the Park road, which was a continuation of\nthe medieval (Roman?) highway passing west of St. Ninian\u2019s, with\nhis mixed brigade of Highlanders and Lowlanders; while Randolph is\nposted at St. Ninian\u2019s Kirk overlooking the level about seventy feet\nbelow. Apparently (see below) both divisions are masked by the wood.\nThe others are in reserve to reinforce when it should turn out to be\nnecessary. The historians, ignoring this alteration in dispositions,\nland themselves, as a result, in unintelligible confusion. Douglas\nlater trapped an English column in the \u201centre\u201d of Jedburgh Forest\n486 _confort his men._ See note on 250.\n523 _Aucht hundreth._ Gray says they were only three hundred,\nunder the command of Robert Lord de Clifford and Henry de Beaumont\n(_Scalacronica_, p. 141). We learn from the same author that Philip de\nMowbray, constable of Stirling, went out and met Edward when the army\nwas _three leagues_, or miles, from the castle, and suggested that\nhe should advance no farther as, the English having come so far, and\nbeing within touch, he considered himself relieved; besides, he said,\nthe Scots had blocked the narrow ways (_lez estroitz chemyns_) of the\nwood--_i.e._, of the New Park. But from the conditions, as we have seen\n(_Bk._ X. 822), the castle could not be held to be relieved so long as\nthe Scots were in force before it. We note that Mowbray also expected\nthe army to come by the Park roads. Now Barbour says that Clifford\u2019s\ndetachment left the main body _two miles_ away (515). Apparently,\nthen, this movement was the result of Mowbray\u2019s information (see next\nnote). However, it was known to Edward when he summoned his army that\nthe Scots had taken up a position between him and Stirling in strong,\nmarshy places difficult for horsemen (_Foedera_, ii., p. 481).\n532 _it suld reskewit be._ So the Scots might conclude, but the version\nof the _Lanercost_ chronicler better fits the case: \u201cAfter dinner\u201d\n(_post prandium_--say, about midday) \u201cthe army of the King (Edward)\ncame to the neighbourhood of the Torwood\u201d (he takes the Park to be an\nextension of the larger forest), \u201cand when it was known that the Scots\nwere in the wood\u201d (from Mowbray), \u201cthe first line (_prima acies_) of\nthe King, whose leader was Lord Clifford, wished to surround the wood\nso that the Scots should not escape in flight\u201d (p. 225). This is in\nharmony with the self-confidence of the English, and explains why the\nhorsemen did not, as they might have done, avoid Randolph\u2019s foot, if\nthey were only making for the castle. There was apparently no obstacle\nto Mowbray communicating personally with the relieving army, and he\ncannot have gone alone; so that the parties were actually in touch,\nand, as Mowbray argued, a technical \u201crelief\u201d had been performed.\n536 _thai wist weill._ From Mowbray probably, but _cf._ note on 523.\nAymer de Valence, too, had gone on before the army to prepare its line\nof march and carefully examine the stratagems of the Scots (_insidias\nScotorum._ _Vit. Edw._, p. 201).\n537 _Beneth the Park._ \u201cMade a circuit upon the other side of the wood\ntowards the castle, keeping the open ground\u201d (_as beaux chaumps._\n_Scalacronica_, p. 141).\n544 _thai so fer war passit by._ The English writers report the matter\nas it appeared to them. \u201cThe Scots, however, suffered this\u201d (Clifford\u2019s\nadvance) \u201cuntil they had placed a considerable distance between\nthemselves and their friends, when they showed themselves, and cutting\noff that first line of the King from the middle and rear divisions (_a\nmedia acie et extrema_), rushed on it,\u201d etc. (_Chron. de Lanercost_,\n225). \u201cThomas Randolph, ... who was leader of the advance guard of\nthe Scots, having heard that his uncle had repulsed the advance guard\nof the English on the other side of the wood, thought that he must\nhave his share, and issuing from the wood with his division\u201d (Barbour\nsays \u201cfive hundred men,\u201d line 542), \u201ctook the level plain\u201d (_le beau\nchaumpe_--Barbour\u2019s \u201cplayn feld\u201d) \u201ctowards the two lords aforesaid\u201d\n(_Scalacronica_, p. 141). Note that both Bruce at the \u201centry,\u201d and\nRandolph at \u201cthe Kirk,\u201d were _in the wood_ (see on this also note on\n_Bk._ XII. 58); and the reiterated use of the term \u201cplayn feld\u201d for the\nlevel below St. Ninian\u2019s.\n546 _ane rose of his chaplet._ Hailes suggests a far-fetched\nexplanation of this: \u201cI imagine that _rose_ implies a large bead\nin a rosary or chaplet,\u201d when the dropping of a rose would imply\ncarelessness of duty (_Annals_, ii. 51, note). The _New English\nDictionary_ defines _chaplet_ as \u201cA wreath for the head, usually a\ngarland of flowers or leaves,\u201d and cites this passage. Randolph in the\nwood, keeping his eyes on the main body, could easily miss an advance\nby his flank, which had started independently two miles away, and\nprobably kept to cover as far as possible.\n547 _Wes faldyn._ Skeat explains this form as \u201cfallen\u201d with an\n\u201cexcrescent _d_, due to Scandinavian influence,\u201d citing also _Bk._\nXIII. 632. A form, _foolde_, occurs in _The Sowdone of Babylone_,\nline 1428, where Hausknecht explains it as from _fealden_, \u201cto fold,\u201d\nmeaning \u201cfolded, bent down, fallen\u201d; citing also \u201c_Folden_ to grunde\u201d\nand \u201cFiftene hundred _Folden_ to grunden,\u201d from _Layamon_, 23,894 and\n27,055-6. The result as to meaning is the same either way.\n548 _war past._ Clifford then had passed the Kirk before Randolph made\na move. The scene of the conflict is usually placed at a position\nhalf-way between St. Ninian\u2019s and Stirling, now known as Randolph\u2019s\nField. But this name is not older than the end of the eighteenth\ncentury (_Old Stat. Acct._, vol. xviii., p. 408). The origin of the\nnomenclature is two standing stones said to have been erected in memory\nof the victory (Nimmo\u2019s _History of Stirlingshire_, ed. 1817, p. 216).\nBut standing stones are no uncommon feature in Scotland, and various\ntraditions attach to them; and why this preference in commemoration?\n\u201cStanding stones,\u201d on the other side of the Forth, are mentioned in the\n_Wallace_ (_Bk._ v. 298).\n557 _In hy thai sped thame._ Gray gives an account of this affair,\nin which his father was taken prisoner, in the _Scalacronica_ (edit.\nMaitland Club. p. 141): \u201cSir Henry de Beaumont said to his men, \u2018Let us\nretire a little; let them [the Scots] come on; give them room [_donez\nles chaumps_.]\u201d His father, Sir Thomas, charging on the Scots, was\ncarried off a prisoner on foot, his horse having been slain on the\npikes. He, too, mentions the death of Sir William Deyncourt (line 573),\nand says the squadron was utterly routed. If Beaumont--to whom, with\nDeyncourt, Gray gives the command--proposed to allow the Scots more\nroom by retiring, his detachment cannot have gone far past Randolph\u2019s\noriginal position (_cf._ also line 538). The remark seems absurd if\napplied to the ground at Randolph\u2019s Field. Buchanan says Randolph had\nhorse, in which he is clearly wrong (_Rerum Scotic. Hist._, ed. 1762,\nchap. xxxix.), and he is followed on this point in White\u2019s _History of\nthe Battle of Bannockburn_ (Edinburgh, 1871), p. 55.\n573 _Schir Wilyhame Dencort._ See previous note.\n598 _Styk stedis, and ber doune men._ An unhorsed knight in his heavy\nsuit of full armour was a cumbrous unit, and if he fell, might find\nit impossible to rise in the press, or be assisted to do so, so as to\nbe remounted on a fresh steed by his squire, whose duty it was to see\nto this, among other things. The author of the _Vita Edw._ notes as\na mischance deserving remark that in this day\u2019s fighting the Earl of\nGloucester was unhorsed (p. 202; see also on _Bk._ XII. 504).\nBOOK XII.\n22 _quyrbolle._ _Cuir-bouilli_, or \u201cboiled leather,\u201d was not really\nboiled, as in that case it would become horny and brittle and so quite\nunsuitable for the purposes to which it was put--the strengthening of\narmour in the transition period of the fourteenth century prior to the\nfull use of plate, and the making of sheaths, bottles, caskets, etc.\nThe leather was steeped in a warm mixture of wax and oil, which made it\npliable and fit to receive the designs cut or embossed on it. It was\nthen slowly dried. Helmet crests or other fittings were also made of\nit, as here.\n29 _the Boune._ Henricus de Boun in _Vita Edw. Sec._ (see below). The\nname is variously spelled--_Bowme_ (C), _Bohun_, etc. He was the nephew\nof Hereford. Barbour says \u201ccosyne\u201d in 31, but this, formerly, very\nfrequently denoted a nephew or niece (N.E.D.).\n33 _merk-schot._ Jamieson\u2019s _Dictionary_ gives as explanation: \u201cSeems\nthe distance between the _bow markis_ which were shot at in the\nexercise of archery.\u201d In the _New English Dictionary_: \u201cThe distance\nbetween the butts in archery\u201d (citing this passage). E and H read\n_bow-schote_ = 150 to 200 yards.\n36 _his men._ That is, the men of his own battle at the \u201centry,\u201d not\nthe whole army drawn up in line, as is generally assumed. _Cf._ _Bk._\nXI. 440-53, and note.\n42 _his hors he steris._ _Cf._ with the account, professing to be based\non Barbour, in Scott\u2019s _Lord of the Isles_, canto vi., XV.: \u201cThe Bruce\nstood fast,\u201d etc.\n49 _in-till a lyng._ \u201cThey quickly took their positions so as to come\nat each other in a line.\u201d\n58 _And he doune till the erd can ga._ _I.e._, De Boun; but Sir Herbert\nMaxwell says Bruce! (_Robert the Bruce_, p. 205). With this Scottish\nversion of the event _cf._ the following English one (_c._ 1326):\n\u201cWhen the English had now passed the wood\u201d--_i.e._, the Torwood--\u201cand\nwere approaching Stirling, behold! the Scots were moving about, as if\nin flight, on the edge of the grove\u201d (_sub memore_, _i.e._, the wood\nof the New Park), \u201cwhom a certain knight, Henry de Boun, with the\nWelshmen, pursued up to the entry\u201d (_introitum_, Barbour\u2019s \u201centre\u201d) \u201cof\nthe grove. For he had it in his mind that, if he should find Robert\nBruce there, he would either slay him or bring him back his captive.\nBut when he had come hither, Robert himself issued suddenly from the\ncover of the wood\u201d (_a latebris silv\u00e6_); \u201cand the aforesaid Henry,\nseeing that he could not resist the crowd of Scots, and wishing to\nretire to his friends, turned his horse; but Robert withstood him, and\nwith the axe which he carried in his hand, smashed in his skull. His\nsquire, while endeavouring to shield and avenge his lord, is overcome\nby the Scots\u201d (_Vita Edw. Sec._, p. 202). Gray says the advanced guard\nunder the Earl of Gloucester entered the road within the Park and were\nrepulsed (_tost furvont recoillez._ _Scala._, p. 141) by the Scots;\nand that, as was reported, Robert Bruce here slew a knight, Peris de\nMountforth, with an axe. A John de Mountfort was slain at Bannockburn,\nand in the list cited his name immediately precedes that of Henry de\nBoun (_Annales Londonienses_, p. 231, in _Chronicles of Edward I. and\nEdward II._, vol. i.). Buchanan places this incident at the beginning\nof the main battle on Monday as something scarcely worth mentioning\n(_parum quidem dictu_) (_Rer. Scot. Hist._, ed. 1762, chap. xxxix.).\nBarbour, of course, concentrates on Bruce\u2019s performance, but the _Vita\nEdwardi_ incidentally corroborates Gray in remarking that in this day\u2019s\nfighting Gloucester was unhorsed (p. 202), which could have happened\nonly in the Park affair.\n67 _thai com on._ As we see, the De Boun affair was part of a serious\nskirmish, an attempt to force the road to Stirling through the Park,\nin which the English van was repulsed. See above on 58, and hereafter\non 176. This important fact is usually overlooked, as in Hume Brown\u2019s\n_History_, i., p. 158.\n140 _The layff went._ Some, says Gray, fled to the Castle of Stirling\n(_au chastel_), the others to the King\u2019s host (_Scala._, p. 141).\n144-6 \u201cQuickly took off their helmets to get air, for they were hot,\nand covered with perspiration.\u201d\n176 _twis._ _I.e._, repulsed in the De Boun skirmish, and in that of\nRandolph and Clifford. These successes were clearly of the greatest\nimportance, in so far as they put heart into the Scots, and prevented\ntheir being overawed, as they might well have been, by the greatness\nand terrifying appearance of the English host. The author of the _Gesta\nEdw. de Carnarvon_ thus notes that at Bannockburn \u201cthey fought on\nboth days\u201d (_utrisque diebus pugnaverunt_), and the Scots \u201cprevailed\u201d\n(_Chron. Edw. I. and Edw. II._, ii. 46).\n194 _gif yhe think_, etc. Bruce here offers his men alternative\ncourses, either to stay and fight or to retreat. Gray tells us that\nthe Scots were on the point of retiring to a stronger position in\nthe Lennox, when Sir Alexander Seton, secretly deserting the English\nside--no doubt because he saw that the chances of success were now with\nthe Scots--came to Bruce and told him of the shaken condition of the\nEnglish army, pledging his head that if Bruce attacked next day, he\nwould win easily, and with little loss (_Scala._, p. 141). Bruce did\nattack. Seton was an English partisan in February, 1312 (_Bain_, iii.,\nNo. 245). Later he appears on the Scottish side (_ibid._, 767, etc.).\n210 _Lordyngis_, etc. For Bruce\u2019s speech, see _Appendix_ B.\n255-6 The various readings here show that to the scribes the sense was\nsomewhat obscure. Bruce says that, should the English find them weak,\nand defeat them, they would have no mercy upon them. Skeat, by reading\n_To_ in 255, and putting a period after _oppynly_, misses the point.\n_That happyn_ and _that wyn_ are hypothetical subjunctives. E and H\nhave altered 256.\n290 _my brothir Neill._ Nigel Bruce. See IV. 61, 176.\n302 _enveronyt._ \u201cThe strength of this place shall prevent us being\nsurrounded\u201d--always Bruce\u2019s special fear, his men being few in\ncomparison with the enemy. See note on _Bk._ XIII. 275.\n357 _The Inglis men sic abaysing, Tuk._ Similarly Gray writes that the\nEnglish had \u201csadly lost countenance and were in very _low spirits_\u201d\n(_etoint de trop mal covyne_) from what had taken place (_Scala._,\np. 142). \u201cAnd from that hour,\u201d says the _Lanercost Chronicle_, \u201cfear\nspread among the English and greater boldness among the Scots\u201d (p.\n225). The rhetorical John de Trokelowe, however, declares that the\nEnglish were \u201cexasperated\u201d (_exacerbati_), and firmly determined to be\nrevenged or vanquished on the morrow (_Chronica et Annales_, p. 83).\nThe last statement, though it would seem to be only a presumption on\nthe chronicler\u2019s part, may apply to the lords, who, Barbour says, urged\non their men to \u201ctak a-mendis.\u201d Barbour, Gray, and the _Lanercost_\nwriter speak for the general mass, and their agreement establishes the\nfact.\n390 _bot he war socht._ The English certainly feared a night attack.\nAccording to Gray, they passed the night under arms, with their horses\nbitted (p. 142). In the _Vita Edwardi_ also we read that there was\nno rest for them, and that they spent a sleepless night. \u201cFor they\nthought the Scots would rather attack by night than await battle in the\ndaytime\u201d (pp. 202-3).\n392 _Doune in the Kers._ The Carse is the low-lying ground along Forth\nside, on which were the \u201cpools\u201d (see note on _Bk._ XI. 300), and\nwhich was thus in a generally marshy condition. The ancient limits\nof the Carse proper seem to be indicated in the O.S. map by the\nnames Kerse Patrick, Kerse Mill, and Springkerse, all on the 40-feet\nlevel. Eastwards the land sinks towards the Forth; westwards it rises\nslightly to the 50-feet level at the foot of the ridge on which stands\nSt. Ninian\u2019s. This middle division is called \u201cthe dryfield lands\u201d in\nthe _Old Stat. Act_, xviii., p. 388. Friar Baston also has the name:\n\u201cThe dry land (_arrida terra_) of Stirling\u201d (see note on XI. 360).\nThe English had to keep to the marshy land of the east in order to\nbe clear of the Scottish leaguer in the Park. They thus crossed the\nBannock (see below), and kept the \u201cdryfield land\u201d between them and the\nScots. Having crossed, they could advance to the \u201chard feld\u201d (Barbour)\nfrom their front. It is of the first importance to understand that\nthe English did camp here, for, if so, the battle was fought on the\nstrip of level, firm ground separating the armies. Gray corroborates\nBarbour: \u201cThe host of the King ... had arrived on a plain towards the\nwater of Forth, _beyond Bannockburn_--a bad, deep morass with pools\u201d\n(_ruscelle_, _Scala._, p. 142.). Mr. Lang, seeing the difficulty of\nreconciling this statement with the site of battle as fixed by him\nand the other historians, says that Gray, in \u201c_beyond Bannockburn_\u201d\n(_outre Bannockburn_), must mean \u201c_south_ of Bannockburn, taking the\npoint of view of his father, at that hour a captive in Bruce\u2019s camp\u201d\n(_History_, i., p. 221). But Gray\u2019s hour of writing was forty years\nlater; and Barbour, who says the same thing, cannot be explained away\nby supposititious hallucination.\n407 _quhen it wes day._ \u201cAbout the third hour of the day\u201d (_Trokelowe_,\np. 84). On June 24 the sun rises about 4 a.m.\n413 _Thai maid knychtis._ A usual ceremony before an important battle.\nThose receiving the honour for distinguished conduct in the field were\nknown as \u201cknights-banneret.\u201d Previously they had been only \u201cbachelors,\u201d\nfor which see Glossary.\n421 _tuk the playne._ Note the reiteration of this expression, and\n_cf._ what is said on _Bk._ XI. 544, and above on 392; also _Vita Ed._,\np. 203: \u201cWhen he (Bruce) learned that the English battles had occupied\nthe plain (_campus_), he led out his whole army from the grove\u201d (_de\nnemore_).\n426 _richt as angelis schane brichtly._ Probably in reference to the\nwhite \u201csurcoats\u201d worn by the knights over their armour (_cf._ _Bk._\nVIII. 232-35). Baston writes: \u201cThe English folk, like Heaven\u2019s folk,\nin splendour shine\u201d (_Anglicol\u00e6, quasi c\u0153licol\u00e6, splendore nitescunt_,\n_Scotich._ ed. Goodall, ii., lib. xii., chap. xxii.).\n429 _a schiltrum._ A close-packed body of men of any order or size\n(see Glossary). _Cf._ _Morte Arthure_, line 2, 922: \u201cOwte of the\n_scheltrone_ they schede (separated themselves), as schepe of a folde\u201d;\nalso several other uses in the same poem. Hemingburgh says that\nWallace\u2019s \u201cschiltrouns\u201d at Falkirk were round (_qui quidem circuli\nvocabantur \u201cschiltrouns,\u201d_ ii., p. 180). Skeat questions this, for\nphilological reasons! (see note here).\n448 _apon fut._ _I.e._, the Scots left the cover of the wood, and\nadvanced to meet the English chivalry on foot, contrary to all\ncontemporary rules of the art of war. _Cf._ what is said on _Bk._\nXI. 296. \u201cNone of them (the Scots) mounted a horse, but every man of\nthem was protected by light armour such as a sword could not easily\npenetrate.... They marched close-packed like a thick hedge, and such a\nbody could not be easily broken into\u201d (_Vita Edw. Sec._, p. 203). Also\nof the Scots: \u201cOn their side all were on foot: moreover, chosen men of\nthe highest courage, suitably equipped with very sharp axes and other\nweapons of war, packing their shields close together in front of them,\nmade the column (_cuneum_) impenetrable\u201d (_Trokelowe_, p. 84). The\nformation, in fact, was that of the famous \u201cshield-wall\u201d of Hastings\nand other early English battles.\n477 _Knelyt all doune._ So, too, in _Chron. de Lanercost_: \u201cBut when\nthe two armies had come very close all the Scots fell on their knees\nto say a _Paternoster_, and committed themselves to God, and asked\nhelp from heaven; when they had done this they advanced boldly against\nthe English\u201d (p. 225). This ceremony was directed by Maurice, Abbot of\nInchaffray, afterwards Bishop of Dunkeld (Bower, _Scotich._, lib. xii.,\nch. xxi.).\n488 _dout of ded._ \u201cFear of death.\u201d\n498 _Schir Edward._ The author of _Vita Edw._ says it was commanded by\nJames Douglas, but in this he is wrong (p. 203).\n504 _frusching of speris, etc._ The _Lanercost_ writer, who derived his\ninformation, as he himself says, from a trustworthy eyewitness, has a\nvery similar description. The English chargers, he writes, galloped\nagainst the Scottish spears as against a thick wood, \u201cwhereupon arose\nan exceeding great and terrible noise from breaking spears and steeds\nmortally wounded\u201d (p. 225). The Scots, of course, would \u201cstick\u201d the\nhorses, so as to unseat the heavily armoured riders--a serious accident\nfor them (see note on _Bk._ XI. 598).\n519 _With speris ... and axis._ Of the Scots it is said in _Vita Edw._:\n\u201cThey had an axe by the side, and carried spears (_lanceas_) in their\nhands\u201d (p. 203). For the \u201cweill grundyn\u201d axes, _cf._ _Trokelowe_ above,\nline 448.\n535 _He held his way._ The Scots appear to have attacked with\nsuccessive battles, each coming up later than, and to the left of, its\npredecessor--in echelon by the right. So we may infer from Barbour,\nas well as from the rather obscure description in the _Lanercost_\nchronicle: \u201cBut they so ordered their army, that two divisions (_du\u00e6\nacies_) of it should precede the third, the first on the flank of\nthe second, so that neither should go in front of the other (_una ex\nlatere alterius, ita quod neutra aliam pr\u00e6cederet_), to be followed by\nthe third, in which was Robert\u201d (p. 225). Gray simply says that the\nadvance guard of the Scots came on in line of schiltrons and engaged\nthe English (_Scala._, p. 142). Baker alone states that the Scots stood\ndrawn up in solid array behind an artificial \u201churdle\u201d covered ditch,\nand waited the English attack (_Chron._, p. 56).\n537 _The nyne battales._ Probably, as Mr. Oman suggests (_Art of\nWar_, p. 574), in the way the French were at Cre\u00e7y, in three lines of\nthree battles each, the advance guard under Gloucester and Hereford\nthus forming a separate body (_cf._ lines 435-7). Mr. Oman gives the\ntenth, however, to \u201ca reserve under the King\u201d (_ibid._). Baker, whose\naccount is the latest and is really a summary essay on tactics, divides\nthe English army into three \u201cwards\u201d (_custodias_): first, the heavy\nhorsemen, which he tumbles into the \u201cfragile\u201d ditch (see above on 536,\nand note on _Bk._ XI. 360); next, the foot with the archers reserved to\ndeal with the enemy in flight (see on _Bk._ XIII. 51); and, third, the\nKing himself, with the bishops and other \u201creligious\u201d men (_Chronic._,\nBOOK XIII.\n32 _tynt the suet._ \u201cLost their lives.\u201d The phrase in this sense occurs\nalso in the _Wallace_: \u201cThe Scottis on fute gert mony _loiss the\nsuete_\u201d (_The Wallace_, Jamieson\u2019s edition, _Bk._ xii., line 194).\n36 _slew fire._ \u201cStruck out fire.\u201d Also in _Wallace_, iv. 285: \u201c_slew\nfyr_ on flint.\u201d _Cf._ from _The Buik of Alexander_: \u201cthare dyntis, That\n_kest fyre_ as man dois flyntis\u201d (p. 236, line 24).\n51 _the archeris war perelous._ Baker says that the archers were not\ngiven a suitable position, as in his time, being placed behind the\nfirst line instead of on the wings (_cf._ note on _Bk._ XII. 537, and\nbelow lines 102-5, and note on 104). \u201cSome,\u201d he adds, \u201cshot upwards\nso that their arrows fell fruitlessly (_incassum_) on the helmets of\ntheir adversaries; those who shot straight wounded a few Scots in the\nbreast, but more English in the back\u201d (_Chron._, pp. 57-58). At Falkirk\n(1298), after the failure of the first attack by the horsemen, Edward\nI. brought up his archers to play on the Scottish masses till these\nwere broken, and then charged and dispersed them. Bruce anticipated\nthis man\u0153uvre, and made provision for it (see note on 98).\n61 _Robert of Keth._ The Kethes or Keiths took their name from the\nbarony of Keith, in Lothian. This Robert was still in the English\nservice on May 23, 1308 (_Bain_, iii. 44), yet his name appears among\nthose present at Bruce\u2019s Parliament of March 16, 1309, as Robert de\nKethe, Marshall (_Acts Parl. Scot._, i., p. 99). Elsewhere he is said\nto have joined Bruce at Christmas, 1308 (_Bain_, No. 245). He received\nfrom Bruce the office of Earl Marshall as its holders, one of the\nbranches of the \u201cMareschals,\u201d were adherents of England, and continued\nto be (_Bain_, iii., p. lxviii).\n68 _at a syde._ \u201cOn one side,\u201d as in line 163, \u201cin-till a front.\u201d This\nmovement is too vaguely described to be located exactly. Most probably\nit was to the left of the three \u201cbattles\u201d now engaged (English right),\non ground presently occupied by Bruce with his own division.\n98 _nakit._ \u201cWithout defensive armour,\u201d as in _Bk._ VII. 330. The\ntwo previous lines mean that the Scottish horsemen did not have to\nstop a stroke or hold against a blow; _i.e._, the archers offered no\nresistance. Bruce\u2019s intention, we may gather from lines 58-60, was\nso to harass the archers on the flank as to occupy them with their\nown defence and restrain their shooting. The attack, however, was so\nsuccessfully pushed home that the archers were wholly scattered.\n104 _thair awne folk had no space._ We gather that the archers had\ntaken up a position on the right front of the main body, where they\nblocked the advance of the horsemen directly behind. These received the\nflying archers with blows, and pushed forward to take their place. The\n_Lanercost_ chronicler says the battle began with a skirmish between\nthe opposing archers, and that the Scots archers were driven back.\nThis, again, suggests that the archers were somewhere in front. Mr.\nOman follows Baker in placing them behind the first line. See note on\n132 _on a syde._ See above on 68.\n162 _All four the battelis._ The _Vita Edw. Sec._ (p. 203) and the\n_Chron. de Lanercost_ (p. 225) divide the Scots into three battles\n(_turmas_, _acies_), the usual medieval arrangement. The latter also\ngives Robert the rear division, as here.\n175 _in ane schiltrum all._ Gray says that the \u201cbattles\u201d of the English\nwere crowded close together (_entassez estoint_), and could not repeat\ntheir attacks upon the Scots (_remuerent devers eaux_), as their horses\nwere impaled by the pikes (p. 142). In the _Lanercost_ chronicle we\nread that the English behind (_sequentes_) \u201cwere not able to reach\nthe Scots because of the interposition of the first line, nor in any\nway to help themselves\u201d (p. 224). The English, indeed, were too many\nto be man\u0153uvred according to the simple tactics of the day, and were,\nin addition, crowded on too narrow a front. There was no generalship.\nThese were Bruce\u2019s chief advantages. He was protected by the hill\nand wood behind from being surrounded (_cf._ note on _Bk._ XI. 300).\nBesides, his rapid and successive advance prevented the English from\ndeveloping any such intention. They could not well deploy among the\n\u201cpools\u201d and marshes.\n183 _quyntis._ \u201c_Quyntis_ is merely the French _cointises_, signifying\nfinery or _quaint_ attire\u201d (Skeat); generally, ornamental attachments\nto the armour. E reads _quhytys_, and H _coates_, so that we may\nhave to do with the \u201cwhite\u201d surcoats. In viii. 232 Barbour speaks of\nhauberks \u201cquhit as flour.\u201d\n208 _the Scottis archeris._ The effective part played by the Scottish\narchers is usually overlooked.\n283 _quhen the King of England saw his men fle._ The English writers\nmake no mention of the appearance of the camp-followers. They date the\nbreak-up from the failure of Gloucester\u2019s attack with the van. As those\nbehind, says the _Lanercost_ chronicler, could not get forward (see\nnote on 275), nothing remained but to take measures for flight (pp.\n225-6). The front line had fallen back only to add to the confusion\n(_cf._ line 170, etc.). \u201cWhen those who were with the King saw the\nEarl\u2019s division smashed up (_contritum_) and their friends making\nready to fly, they said it was dangerous to stay longer,\u201d etc. (_Vita\nEdw. Sec._, p. 205). Gray says the King went much against his will (as\nBarbour reports one version in line 298), and that he knocked over\nwith his mace the Scots that were catching at his charger\u2019s housings\n(_Scala._, p. 142). Trokelowe affirms that he laid about him \u201clike a\nlion,\u201d and brandished a sword dripping with blood (_Annales_, p. 86).\n297 _By the renyhe._ \u201cThose who had been assigned to the King\u2019s rein\nwere drawing the King forward by the rein out of the plain (_hors du\nchaumpe_) towards the castle\u201d (_Scala._, p. 142).\n307 _I cheis heir to byde and de._ In _Vita Edw. Sec._ it is said he\nhastened to assist the Earl of Gloucester when he saw him fall, and\nperished with him, \u201cthinking it more honourable to perish with such a\nman than to escape death by flight\u201d (p. 204). _Cf._ also _Scala._: \u201cI\nhave never been accustomed to fly\u201d (p. 143).\n321 _thrid best knycht._ See note on _Bk._ XI. 174. He is highly spoken\nof by both Baston and the _Vita Edw._ writer. According to Bruce\u2019s\nEnglish eulogist in the _Scotichronicon_, the other two were Bruce\nhimself and the Emperor Henry (lib. xiii., ch. xvi.).\n328-9 _fra ... the King Wes fled, wes nane that durst abyde._ \u201cWhen\nthe King\u2019s banner is seen to depart the whole army quickly disperses\u201d\n(_Vita Edw. Sec._, p. 205).\n335 _Fled to the wattir of Forth._ On no hypothesis other than that\nthe battle was fought on the plain between the Forth and the Bannock\ncan this fact be explained. Of the fact itself there is no question.\nThe _Lanercost_ chronicler, in his _Versus_, says: \u201cForth swallowed up\nmany well furnished with arms and horses\u201d (p. 227). They were probably\nseeking for a ford.\n337 _And Bannokburn._ \u201cThe folk in the English rear fell back upon the\nditch (_fosse_) of Bannockburn, one tumbling over the other\u201d (_Scala._,\np. 142). \u201cAnother unfortunate thing happened to the English, because,\nsince a little before they had crossed a great ditch into which the\ntide flows--Bannockburn by name--and now in confusion wished to retire,\nmany knights and others, on account of the pressure, fell into it with\ntheir horses (_cf._ Barbour, line 338), and some with great difficulty\ngot out, and many were quite unable to clear themselves of the ditch;\nand on this account Bannockburn was on English lips for many years to\ncome\u201d (_Lanercost_, 226). In _Vita Edw._ also mention is made of a\n\u201ccertain ditch\u201d (_fovea_) which \u201cswallowed up (_absorbuit_) many,\u201d and\nwhere a great part perished (p. 205). The Bannock turns sharply north\nnear the English rear, but the description in Barbour and the reference\nabove to the tide with the inclusion of the Forth, indicate the part\nnearer the mouth.\n341 _laddis_, etc. _I.e._, the camp-followers.\n352 _Of slyk._ In _Chron. de Lanercost_ (p. 226) \u201cBannock\u2019s mud\u201d\n(_Bannoke limus_). Edmund de Malolacu (Mauley), Edward\u2019s steward,\nmet his death \u201cin a certain slimy hollow\u201d (_in quodam antro lutoso._\n_Flores Historiarum_, iii., p. 159).\n363 _Philip the Mowbray said._ Different interpretations were put\nupon Mowbray\u2019s action, but the fact and the quite satisfactory reason\ngiven by Barbour are borne out by the English chroniclers. \u201cWhen the\nKing comes to the castle, thinking he will find refuge there, he is\nrepulsed like an enemy; the bridge is drawn up and the gate closed. On\nthis account the keeper of the castle was believed by many to be not\nunacquainted with treason, and yet he was seen that very day in his\narmour on the field, as it were ready to fight for the King. However,\nI neither acquit nor accuse the keeper of treason, but confess that in\nthe providence of God the King of England did not enter the castle,\nbecause if he had then been admitted he could not have failed to be\ncaptured\u201d (_Vita Edw. Sec._, p. 205). In _Gesta Edw. de Carnarvon_ the\nGovernor is wrongly called Alexander de Mowbray, and the account is:\n\u201cThe foresaid keeper, knowing that his supplies were not sufficient\nfor himself and his men, and also fearing that Robert Bruce, having\ngot the victory, would attack and capture the castle, did not wish to\nexpose his King of England to such great danger, and, preferring to\nincur misunderstanding, refused on this account to open the castle of\nthe King\u201d (p. 47). The castle was surrendered, and Mowbray entered the\nservice of Bruce.\n379 _the Rownde Tabill._ Usually and quite wrongly identified with\nthe King\u2019s Knot--_i.e._, garden--a regular mound below the castle\nrock. It is mentioned by Sir David Lindsay in the sixteenth century.\nIn 1302 Edward I. had a \u201cRound Table\u201d (_la table rounde_) ordained\n(_ordinari_) at Falkirk (_Ann. Lond._, p. 104). To \u201chold a Round Table\u201d\nwas a sporting function among knights; here some sort of building may\nbe referred to, like that described by Murimuth (1344), intended to be\nbuilt for the purpose at Windsor (_Chronicle_, p. 155). Probably, in\nthat case, it was only of Barbour\u2019s own time. I incline, however, to\nthe belief, from its associations in Lindsay\u2019s verse, that it was a\nnatural feature--the circular crags enclosing the western division of\nthe modern King\u2019s Park. It would thus be a place-name, like \u201cArthur\u2019s\nSeat.\u201d\n380 _the Park enveronyt thai._ Gray says the King was taken round the\nTorwood and by the plains of Lothian (Lownesse, p. 143).\n381 _held in hy._ The _Lanercost_ chronicler says that they had \u201cas\nguide a Scottish knight who knew by what route they could escape\u201d (p.\n409 _wes tane in._ The _Lanercost_ chronicler writes that Hereford and\nthose with him were making for Carlisle when they were captured at\nBothwell Castle: \u201cFor the sheriff, the keeper of the castle, who up\nto that time had held the castle for the King of England, seeing that\nhis countrymen had been victorious in the war, suffered the more noble\nof them who had come there to enter the castle as if to have a safe\nretreat, and when they entered seized them,\u201d afterwards surrendering\nthem to Bruce (p. 228). In the anonymous chronicle used by Stevenson\nwe have a similar account. Hereford and a few nobles were allowed to\nenter the castle, where they found themselves in custody. The rest\nremained outside the walls, and were suddenly set on by the Scots, who\nslew them, except a few who surrendered (_Illustrations of Scottish\nHistory_, p. 2). Barbour says three-fourths were taken or slain (416).\nIn _Ann. Lond._ Hereford is said to have been accompanied by a thousand\nmen-at-arms (p. 231). The _Lanercost_ estimate is 600 horse and 1,000\nfoot, Umfraville being of the company (_ibid._). Walsingham gives the\ntotal of earls, barons, and baronets captured and slain as 154; of\nclerics and squires an excessive number (_Historia Angl._, i., p. 154).\nThe name of the keeper was Gilbertson as in E; he appears on record as\n\u201cFitz-Gilbert\u201d (_Bain_, iii. No. 243, etc.). He joined Bruce and was\nthe ancestor of the great Hamilton family. Bothwell Castle is on the\nClyde.\n417 _Moris de Berclay._ In _Vita Edw._ (p. 206) he is among those\ncaptured at Bothwell. According to the _Lanercost_ historian, it was\nPembroke (Valence) who fled \u201con foot\u201d with the Welshmen, and escaped\n(p. 228). In _Ann. Lond._ de Valence is said to have fled _nudis\npedibus_ (bare-footed); that is, apparently, he removed his foot and\nleg armour (p. 230).\n456 _Thai dispendit haly that day, In spoulyheing._ The author of _Vita\nEdw._ declares that it was the preoccupation of the Scots with the\nplunder that allowed many English to escape. In his precise way, he\nestimates that the valuable equipment which fell to the Scots was worth\n\u00a3200,000 (p. 206), or at the ratio of 1:15 about \u00a33,000,000 present day\n463 _spuris rede._ _I.e._, gilt or gold spurs worn only by knights.\nThe 700 pairs of C would give us 700 knights slain; E\u2019s 200 is\nprobably nearer the truth. In _Ann. Lond._, (p. 231) we get a list of\nthirty-seven knights slain at \u201cthe battle of Stirling.\u201d Of the foot and\nsquires, it is said, the most part (_maxima pars_) was not slain. Baker\nsays about 300 men-at-arms (_viri militares_) were among the slain\n(57). Bower gives 200 knights slain besides Gloucester (_Scotich._\nGoodall, edition 1759, ii., p. 250). Walsingham, from his MS. source,\nfixes the number of knights and squires who fell at 700 (_Historia\nAnglicana_, p. 141); Capgrave the lords, barons, and knights slain and\ncaptured at 154. More than 500 were reported dead who were afterwards\nfound to be captives (_Chronicle_, p. 180) and had to be ransomed\n(_Vita Edw._, p. 206). Fabyan gives forty-two noblemen slain, and\nsixty-seven knights and baronets, while twelve \u201cmen of name\u201d were taken\nprisoner (_New Chronicles_, p. 420).\n466 _Gilbert of Clar._ About twenty-three years of age (_Ann. Lond._,\np. 231). He fell in the first charge (_Vita Edw._; _Baker_). Baker says\nthe Scots would have gladly taken him alive for ransom had they known\nwho he was, but that he did not wear his surcoat (_toga_) with his coat\nof arms (p. 57). _Cf._ lines 510-11. _That men callit_, says Barbour,\nhaving in mind Ralph de Monthermer, his step-father who had previously\nborne the title.\n468 _Payne Typtot._ Paganus Typetot (_Vita Edw._) or Tybetot (_Ann.\nLond._). \u201cPaganus Typetoft,\u201d or \u201cTypetot,\u201d is the name in _Chron. de\nLanercost_.\n472 _Wilyhame Vepownt._ Sir William de Vepont (Veteriponte) was a\nScotsman in the service of England till 1312, having been imprisoned on\ncapture during the Comyn resistance in 1302. He was under Valence in\nthe Ros_ was serving England in Linlithgow in 1312 (_Bain_, iii., p.\n486 _at rebours._ _I.e._, treated badly, held \u201cin great dislike\u201d\n(Skeat). See Glossary. Edward had a son, Alexander, by Isabella of\nAtholl (_Exchq. Rolls_, II. cxxxii.).\n489-90 _Erll Davy of Adell._ Lord Hailes did not know \u201cwhat judgment to\nform of this story,\u201d in view of the fact that sentence of forfeiture\nwas not passed against Atholl till 1323 (_Annales_, ii. 58 note). But\nhis lands were forfeited by October, 1314, and granted to Sir Neil\nthen being in England, received three manors from Edward II. \u201ctill he\nrecovers his Scottish possessions\u201d (_Bain_, iii., p. 75). Atholl\u2019s\ncareer is, however, puzzling. His wife was Johanna, daughter of the\nmurdered Comyn of Badenoch. Up till 1312 he is a supporter of England,\nand in December of that year even seems to have sat in the English\nParliament. But in the previous October he is among those present in\nBruce\u2019s Parliament at Inverness (_Acta. Parl. Scot._, vol. i., 103);\nnext appears as Constable of Scotland, and, early in 1313, is a witness\nto charters to the Abbey of Arbroath (_Scots Peerage_). Then comes a\nblank till October, 1314, as above. There is thus room for Barbour\u2019s\nstory: Atholl did give a short-lived support to the national cause,\nand a forfeiture of his lands did follow soon after Bannockburn. He\nremained an active adherent of England till his death, January, 1327.\n495 _Wilyhame of Herth._ Apparently William Mareschal of Erth (_Bain_,\niii. 343; _cf._ note on 61). Sir William de Erth was a supporter of\nComyn in the Barons\u2019 War, and capitulated with him and others at\nStrathorde on February 9, 1304 (_Bain_, ii., No. 1,741). William de\nErth, knight, was alive in 1333 (_Bain_, iii. 1,099). Erth, or Airth,\nis on the east of Stirlingshire, on the Forth.\n510 _somdeill anoyit._ _Cf._ note on 466.\n512 _till a kirk he gert hym be Brocht._ John de Trokelowe says that\nBruce sent the bodies of Gloucester and Clifford to King Edward while\nat Berwick, to be buried as he wished, and this without demanding any\npayment as ransom (_Annales_, p. 87).\n533 _Betung_ in C is certainly wrong; E gives the correct form\n_Twenge_. Marmaduke de Twenge appears on the list in _Foedera_ and\nelsewhere. He was the hero of Stirling Bridge (1297), who cut his way\nback over the bridge.\n531 _trete hym curtasly._ Trokelowe says that Bruce caused his noble\nprisoners to be treated so becomingly and courteously (_decenter ac\nciviliter_) \u201cthat the hearts of many who were opposed to him he turned,\nin a wonderful way, to feeling an affection for him\u201d (_Annales_, p. 87).\n544 _become of his dwelling._ \u201cBecame one of his company,\u201d as in _Bk._\nIV. 481, where Bruce says of Douglas and his men in Arran: \u201cThai ar all\nof my duelling.\u201d\n553 _Lowrens_ = Lawrence. Probably the same Sir Lawrence de Abernethy\nwho in 1338 had provisions sent him by Edward III. for the Castle of\nHawthornden. He was thus \u201cInglis man\u201d again (_Bain_, iii., p. 235, No.\n578-85 _He convoyit thame so narrowly, etc._ \u201cSome, however, lagging\nin the flight, were slain by the Scots, who followed them swiftly\n(_velociter_)\u201d (_Chron. de Lanercost_, p. 227). \u201cThe King escaped with\ngreat trouble\u201d (_a graunt payn_, _Scala._, p. 143).\n587 _Wynchburch._ On the road from Linlithgow to Edinburgh.\n592 _so feill._ According to the _Lanercost_ historian, the King was\naccompanied by many knights and footmen (p. 227).\n612 _Erll Patrik._ Of March. See note on _Bk._ XI. 46. \u201cPatrick Earl of\nMarch received him honourably, etc., for at that time he was his man\u201d\n(_soun homager_. _Scala._, 143.).\n615-16 _A bate_, etc. \u201cWhen he came thither (Dunbar) he embarked on a\nship, and with his own company put in at Berwick\u201d (_Vita Edw. Sec._,\np. 205). \u201cThence the King went by sea to Berwick and afterwards to the\nsouth\u201d (_Scala._, 143). \u201cAt Dunbar the King, with his special friends,\nembarked on a boat (_scapham_) for Berwick\u201d (_Lanercost_, p. 227).\nBarbour says they landed at Bamborough on the coast of Yorkshire, and\nin line 645 gives the number who thus accompanied the King as seventeen.\n619-21 _The laiff_, etc. \u201cThe others (see above), not having a ship,\ncome (to Berwick) by land\u201d (_Vita Edw. Sec._, p. 205). The King,\nsays the _Lanercost_ writer, left all the others to their fate, who,\nhowever, came safe and sound to England (p. 228).\n631 _The Kyng eschapit._ According to Baker, \u201cno mortal ingenuity,\nneither the swiftness of the horses nor the cover on the way\n(_involucra locorum_) could have kept the King from capture by the\nScots,\u201d had not Christ Himself, at the intercession of His Mother,\nbrought him out of Scottish territory, as both the King and his\ncompanions afterwards confessed. In his peril Edward vowed to found a\nmonastery dedicated to the \u201cMother of God,\u201d where twenty-four friars\nmight study theology (_Baker_, p. 58); and, in fulfilment thereof,\nestablished Oriel College at Oxford (_Hailes_, ii. 57 note).\n667-8 _The castell and the towrys ... doune gert he myne._ Stirling\nCastle thus lay in ruins till 1336-7, when it was rebuilt for Edward\nIII. \u201cafter the conquest,\u201d probably on the old plan. Stone walls\nand towers were erected, a \u201cpeel\u201d of wood, to the north the walls\n(_parietes_) of which were plastered over, and various inner buildings\nfor the garrison, etc., also of wood daubed with mortar and roofed with\nturf (_Bain_, iii., pp. 364-8). The rebuilding and repairs cost \u00a3280,\nequal to about \u00a34,000 now (_Bain_, lviii.).\n676 _he gaf._ See note on 409.\n687 _The Erll wes changit._ In _Vita Edw. Sec._ (pp. 208-9) is recorded\nthe exchange of the Earl for the wife of Bruce and other Scottish\ncaptives, including the Bishop of Glasgow. On October 2, 1314, \u201cRobert,\nBishop of Glasgow, the Countess Carrick, wife of Robert de Brus, with\nhis sister and daughter and Donald de Mar,\u201d were at Carlisle Castle,\n\u201cto be taken thence to a place arranged by the Earl of Essex and\nHereford and the Sheriff\u201d (_Bain_, iii., No. 393). Mar is, no doubt,\nthe \u201cyoung earl\u201d referred to in the _Vita Edw._, which says further\nthat Edward gave to his sister, Hereford\u2019s wife, all the Scottish\ncaptives since the time of Edward I.--fifteen and more--to procure the\nrelease of her husband (p. 208).\n695 _wes King._ Robert II.\n697 _Davy._ David II. (June 7, 1329 to February 22, 1371). He scarcely\ndeserved Barbour\u2019s epithet \u201cworthy.\u201d\n702 _Fif yheir._ In 1375 Robert was in the fifth year of his reign; he\nwould not have \u201cpassit\u201d it till February 22, 1376. He was born March\n2, 1316, and in 1375 was in his sixtieth year. The year in Scotland,\nhowever, began on March 25, so that Barbour\u2019s cross-dating really\nstands for what we should call the early spring of 1376. He was then\nengaged on _The Bruce_.\n705-6 _the gud King Robert._ _I.e._, Robert I. the Bruce, dead\nforty-six years. It is curious to find this elaborate dating \u201cof\nthe compyling of this book\u201d here, and not at the end. Evidently the\nmention of the marriage of the Steward, the reigning King\u2019s father, is\nBarbour\u2019s cue. There is no reason to suppose that this was a subsequent\ninsertion, and we may conclude that the poem was completed somewhat\nlater.\n736 _our-raid all Northumbirland._ \u201cThey (the Scots) plundered\nthe northern bounds of England as far as Richmond and returned,\ndevastating the country with fire and carrying off with them many\ncaptives\u201d (_Gesta Edwardi_, p. 47). _Cf._ Barbour, lines following. On\nJuly 1, 1314, the Bishop of Durham writes the King regarding Scottish\npreparations for an invasion of England, of which he has heard. On\nOctober 7, 1314, the Prior and Convent of Durham pay the Earl of Murray\neight hundred marks to secure the bishopric immunity from invasion\nfor a stated period (_Letters from Northern Registers_, Nos. cxliv.,\ncxlix.). According to the _Lanercost_ chronicler, the Scots entered\nby Berwick, and burned almost all Northumberland, spared Durham for a\nmonetary consideration, penetrated to the Tees and to Richmond, and\nreturned, via Lanercost, with a great body of cattle and captives (pp.\nBOOK XIV.\n4 _Scotland to litill wes._ According to the Annalist, it was the Scots\nwho were not satisfied with their own country; but this is merely\na rhetorical comment (_Annals of Ireland_, p. 344). The anonymous\nChronicle in Stevenson\u2019s _Illustrations_ says that Edward Bruce,\nelated by the success of the Scots, aspired to the name of King (_ad\nnomen regium aspirans_, p. 3). Fordun\u2019s version is the same as that\nof Barbour: \u201cEdward Bruce was not willing to live in peace with his\nbrother unless he got half the kingdom for himself, and for this reason\nthe war was started in Ireland\u201d (_Gesta Annalia_, cxxxiii.).\n8 _had treting With the Erischry._ It was afterwards (1316-17) made a\ncharge against Walter de Lacy and Hugh de Lacy, Earl of Ulster, that\nthey had sent messengers and letters to invite Edward Bruce to Ireland.\nThe legal documents in the case are given in _Chartularies, etc., of\nSt. Mary\u2019s Abbey_ (vol. ii., pp. 407-9). This charge is also noted in\nthe _Annals of Ireland_ (Fragment), under February 2, 1317, where it is\nsaid that, on inquiry, the Lacys were acquitted (p. 298). Nevertheless,\nthey and their relatives were fined \u00a3200 (_Preface_, p. cxxix). The\n_Chronicle_ in Stevenson appears to refer to the same case, when it\nsays that Edward Bruce was persistently (_s\u00e6pissime_) invited by a\ncertain Irish magnate with whom he had been educated in his youth (p.\n21 _Maii._ \u201cThe Scots first entered Ireland on May 26, 1315\u201d (_die\nSancti Augustini Anglorum, mense Maii._ _Annals of Ireland_, p. 344).\nThe _Annals of Ulster_ fix his landing at the beginning of the year\n(ii., p. 423); as do also _Annals of Loch C\u00e9_ (i., p. 563). Edward\nBruce had a fleet of 300 ships (_Annals of Clonmacnoise_, p. 268).\n25 _Philip the Mowbray._ _Cf._ _Bk._ XIII., line 544. Mowbray\u2019s name\ndoes not appear in the _Annals_ as accompanying Edward Bruce, nor that\nof Soulis or Ramsay, but others are mentioned (p. 344). Mowbray is\nmentioned later (_Annals, Fragment_, p. 299), and in _Knighton_, i., p.\n28 _Schir Johne Steward._ Brother of Sir Walter Steward. See _Bk._\nXVIII. 33 (_Annals_, 344).\n29 _Ouchtirhouss_, or Auchterhouse, is in the south of Forfarshire.\nFrom the _Wallace_ we learn that this was Alexander Ramsay, son of Sir\nJohn Ramsay Wallace\u2019s friend.\n  \u201cHis sone was called the flour of courtlyness;\n  As witnes weill in to the schort tretty\n  Eftir the Bruce, quha redis in that story.\u201d\n  (_The Wallace_, _Bk._ vii. 900-2.)\n31 _Fergus de Ardrossane._ Ardrossan is on the coast of Ayr. Fergus\nhad at first joined Bruce, was captured, and procured his release by\ngoing over to Edward II., from whom he in 1312 received the \u201cbarony of\nBisshoplande,\u201d near Kirkintilloch (_Bain_, iii., Nos. 51, 227, 265).\nProbably he reverted to Bruce after Bannockburn. He is among those\nmentioned in the _Annals_ (p. 344). He received a fresh grant of the\nlands of Ardrossan and others apparently in 1316 (_Reg. Mag. Sig._, pp.\n33 _Wokingis Firth._ This name is evidently corrupt. Innes identifies\nit with Larne Lough, and so also do Bain and Skeat, citing from Reeves\n(_Eccles. History of Down and Connor_) forms such as Wolderfrith,\netc., and the present Olderfleet Castle on that Lough (_Bain_, iii.\nxxxiv, note). In a letter of Edward II., 1311, we have \u201cWolrikesford,\nnear Knacfergus (Carrickfergus), in Ulster,\u201d whence a fleet is to sail\nagainst Robert Bruce (_Bain_, iii., No. 216). In 1327 King Robert is\nto get corn from the Ulster men delivered at \u201cUlringfirth\u201d (_ibid._,\n922). The _Annals_ say, first, that the Scots put it at \u201cClondonne,\u201d or\nGlen Dun, in Antrim, south of Torr Head, the nearest point (eighteen\nmiles) to the Scottish coast, and, immediately after, that they entered\nIreland \u201cnear Cragfergus, in Ulster\u201d (p. 344). Robert Bruce was at\n\u201cGlendouyne\u201d when he executed the agreement mentioned above. Probably\nthe Scots touched at Glendun, and then coasted down to Larne Lough.\n38 _sex thousand men._ Six thousand is the number in the _Annals_ (p.\n47 _Maundvell._ The Scots \u201cdrove out Sir Thomas de Maundevile and other\nloyal men from their own land\u201d (_Annals of Ireland_, p. 344). The\nBysets were descended from John Byset, who was banished from Scotland\nby Alexander II., and who got land in Antrim under the de Burghs. The\nLogans were large proprietors in the north of Ireland (Reeves\u2019s _Down\nand Connor_ in _Innes_), as also were the Savages (_ibid._). John Logan\nand Sir Hugh Byset are the heroes of a great slaughter of the Scots\nin Ulster on November 1, 1316 (_Annals, Fragment_, p. 298). Sir Hugh\nafterwards joined the Scots (_Bain_, iii., No. 632).\n80 _In that battale._ Near the river Bann (_Annals_, 344). \u201c_tane or\nslane._\u201d--The Earl of Ulster, Richard de Burgh, was put to flight; his\nson, William de Burgh, and John de Statona were captured, and many\nEnglish slain. The Scots were successful (_Annals_, pp. 344-5).\n102 _the kyngis._ _Reguli_, petty kings or important chiefs, a usual\nGaelic equivalent. _Cf._ _Bk._ XVIII. 9 and note.\n105 _Makfulchiane_ (C), _Makgullane_, _Makgoulchane_ (H). Jamieson says\nIrish Macleans (MacGillian); Innes suggests MacCoolechan: \u201cMacEthelan\u201d\nis among the chiefs in _Foedera_ (iii., p. 476). Most likely we have\nto do with _O\u2019Fuillchain_ in the form _MacFuillchain_, from which, by\n_MacFhuillchain_, could also come _MacGuillchain_, as in H.\n106 _Makartane_, _Makmartane_ (C), _Macarthane_ (H). \u201cMacartan\u201d was one\nof \u201cthe septs of Ire, son of Miletus\u201d (_Annals of Clonmacnoise_, p. 30).\n113 _Endwillane._ Innes suggests \u201cthe Pass of Emerdullam\u201d (1343), which\nhe identifies with Moiry Pass, where Moiry Castle is about a quarter\nof a mile from Kilnsaggart, or Kilsaggart. Apparently this is Moiry\nCastle, north of Dundalk.\n133 _At Kilsaggart._ Kilnasaggart (\u201ccell of the priest\u201d), about a\nquarter of a mile from Moiry Castle; for which see on _Bk._ XVI. 62.\n135 _Dundawk._ Dundalk, within the English Pale. For spelling, _cf._ in\nXI. 437 and _Appendix_ G.\n138 _Richard of Clare._ Barbour has been censured by his editors,\nfollowing the cue of Lord Hailes (_Annals_, ii. 70, note), for the\nprominence given to Richard de Clare in the opposition to the Scots.\nTrue, as Hailes pointed out and reasons from, he was not the Justiciar\nof Ireland, a post occupied at this time by Sir Edmund de Butler\n(_Historic and Munic. Docts., Ireland_, p. 328); after November 23,\n1316, by Roger de Mortimer (_Patent Rolls_); and so was not technically\n\u201cin all Irland luf-tenand.\u201d Nevertheless it is perfectly certain that\nClare took the leading part, at this stage at least, in the defence\nof English interests, and that Barbour\u2019s statement to this extent\nis justified. Thus, in a letter to Edward of February 15, 1316, it\nis mentioned, with respect to the operations of the Scots, that the\nwriter, to protect the King\u2019s honour, will take counsel with certain\nto mean that Clare was in command in Ireland. The writer, too, thinks\nit worth mentioning that Clare was not at the battle (of Arscoll).\nAgain, on May 16, Clare is pardoned an ancestral debt for his great\nlabour and cost repelling the disturbance stirred up in Ireland by\nthe Scottish enemies\u201d (_Bain_, iii., Nos. 469, 488; _Patent Rolls_,\np. 459). And there is a further grant of same date to de Clare, \u201cin\nconsideration of his great labours as above,\u201d of certain privileges,\ncastles, and lands, \u201cto hold during pleasure, and the continuance of\nthe disturbance by the Scots, in aid of his maintenance on the King\u2019s\nservice\u201d (_Patent Rolls_, p. 459).\n142 _Erll of Kyldare._ The Geraldines, or Fitz-Geralds, had been Earls\n143 _The Bremayne with the Wardune._ This pair appear in later\noperations as \u201cRichard de Birmingham\u201d and \u201cRobert de Verdon\u201d (_Annals_,\np. 350). But on May 18, 1316, Nicholas de Verdun gets 200 marks for\nlosses sustained against the Scots (_Patent Rolls_).\n145 _The Butler._ Edmund de Butler, Justiciary (_cf._ on 138).\n146 _Moris le Fyss Thomas._ Maurice Fitz-Thomas, who married, in 1312,\nthe daughter of the Earl of Ulster, and afterwards (1329) was created\nEarl of Desmond (_Annals_, p. 341).\n188 _Half-deill ane dyner._ In the _Alexander_ Clarus says of the army\nof Alexander:\n  \u201cAnd thay ar anely till dynare\n  To our great hoste\u201d (pp. 308-9).\n224-6 \u201cThe Scots took the town, spoiled and burned, and slew all who\nresisted\u201d (_Annals_, 344).\n252 _Kilross._ \u201c(Cill-rois of Adamnan) is now Maghross, or\nCarrickmacross\u201d (_Innes_).\n254 _Richard of Clare._ According to the _Annals_, Edmund de Butler (p.\n257 _A gret hoost._ \u201cA great army\u201d; and Richard de Burgh with \u201can\ninnumerable army\u201d as well. They came together to the district of\nDundalk (p. 345).\n270 _to ges._ Barbour usually \u201cguesses\u201d ten thousand to \u201ca battle,\u201d as\nhere and elsewhere.\n280 _gadering of the cuntre._ _I.e._, \u201cmere countrymen not skilled\nsoldiers.\u201d This great army was raised from Munster, Leinster, and\nConnaught (_Annals_, p. 345), and Edward Bruce\u2019s description is no\ndoubt right.\n289 _stedis trappit._ See note on _Bk._ XI. 130.\n300 _fled scalit._ \u201cThey fled--how is unknown\u201d (_Annals_, p. 345). The\ndate is _circa_ July 22, 1315.\n313 _Judas Machabeus._ See note on _Bk._ I. 466.\n329 _Odymsy._ \u201cFyn O\u2019Dymsy\u201d among those summoned to Bannockburn\n(_Foedera_, iii. 476). O\u2019Dempsy was \u201cdux Reganorum,\u201d or chief of the\n_Ui\u2019 Riagain_; Iregan in Queen\u2019s County (_Annals_, p. 333). In the\n_Annals of Clonmacnoise_ Bruce is taken north \u201cby the procurement of\nO\u2019Neal and Ulstermen\u201d (p. 269).\n332 _To se his land._ _I.e._, in Leinster. He, of course, takes them\nout of the way (_cf._ on 360).\n337 _A gret revar._ Skeat holds that this is the Blackwater flowing\ninto the southern end of Lough Neagh, which was the boundary between\nthe English Pale and the independent country of the Tyrone O\u2019Neils,\nand was of old known as the Avon More, \u201cthe great river.\u201d But this\nis inconsistent with lines 369-371, where one of the rivers is the\nnorthern Bann, \u201cane arme of se,\u201d and Skeat\u2019s ingenious explanation\nof the latter phrase, taking sea = Lough, Beg or Neagh, is quite\nsuperfluous. In fact, he is astray as to vital details, as witness what\nis said on Thomas Dun (line 376). Barbour himself is unsatisfactorily\nvague in his geographical matter, and none of the _Annals_ makes any\nmention of the trick here descanted upon, nor of the intervention of\nthe pirate Thomas. But the main features can be found in the _Annals of\nClonmacnoise_, pp. 269-271, and _Annals of Loch C\u00e9_, 265-7. The Scots\nand the Ulster men (Antrim and Down) were at Innis Kaeyne (Innishkeen),\nseven miles west of Dundalk. The English marched to Louth, just south\nof them. The Scots retired through Ulster (Antrim and Down), not, as\nSkeat suggests, by the west shore of Lough Neagh, until they came\nto Coleraine, not far from the Bann estuary. Then they crossed the\nriver by the bridge, which they broke down so that the English who\nfollowed them could not cross, and the Bann lay between the two armies.\nThereupon the English plundered on the Ulster side, apparently among\nthe sympathizers with the Scots, finally retreating to Connor (_cf._\nlines 396, 460). In the interval must have occurred the attempted\ndrowning out of the Scots and the passage back over the river by means\nof Thomas of Dun, who had sailed up the estuary of the Bann (line 371).\n354 _The ysche of a louch._ \u201cThe outlet of a loch\u201d; from the hurried\nnature of the operation necessarily a small loch or a narrow outlet;\npossibly, too, a loch since drained off. It cannot be Lough Beg, for\nthat would be too far away for Thomas Dun. On the other hand, they must\nhave been brought some distance up the west side of the Bann, for after\nthey had crossed it was still not known where they were (line 386),\nand they soon got in touch with the English, who were ten miles from\nConnor, to which they afterwards retreated (460).\n360 _With mekill payne._ To add to the difficulties of this passage,\nthe misleading of the Scots seems to be claimed for the Lacys in the\ncase regarding them (see on line 8). The Lacys explain that on the\noccasion on which they had a conference (_parliamentaverunt_) with\nEdward Bruce they, by their cunning (_per eorum cautelam_), led Edward\nBruce with his army among the Irish who were felons to the King--that\nis, apparently, the North Ulster men (see on 337). Among them Edward\nBruce marched for fourteen days, and lost a great number of men and\nhorses on the march towards Leinster, to which he could have come in\ntwo days if he had been rightly directed (_Chartularies of St. Mary\u2019s_,\nI., p. 408). It is scarcely likely that Edward Bruce was twice tricked\nin this way, and the Irishman, Dempsy or another, may have been the\nagent of the Lacys. But to be able to follow the whole operation we\nshould require much more information than is available.\n373 _Ullister._ Ulster in the ancient sense of Antrim and Down.\n376 _Thomas of Dun._ Skeat compiles an hypothetical biography for\nthis \u201cscummar of the se,\u201d but Thomas was an uncomfortably well-known\npersonage. He was the most notorious pirate on the west coast, as\nJohn Crab was on the east (see _Bk._ XVII. 239). We learn from Bain\u2019s\n_Calendar_ that on September 12, 1315, Thomas Dun and others, \u201cwith\na great \u2018navye\u2019 of Scots,\u201d plundered a ship in Holyhead Harbour (No.\n451). He kept on his depredations with a crew of Scots (No. 549;\n_Patent Rolls_, i., p. 696). He was captured in July, 1317, and gave\ninformation about an intended attack by the Earl of Moray on the Isle\nof Man (No. 562). Thereafter he disappears from notice, probably via\nthe gallows. He was hovering about between Ulster and Scotland at this\ntime, and Edward was ordering the Mayor and bailiffs of Drogheda to\nchase him (_Hist. and Munic. Docts., Ireland_, p. 377).\n380 _Thai knew him weill._ See previous note.\n382 According to the _Annals_, Edward Bruce cautiously or cleverly\n(_caute_) crossed the Bann in pursuit of the English army, retiring to\nConnor (_Annals_, p. 346).\n383 _in biggit land._ \u201cLand with houses on it\u201d--_i.e._, cultivated.\n389 _With a gret host, Richarde of Clar._ In the _Annals_ it is the\nEarl of Ulster (Richard de Burgh), with the Justiciar (Butler) and\nother magnates, who had undertaken to bring Edward Bruce to Dublin\nalive or dead. So, too, in _Annals of Clonmacnoise_ and of _Loch C\u00e9_ it\nis De Burgh, the \u201cRed Earl.\u201d\n394 _Coigneris._ Connor, to the north of the town of Antrim. \u201cConyers\u201d\nin _Annals_.\n405 _Alane Stewart._ Cousin of Walter Stewart, and ancestor of the\nDarnley Stewarts, Earls of Lennox. He is mentioned later in the\n_Annals_ among the Scottish leaders (p. 359).\n406 _Schir Robert Boyde._ Both E and H read _Robert_, probably\ncorrectly, as there is no notice of the _Gilbert_ of C.\n447 _On this wis._ This, or one of the later skirmishes, must be that\nreferred to in the _Annals_ when the Earl and some of his side were put\nto flight, and several captured (p. 359).\n460 _Thair wayis towart Coigneris._ After Edward Bruce crossed the Bann\nthe English army withdrew to Connor (_Annals_, p. 359).\n515 _Fize Warin._ No doubt the Alan FitzWarin captured later by the\nScots (_Annals_, 349). See on xv. 75.\n522 _Nycholl of Kylkenane._ Kilkenane was before the Reformation a\nparish in Island Magee, the outer limb of Larne Lough (_Innes_). A\n\u201cMichael of Kylkenan\u201d is on record in 1310 (Reeves, _History of Down_,\netc., _ibid._). Hart\u2019s edition here gives _Michell_, which is perhaps\nthe correct reading.\nBOOK XV.\n8 _In battale._ The date of the English defeat at Connor is on or\nshortly after September 10, 1315. The _Annals_ are not clear on the\npoint, and the capture of William de Burgh on the 10th seems to refer\nto one of the earlier skirmishes mentioned in the previous book\n39 _The barell-ferraris._ See _Glossary_. _Cf._ \u201c_Barell-ferrers_ they\nbrochede, and broghte them the wyne\u201d (_Morte Arthure_, line 2714).\n56 _Quha mast_, etc. \u201cWho most would get the upper hand.\u201d\n63 _That evir durst_, etc. \u201cNo one dared to wait for his comrade.\u201d\n75 _Fizwarine._ The _Annals_ suggest that he was not captured till\nearly in the following year, and he is not mentioned among the captives\n83 _Mont-peleris._ Apparently Montpelier, then famous for its School of\nMedicine, an Arab foundation.\n98 _Syne thidder._ The account in the _Annals_ states that \u201cBaron de\nDonull\u201d made head against the Scots, but that they chased his men\nboldly as far as \u201cCragfergus\u201d (p. 346). The castle had been provisioned\nagainst the Scots (_Bain_, iii., No. 479).\n100 _Palmesonday._ April 4, 1316. The garrison was suffering great\nprivations from lack of food (_Annals, Fragment_, p. 297).\n101 _Tysday._ Tuesday in Easter-week, 1316, was April 13.\n105 _Paske evin._ Saturday night, April 10.\n107 _Devilling._ Dublin. According to the _Annals_, Maundeville came\nwith men from Drogheda, arriving at Carrickfergus on April 8, and\ninflicting a defeat upon the Scots, who lost about thirty men (p. 350).\n111 _The Mawndvell, ald Schir Thomas._ So also in _Annals_ (p. 350).\n131 _the day._ April 11. The _Annals_ place this (the second) attack on\nthe Scots upon Easter-eve, April 10 (_in vigilia Pasche._, p. 350).\nSimilarly _St. Mary\u2019s Annals_, p. 282. Nothing is said about a breach\nof truce. Barbour, however, gives evidence of having been thoroughly\nwell informed. See below on 205-9.\n137 _the Kyng._ _I.e._, Edward Bruce, apparently not crowned King till\nsome weeks later, May, 1316, \u201ca little after the feast of Philip and\nJames\u201d (May 1). The _Annals_ really seem to fix it in 1315 (p. 345),\nbut they have already stated that Edward did not land till May 26. The\nchronology is confused (_cf._ on _Bk._ xiv. 21). See also line 161.\n181 _Gib Harpar._ Probably Gilbert the Harper, or minstrel. His fate is\ntold in _Bk._ XVIII.\n183 _of his stat._ These words suggest that he was of some special\nclass.\n192 _reft the liff._ Sir Thomas Maundeville was slain (_Annals_, p.\n350; _St. Mary\u2019s Annals_, p. 282).\n205-9 Skeat evidently thinks that these lines refer to the same\nincident as that described above in lines 190-2, and actually prints\nin his rubric \u201cas I said\u201d as a summary of Barbour, though Barbour has\nnothing to suggest these words. But the person previously slain is\n\u201c_the_ Mawndvell\u201d--_i.e._, Sir Thomas himself, whom Barbour has already\nso denominated (111). The present victim is a Maundeville whose \u201cpropir\nnayme\u201d he does not know, but who, we learn from _St Mary\u2019s Annals_, was\n\u201cJohn Maundevyll,\u201d brother of Sir Thomas (p. 282).\n259 _The castell till him yhalde._ Carrickfergus Castle was surrendered\n(_Annals, Fragment_, p. 297; _Bain_, iii. 970) apparently in September,\n1316 (_Fragment_, _ibid._). Thus, if begun after Connor, the siege must\nhave occupied the Scots for a year--the greater part of 1316.\n260 _Till sauf thame thair liffis._ The defenders were granted life and\nlimb (_vita et membrum._ _Fragment_, p. 297).\n272 _the Tarbard._ Tarbert, Kintyre: Gaelic _Tairbeart_, a portage, an\nisthmus.\n274 _draw thar schippes._ According to the _Magnus Saga_, chap. xx.,\nMagnus, King of Norway, agreed with the King of Scotland, Edgar, in\n1102, that he should have \u201call the islands to the west of Scotland,\nbetween which and the mainland a helm-carrying ship could pass.\u201d Magnus\nthen had \u201ca small ship\u201d drawn across the isthmus at Tarbert, with\nhimself sitting at the helm, and so secured Kintyre. \u201cThere is a narrow\nridge between it (Kintyre) and Scotland, so that ships are often drawn\nacross it.\u201d\n292 _Ald prophesy._ This probably derives from the incident told of\nabove.\n299 _Johne of Lorne._ Barbour is quite wrong as to the career and fate\nof John of Lorn or Argyll (\u201cde Ergadia,\u201d \u201cDaragille,\u201d in records). He\nhad escaped to England in 1309 (see _Bk._ 128), and was Admiral of\nEdward\u2019s fleet in the west by 1311 (_Bain_, iii., No. 203). In the\nsummer of 1314 he went to the Irish coast with a fleet (355), and was\nin command there in 1315-1316 (No. 479, _Hist. and Municip. Docts.,\nIreland_, p. 344). He returned from the Irish service in 1316 \u201cimpotent\nin body,\u201d and received a pension from Edward II., but died a year and a\nhalf later, probably towards the end of 1317, in London (_Bain_, iii.,\n318 _the Forest._ Ettrick Forest.\n321 _Eumond de Calion, a Gascoune._ Correctly, as in records, \u201cRemon\nCaillau,\u201d or \u201cReymound Cailough\u201d (_Bain_, iii., Nos. 470, 477). He\nwas perhaps a relative of the Bishop of Durham who died in the same\nyear, 1316, \u201cRecardus Kellow\u201d (_Lanercost_, p. 233). Other Gascons\nare mentioned as having taken part in this sally--Arnant de Poillant,\nPierres de Logar, etc. (_ibid._). The information in _Bain_ is\ncontained in letters from the Governor of Berwick (see next note), and\npetitions to the King from some of the townspeople.\n325 _He had than Berwik in keping._ No; Sir Moryz or Maurice de\nBerkele(y) was \u201cwarden of Berwick-on-Tweed.\u201d Caillou was only one of\n\u201cthe King\u2019s sergeant-at-arms\u201d (_Bain_, iii., No. 477)--_i.e._, an\nofficer of the royal household.\n327 _a gret cumpany._ A \u201cgreat part of the garrison\u201d went out on this\nforay. They had been forbidden to go out by the warden, but Berwick\nwas in desperate straits for want of food, and they replied that \u201cit\nwas better to die fighting than starve\u201d (_Bain_, 477). The date of the\nforay is February 14, 1316.\n329 _the nethir end of Tevydaill_, etc. Teviotdale, locally so\npronounced. The forayers went as far as \u201cwithin two leagues (miles)\nof Melros Abbey\u201d (_Bain_, 477). The Merse is South Berwickshire, the\n\u201cMarch,\u201d or frontier.\n333 _Schir Adam of Gordoun._ See note on _Bk._ XI. 46. He became a\n\u201cScottis man\u201d apparently after Bannockburn. His lands of Gordon were in\nEast Lothian.\n335 _drif away thar fe._ \u201cThey took many prisoners and cattle\u201d (_Bain_,\n*337-*338. These lines mean that Gordon saw only small bodies\n(\u201cscaill\u201d; _cf._ line 344*) of the English in retreat, and the \u201cswains\u201d\nin possession of the prey--_i.e._, driving the cattle. _Cf._ lines\n*353-*354 and 339-341. \u201cScaill\u201d is a noun here as in *353.\n*354 _a childrome._ The scattered bands assembled in one body to\ndeal with the Scots in pursuit, and sent on the cattle in front. For\n\u201cchildrome,\u201d or \u201cschiltrome,\u201d see note on _Bk._ XII. 249.\n341 _made a staill._ \u201cStaill\u201d is certainly to be preferred to \u201cscaill,\u201d\nwhich is contrary to the sense of the passage. Skeat, in his note,\nadmits as much. _Cf._ similar use in _Bk._ XVII. 97. The forayers\n\u201cmade a stand\u201d to defend the cattle from the Scots. The fight was at\nScaithmoor. (_Scala._, p. 143).\n351 _on his luf, etc._ \u201cLet each man think on his love.\u201d\n375-6 _thai wer, etc._ \u201cThough the English were very many more than the\nScots.\u201d Barbour\u2019s usual reckless use of \u201cthai.\u201d\n377 _wes ded._ The writer in _Bain_ did not know whether Caillou was\ndead or only a prisoner (No. 470).\n381 _sum has slayne._ The foragers lost 20 men-at-arms and 60 foot,\nkilled or prisoners (_Bain_, No. 470). \u201cThe Gascons were slain to a\nman\u201d (_furount mors toutes playnes de Gascoins._ _Scala._, p. 143). The\nScots, of course, recovered the castle, and the Berwick garrison were\nsoon dying of hunger on the walls (_ibid._, No. 477).\n392 _hap him fell._ \u201cIf it so happened.\u201d\n393 _That._ _I.e._, the killing of the \u201ccheftune,\u201d or leader of his\nopponents.\n405 _full gret invy._ Neville appears to have had a weakness in this\nway. He had already slain a cousin of Robert Bruce in a quarrel as to\nwhich was the greater lord (_Scala._, p. 143). He was known as \u201cthe\nPeacock of the North,\u201d which significantly describes him (_Bain_, iii.,\np. xxv).\n435 _Befor Berwyk._ The fight between Douglas and Neville took place at\nBerwick (_Scala._, p. 143; _Gesta Edw. de Carn._, p. 56). The _Gesta_\ndates it June, 1319; Barbour seems to place it in 1316, but says\nnothing definite; nor does Gray, \u201canother time\u201d (_Scala._, p. 143),\nintroducing it, like Barbour, after the Skaithmoor fight, but unlike\nBarbour, also after Lintalee.\n477 _no mycht till us._ \u201cDouglas with his yeomanry shall have no power\ncompared with ours.\u201d\n503 _Schir Ralf the Nevell, etc._ There is on record a petition by\n\u201cRauf de Neville\u201d to the King asking for assistance in ransoming\nhimself, and explaining that he, with two of his brothers, was taken\nprisoner on the day on which his brother Sir Robert was killed by the\nScots (_Bain_, iii., No. 527).\n504 _the Baroun of Hiltoun._ Apparently Sir Robert de Hilton, who is\na witness in 1310 to a grant by the Bishop of Durham of a manor in\nScotland (_Bain_, iii., No. 1147). Hilton is near Berwick.\n505 _othir of mekill mycht._ \u201cMany of his (Neville\u2019s) company were\ncaptured, and the rest put to flight\u201d (_Gesta_, p. 56). _Cf._ line 510.\nBOOK XVI.\n8 _in Scotland for till pas._ Barbour, as he himself explains, now goes\nback to the beginning of the siege of Carrickfergus after the victory\nat Connor. According to the _Annals of Ir._, Moray crossed to Scotland\non September 15, 1315, to procure more soldiers, \u201cat which time the\nsaid Bruce was besieging the Castle of Carrickfergus\u201d (p. 346). Moray\nwas back in November with five hundred men (p. 347). Barbour mentions\nbut one trip on which he returned with King Robert (line 43), but that\nwould have to be a year later. Further, he dates this journey _after_\nthe fall of Carrickfergus (see on 38).\n16 _till his schippes._ He had four pirate vessels laden with Irish\nplunder, of which one was sunk (_Annals of Ir._, p. 346). The Scots had\nsent back their own ships (_Bk._ xiv. 35).\n38 _Till Cragfergus._ According to Barbour\u2019s chronology, Robert Bruce\ncrossed to Ireland at some time after the fall of Carrickfergus, as\nrelated in the previous book. But the news of King Robert\u2019s arrival\nappears to have reached Dublin about the first week in September, 1316.\nCarrickfergus fell some time later in the same month (_Frag._, p.\n297). The _Annals of Ulster_ date the arrival about the end of 1316 or\nbeginning of 1317 (II., p. 429, and note). The _Annals of Clonmacnoise_\n(p. 279) and the _Annals of the Four Masters_ (III., p. 515) place it\nin 1317, by which time Carrickfergus, of course, was in possession of\nthe Scots.\n62 _Inderwillane._ \u201cDr. Reeves believes this to be an old garbled name\nfor that pass, known later as _Bealach an Maghre_, or Moyry Pass. It\nwas on the old road; indeed, the only possible one, from Leinster to\nUlster. It is in the parish of Killevy, county of Armagh, but only a\nfew perches from the boundary of Lowth\u201d (_Innes_).\n63 _the moneth of May._ Must have been much earlier (see on 262).\n74 _The wardane thair._ See on _Bk._ XIV. 638.\n119 _Schyr Colyne Cammell._ Sir Colin Campbell, Bruce\u2019s nephew, as son\nof his sister Marie by her marriage with Sir Neil Campbell (Robertson\u2019s\nwives on record neither was a Bruce (_Calend._, ii., lix). Marie\u2019s\nmarriages are somewhat ravelled (see on _Bk._ viii. 397), but this one\nis certain. Colin got the grant of Lochaw (Robertson, _ibid._). There\nwho also went on this occasion to Ireland (_Annals_, p. 344).\n131 _That he dynnit on his arsoune._ \u201cKnocked heavily against his\nsaddle.\u201d _Cf._ _Alexander_, where Gaudifer is struck with spears.\n\u201cQuhill on his arsoune dintit he\u201d (p. 99).\n132 _tyt hym doune._ \u201cThe King bade (the others) remove him quickly\nfrom his horse,\u201d apparently because his horse was killed (line 126)\nand he stunned; or, as Skeat suggests, that he should fight on foot,\ninstead, I suppose, of being rash on horseback.\n141 _That we sall have, etc._ \u201cThat we shall have plenty to do\npresently.\u201d\n150 _In four battellis, fourty thousand._ _Cf._ on _Bk._ XIV. 270. The\nnumbers, of course, are improbable; but see next note.\n179 _So hard ane fichting._ This battle I cannot trace in the _Annals_,\nbut Butler, the Justiciary, is said to have assembled an army of\n30,000 against the Bruces, which did nothing; not, however, till April\n(_Fragment_, p. 301).\n182 _thre yheir._ Spring, 1315, to October, 1318.\n185 _trappit horse._ See note on _Bk._ XI. 130.\n187 _quhen lest wes he._ \u201cHe was always at the very least one to five.\u201d\n262 _forrouth Devillyn._ The Scots and the Ulster men were at Swords,\neight miles north of Dublin (_Hist. and Municip. Docts._, p. 451); at\nCastleknock in the immediate neighbourhood on the west (_St. Mary\u2019s\nAnnals_, p. 282; _Fragment_, 299), on the eve of St. Matthew\u2019s Day,\nFebruary 23, 1317 (_Fragment_). They moved to a position in the\nvicinity, where they stayed for four days, burned a part of the town,\nand spoiled the churches (_ibid._).\n265 _Lunyk._ Correctly Limerick, which is not, however, the \u201csouthmast\ntoune\u201d in Ireland. The Scots came to Limerick, but were defeated at\nCastle Connell (_Annals_, p. 353).\n293 _Northwarde agane._ On May 1, 1317, Bruce took the road to Ulster\n(_Fragment_, p. 302).\n295 _Conage._ Connaught; _Myth_, Meath; _Irell_, _i.e._, Uriel or Oriel\n= Louth, Armagh and Monaghan; _Munser_, Munster; _Lainenser_, Leinster.\nLimerick is, of course, in Munster, which should come first.\n301 _The kyngis._ See note on _Bk._ XIV. 102.\n336 _hawch of Lyntoun-le._ A \u201chaugh\u201d is low-lying level ground,\ngenerally beside water, river, or sea. \u201cLentalee, in the forest of\nJedworth\u201d (Jedburgh), as Gray has it, is about two miles south of that\ntown. Gray groups this incident, as Barbour does, with the Scaithmoor\nand Berwick fights, but in a different position (see note on _Bk._ XV.\n435; and _Scala._, p. 143). \u201cLentelee\u201d in Stevenson (_Illustrations_,\np. 3). \u201cNear Jeddeworth\u201d is the location of the \u201cforay\u201d in _Bain_\n337 _a fayr maner._ The anonymous chronicler in Stevenson says\nthat Douglas was passing the time (_moram traxit_) in a sort of\nfortification (_municioni quadam_) with 200 men (_Illustrations_, p. 3).\n339 _gert purvay him richt weill._ The English found \u201cmuch victuals\u201d in\nthe place (_Stevenson_, p. 3).\n342 _wonnand then._ The date of the fight is about April 23, 1317\n(_Stevenson_, p. 3).\n343 _Schir Thomas._ Sir Thomas Richmond was not an earl, but a\nYorkshire knight, owner of Burton-Constable, and a well-known figure\non the Border (_Bain_, iii., p. xxv, No. 178). The \u201cEarl\u201d in command\nwas the Earl of Arundel, appointed guardian of the district between\nthe Trent and Roxburgh on February 2, 1317 (_Rotuli Scoti\u00e6_, i. 169;\n_Illustrations_, p. 3). \u201cSir Edmund, Earl of Arundel, warden of the\nMarch\u201d (_Bain_, iii., No. 576).\n352 _War passit than of the cuntre._ That is, King Robert and many\nwith him were in Ireland. So, too, in _Stevenson_: \u201cThe leaders of the\nScots being then engaged in war in Ireland, and Scotland being almost\ndestitute of men\u201d (_Illustrations_, p. 3).\n354-55 _the cuntre was Febill of men._ _Cf._ previous note.\n357 _of the marchis._ But _cf._ note on 343.\n360 _ten thousand men._ In Stevenson\u2019s chronicler \u201cthirty thousand men\u201d\n(_Illust._, p. 3). Officially it was called \u201ca foray\u201d (_Bain_, iii.,\nNo. 576). The English exaggeration is worse than Barbour\u2019s.\n363 _Till hewe doune Jedward forest._ Since the time of the Romans\nand the disastrous march of Septimius Severus (third century) the\nforests of Scotland had been recognized as the natural defences of the\ncountry. They are, for the most part, the \u201cstrengths\u201d which figure so\nprominently in Barbour. See on Jedward, _Bk._ VIII. 427.\n375 _And of archeris a gret menyhe._ _Cf._ note on 377.\n380 _The entre._ As in the wood of the King\u2019s Park (_Bk._ XI. 446).\n383 _a penny-stane cast._ A \u201cpenny-stane\u201d was a flat stone used as a\nquoit, hence \u201cas wide only as the throw of a quoit.\u201d\n384 _Douglas thiddir yheid._ \u201cDouglas abandoned his position and\nretired\u201d (_Illustrations_, p. 3).\n406 _on thame schot thai._ In _Stevenson_ this, the main attack,\nfollows the surprise at Lintalee (p. 4).\n418 _reft the liff._ Richmond was slain (_Scala._, p. 143; _Stevenson_,\n419 _Ane hat._ Hailes notes that \u201cIn _Histoire de Bretagne par\nLobineau_, t. i., p. 665, there is a portrait of Arthur de Richemont,\nDuke of Brittany, with a _furred hat_, such as is described by Barbour\u201d\n(_Annals_, ii., p. 82 note). Richmond was identified by the hat on the\nword of a prisoner. See lines 480-5.\n441 _ane clerk, Elys._ \u201cA clerk called Helias\u201d (_Stevenson_, p. 3).\nStevenson says he was a \u201cnoble \u2018schavaldur.\u2019\u201d See on this _Bk._ V. 205\n(note).\n442 _thre hundreth enymys._ \u201cWith thirty comrades\u201d (_Stevenson_, p. 3).\n444 _herbery had tane._ Ellis and his companions occupied Douglas\u2019s\nhouse, and took their fill (_se saciavit_) of the victuals there\n(_Stevenson_, _ibid._).\n450-1 _with suerdis.... Thai servit thame._ They despatched them with\nthe sword (_reliquos gladio jugulavit._ _Stevenson_, p. 4). The head of\nEllis was cut off, and placed in a humiliating position beside the body\n(_ibid._).\n458 \u201cThat addition to the repast was overmuch.\u201d\n472 _Till wend hamward._ \u201cThe said Earl (Arundel) retreated southwards\nwithout doing more\u201d (_Scala._, p. 143).\n504 _forrouth._ Before, in _Bk._ IX. 570-630.\n509 _Schir Johne de Sowlis._ _Cf._ _Bk._ XIV. 25, and note.\n512-4 _With fifty men_, etc. _I.e._, Soulis had the fifty, Harcla the\nthree hundred.\n518 _Schir Androu ... has tane._ Harcla was a prisoner with the Scots\nat some date in November, 1316, when he asks the King of England for\nhelp towards his ransom (_Bain_, iii. 514, 515, 697). He was ransomed\nwith difficulty (_Scala._, p. 149). He was executed in 1323 for\ntreasonable dealings with the Scots.\n549 _besyde Enverkethyne._ Inverkeithing, Fife. Near Donibristle, says\nFordun\u2019s continuator, showing that here he follows another source than\nBarbour (_Scotic._, _Bk._ xii., chap. xxv.).\n552 _The Erll of Fiff._ Duncan de Fife, the young Earl, with his mother\nand step-father joined the Scots some little time before August 2,\n1317, when his mother had her English manor forfeited (_Bain_, iii.,\nNo. 566). He came with a troop of five hundred armed men (_Scotic._, as\ncited).\n575 _Willyhame Syncler._ William St. Clair was the brother of Sir Henry\nSt. Clair of Roslin. He had been a canon of Dunkeld, and was elected\nBishop in 1312 (Dowden in _Scot. Hist. Rev._, vol. i., pp. 316-17). On\nhis return from Rome Edward II. tried to keep him in England (_Bain_,\niii. 301). In the _Wallace_ he figures as a Bishop already, and a\nfriend of the patriot (vii. 932; viii. 1225). He was among the four\nbishops specially summoned to Rome to answer for their support of Bruce\nin defiance of the Church.\n592-3 _aucht weill to ma Of yhow._ \u201cShould think highly of you!\u201d\n596 _The gilt spurs._ The sign of knighthood; to hew them off was a\nceremony of degradation (_cf._ line 598). So, too, in _Scotic._, as\ncited.\n635 _that yheit held unslayn._ \u201cThat had held or kept themselves from\nbeing slain.\u201d\n676 _the Scottis Se._ The Firth of Forth. See on IX. 309.\nBOOK XVII.\n13 _Redis Swyr._ The pass over Cheviot to the valley of the Rede, a\ntributary of the Tyne. By it went the road from Jedburgh, and in it is\nthe site of the Battle of Otterburn, 1388. _Swyr_ is A.S. _swira_ or\n_swera_, the neck.\n15 _Outakin Berwik, it allane._ \u201cOne town in Scotland was left to the\nKing\u201d (_Vita Edw. Sec._, p. 234). On September 20, 1317, and January\n30, 1318, certain burgesses were going to England and France to\npurchase provisions \u201cfor the munition of the town\u201d (_Bain_, iii., Nos.\n575, 588). To save expense (_Scala._), the defence of the town itself\nhad been entrusted to the mayor, bailiffs, and burgesses (_ibid._, No.\n593; _Vita Edw._, p. 234; _Scala._, p. 148). According to Stevenson\u2019s\nChronicler, the citizens had begged to be entrusted with the defence\nbecause of their ill-treatment by the royal garrison, August 1, 1317\n17 _That capitane was._ Roger de Horslee, Keeper of the Castle (_Bain_,\niii., No. 607). He had been appointed, August 19, 1317, to command the\ncastle when the city was committed to the burgesses (_Stevenson_, p. 5;\n19 _tretit thame richt ill._ On February 4, 1318, Edward appointed a\ncommission of three to \u201cinquire into the disputes arisen, or likely to\narise, between the burgesses and the garrison of Berwick, to the danger\nof the town\u201d (_Bain_, iii., No. 589). _Cf._ note on 15.\n23 _a burges, Sim of Spaldyng._ \u201cPeter de Spalding\u201d in _Scala._, p.\n144; _Lanerc._, p. 234; _Illustr._, p. 5; _Trokelowe_, p. 103, etc.\nThe _Annales Paulini_ adds John Drory and other accomplices (p. 282).\n\u201cPeter de Spalding\u201d is on the roll of the garrison of Berwick in 1312\n(_Bain_, iii., p. 399). He was an Englishman living in the town, and\nreceived a large sum of money in addition to the promise of lands\n(_Lanercost_, pp. 234-235). \u201cA royal sergeant retained by the citizens\nin the defence of the town.\u201d Douglas, it was said, \u201ccorrupted\u201d him with\npromises of \u00a3800 (_Stevenson_, p. 5). Spalding\u2019s request for his money\nwas \u201cobnoxious\u201d to the Scots, and he was put to death on a trumped-up\ncharge of treason (_ibid._).\n28 _the marschall._ Sir Robert Keith.\n35 _the Kow-yhet._ Still the Cow-port (gate) in the middle of the north\nside of the town.\n45 _Ane or othir suld wrethit be._ _I.e._, \u201cif he chose anyone to help\nhim, somebody else was sure to be offended.\u201d Apparently he would have\nto choose between Moray and Douglas. _Cf._ lines 55-7.\n64 _Duns park._ A favourite rendezvous in that neighbourhood for the\nScots army. The \u201cpark\u201d would be wooded. In June, 1315, Bruce was\nreported to be collecting an army in \u201cthe Park of Duns,\u201d either to\ninvade England or to besiege Berwick (_Bain_, iii., No. 440).\n67 _Athir with ane quheyne of men._ Bruce gets out of the dilemma by\nchoosing both leaders, each to bring a small party of his men.\n_Circa_ March 25 (_Illustrations_, p. 5). Edward is preparing to retake\nBerwick on April 18, 1318 (_Rot. Scot._, i., p. 181).\n94 _the nycht._ The Scots entered \u201cabout midnight after the Sabbath\nday\u201d (_Lanerc._, p. 234). Edward, \u201cmuch enraged,\u201d reports that the\nmayor and bailiffs \u201callowed the Scottish rebels to enter and take\npossession,\u201d \u201cthrough carelessness,\u201d and orders goods belonging to the\ncommunity of Berwick to be everywhere arrested; April 13, 15 (_Bain_,\n97 _hald a staill._ \u201cOccupy a position.\u201d _Cf._ _Bk._ XV. 341.\n105 _till the gude._ \u201cFor the goods.\u201d Singular form as plural; see\nGrammar. _Cf._ also _twa part_ in 103 for two parts.\n125 _gat the castell._ \u201cGot to the castle.\u201d\n128 _in the bargane slane._ Few were slain apart from those who\nresisted (_Lanerc._, p. 235; _Stevenson_, p. 5). According to Baker, in\nthe capture of the town and castle no one was slain who was willing to\nsubmit (_qui voluit obedire_, p. 59).\n134 _the baner._ Apparently the Scots had assembled (\u201cstuffit\u201d) round\ntheir banner in the \u201cstaill\u201d (97).\n150-1 _Wilyhame ... of Keth, and of the Gawlistoune._ Sir William Keith\nof Galston, known by either surname, of Keith or of Galston (152).\nGalston was in Kyle, Ayrshire, and there were Keiths in it at least a\nhundred years after (_Reg. Mag. Sig._, p. 228; 17).\n176 _all that fell_, etc. \u201cAll that would serve to provision the town.\u201d\n185 _the Mers and Tevidaill._ The part of Berwickshire next the Border,\n\u201cthe March,\u201d and Teviotdale.\n198 _on the sext day._ Gray says the castle held out for eleven weeks,\nand as his father was then in garrison at Norham, he is probably about\nright. The castle surrendered for lack of food (_Scala._, p. 144).\nThe account in Stevenson\u2019s _Chronicle_ also implies a siege longer\nthan five days; for he speaks of King Robert assailing the castle with\nsiege-engines, and failing, and of the Scots then settling down to\nstarve out the garrison (_Illust._, p. 5). Horslee was at Newcastle\nwith the garrison on July 20--that is, about sixteen weeks after the\nfall of the town--so that the surrender of the castle must have taken\nplace somewhat earlier in the month. Horslee and his garrison had to\nbe supported by the town, and the account therefore would begin with\ntheir arrival (_Bain_, iii., No. 607). _Cf._ on line 226.\n200 _till thair cuntre syne went thai._ Life and goods were granted\nthem on surrender (_Stevenson_, p. 5). _Cf._ previous note.\n203 _soyn eftir._ But, according to the account in _Stevenson_, King\nRobert assisted at the attack on the castle. See on 198.\n222 _At = that._ \u201cThat he took in hand to hold Berwick.\u201d\n224 _Bath the castell, and the dungeoune._ In his former references\nBarbour has used the term \u201ccastle\u201d to include both the tower or\n\u201cdonjon\u201d or keep and the surrounding wall, apart from the wall of the\ntown proper. The wall (or \u201cwallis\u201d), he says in 169, 170, was not then\nin a very defensible state. Here he goes back to an older and more\ntechnical usage before these two independent elements--donjon and\nenclosure fortified with a wall--had quite coalesced. The evidence\nfor this differentiation is given at length by Mr. Round in his\n_Geoffrey de Mandeville_, Appendix O. One of the citations is precisely\nparallel to Barbour\u2019s expressions here, the description of a grant of\nDublin--town, castle, and donjon--in 1172 to Hugh de Lacy:\n  \u201cLi riche rei ad dunc baill\u00e9 (has then entrusted)\n  Dyvelin en garde, _la cit\u00e9\n  E la chastel e le dongun_,\n  A Huge de Laci le barun.\u201d\nThese, then, are the three elements here: the town, which had its own\nwall; the \u201ccastle,\u201d strictly speaking, or walled enclosure; and the\n\u201cdonjon\u201d within the latter.\n226 _Ryde in-till Inglande._ The _Lanercost_ writer places this raid\nin the month of May, and, it would seem, after the fall of the castle\n(see on line 198). The Scots on this occasion penetrated England\nfarther than usual, reaching Ripon, Knaresborough, and Skipton, in\nCraven--_i.e._, covering a large part of Yorkshire (p. 235). The _Gesta\nde Carn._ also dates this raid in May, \u201csoon after Easter,\u201d and says\nthe Scots went as far as Bolton Abbey (p. 55).\n227 _gret plente of fee._ They brought back \u201ca crowd of cattle\npast numbering\u201d (_Lanerc._, p. 236). They searched the woods of\nKnaresborough for the cattle hidden there, and got possession of them\n228-9 _sum cuntreis trewit he For vittale._ _I.e._, \u201che made a truce\nwith some districts in return for a supply of victual.\u201d The Scots\nspoiled Ripon, but refrained from burning the town on payment of 1,000\nmarks (_Lanerc._, p. 235).\n236 _But burges and but oblesteris._ Skeat takes exception to\n\u201cburgesses,\u201d but the town had previously been defended by the burgesses\n(_cf._ on 15), and some, no doubt, were willing \u201cto obey\u201d the Scots\n(_cf._ on 128). E reads _burdowys_, which Jamieson supposed to mean\n\u201cmen who fought with clubs,\u201d while Skeat suggests that it is \u201c_burdouis\nfor burdonis_--_i.e._, mules!\u201d Mules are a less probable part of\nthe garrison than burgesses. \u201cOblesteris\u201d are _arblasters_--_i.e._,\ncrossbow-men, a minor but constant part of both English and Scottish\narmies of the time.\n239 _Johne Crab._ A famous sea-rover of the east coast, as on the west\nwas Thomas Dun (_Bk._ XIV. 376, note). In 1319 Edward was complaining\nto the Count of Flanders of his \u201coutrages,\u201d and the Count answered\n(November 19) that \u201cCrabbe\u201d had been banished for murder, and that\n\u201che will punish him on the wheel if he catches him\u201d (_Bain_, iii.,\nNo. 673). He was captured in 1332 near Roxburgh, and because the\n\u201cungrateful Scots\u201d refused to ransom him he transferred his services to\nthe English (_Lanerc._, p. 270), and for his assistance at the Siege\nof Berwick in 1333 was pardoned \u201call his homicides, felonies, etc., by\nsea or land\u201d (_Bain_, iii., 1090). He therefore cannot be the \u201cCryn, a\nFleming, an admiral of the sea, a robber,\u201d killed by Sir Thomas Gray\nin 1321-2, as is supposed by Sir Herbert Maxwell (_Robert the Bruce_,\np. 267, note; _The Scalacronica_, trans., p. 63, note). Crab is on\nrecord till 1347 (_Bain_, No. 1504). But \u201cCryn\u201d may be his nephew \u201cJohn\nCrabbekyn\u201d (_Bain_, iii., No. 417). The Scots slew his son (_Lanerc._,\np. 270). A John Crab gets lands from Bruce in Aberdeen, which, with\nthose in Berwick, are transferred to another in the reign of David II.\nover to England. He is not, therefore, likely to be the John Crab, a\nburgess of Aberdeen in later times, and a member of Parliament (1365,\n1367), as the editor of the _Exchequer Rolls_, II., postulates (p.\n245 _engynis and trammys._ \u201cSiege-engines and structures of wood.\u201d\n246 _grec fyre._ In all probability \u201cGreek fire,\u201d as Skeat suggests;\n\u201ct\u201dand \u201cc\u201d are almost indistinguishable in the MSS. of the time. \u201cGreek\nfire\u201d was the mother of gunpowder; it was a liquid made of sulphur and\nsaltpetre, with the addition of inflammable oils, and its purpose was\nto set woodwork on fire (_cf._ Oman\u2019s _Art of War_, pp. 546, 547). It\nwas used at the Siege of Stirling in 1304 (_Bain_).\n247 _Spryngaldis and schotis._ The _springal_ (_espringale_) was a\ngreat crossbow on a frame, whose cord was drawn back by a winch; the\n\u201cshots\u201d were its bolts, or \u201clong darts\u201d: _springaldis, ad longa spicula\nemittenda_ (_Lanercost_, p. 231) at the siege of Carlisle in 1315.\n250 _gynis for crakkis._ Contrivances for making explosions--_i.e._,\nguns, which at first seem to have been valued for this quality.\n271 _ger dik thame._ _I.e._, the English were to surround their own\nencampment at Berwick with a rampart for further security, and to keep\noff the Scots who might come to its relief.\n278 _thoucht all suth._ \u201cThought quite rightly.\u201d\n285 _Of Lancister the Erll Thomas._ Bain says that, though Lancaster\nwas clearly summoned (_F\u0153dera_, iii., p. 784), \u201cWalsingham, who was\nnot contemporary, seems the only authority for his presence, and\nif his men had been there they would have been found on the roll,\u201d\nwhere they are not given (iii., p. xxvi). But a letter from Hugh le\nDespenser, the younger, printed by Stevenson in his notes to the\n_Chronicle of Lanercost_, expressly names the Earl of Lancaster as\nhaving been present (p. 422). Despenser also was at Berwick, and his\nletter (Anglo-French) is dated September 21 at Newcastle. Strangest\nfact, Bain, who knew the _Chron. de Lanerc._, overlooked the mention of\nLancaster having accompanied the King to Berwick on p. 239. In _Vita\nEdw. Sec._, too, Lancaster is among those at Berwick (pp. 241, 244).\nAlso in _Annal. Paul._, p. 286; _Illustrations_, p. 56. _Cf._ notes\nbelow. Maxwell, too, cites Barbour only for Lancaster\u2019s presence (p.\n286 _That syne wes sanctit._ See note on 874.\n295 _all this menyhe._ According to the pay-sheet, August 1 to\nSeptember 24, 8,080 men, apart, however, from the following of\nLancaster (_cf._ on 285 and 852) and the sailors (_Bain_, iii., No.\n298 _Ordanit ane felde._ The \u201cMagdalen Fields\u201d surrounding the town.\n\u201cThe army was spread ont, on the land side, round the circuit of the\ntown\u201d (_Vita Edw. Sec._, p. 242).\n306 _all the havyn wes stoppit._ \u201cOn the side of the sea the sailors\npresent from the Cinque Ports (_Quinque Portubus_) so watched the\nentries and exits that no one could possibly get out\u201d (_Vita Edw._, p.\n318-9 _sib him ner, Or ... his allye._ \u201cEither near relatives or those\nclosely attached to him by some personal tie.\u201d \u201cAllye,\u201d Fr. _alli\u00e9_,\nis a trisyllable. It does not seem to signify, as Skeat suggests,\nallied \u201cby various marriages,\u201d but only the latter part of the phrase,\n\u201crelatives and personal friends.\u201d\n335 _our Ladeis evin._ September 7, 1319. So Despenser, in his letter,\nsays Edward came before Berwick on September 7, and \u201claid siege to the\ntown, with all his host, by sea and by land\u201d (_par myer et par terre._\n_Lanerc._, p. 422). The English army entered Scotland on August 29\n343 _coveryngis._ Special protective dresses, such as the miner\u2019s\n\u201cbasket\u201d of wicker for those breaching the wall.\n344 _howis ... staff slyngis._ The first were possibly picks on\nlong poles, so resembling hoes, used for pulling down defences. The\nstaff-sling consisted of a wooden shaft about a yard long, to one end\nof which was attached a sling. The slinger held it by the other end\nwith both hands, and so could discharge a stone or bullet with great\nforce.\n359 _ilk kyrneill._ Each casement or open interval of the battlement.\nIn the repairs of the castle in 1344 the portion of the wall renewed\nwas to be 8 feet broad at \u201cthe kernels\u201d (_Bain_, iii., No. 1434).\n380 _Sa law._ Edward I. had begun to surround Berwick with a stone\nwall, but Hugh de Cressingham, his Treasurer (1297), had not spent on\nit the money given for its completion (_Hemingburgh_, ii., p. 127).\n409 _the brighous._ A barbican or outwork on which the drawbridge\nrested. In January, 1316, Bruce tried to enter Berwick _inter brighous\net castrum_ (_Lanercost_, p. 232).\n421 _scho ebbit._ _I.e._, the tide ebbed, and she grounded. A ship\ngrounding in a very low tide (neap) is still said to be \u201cneaped.\u201d\n501 _he wald nocht sa soyne assale._ The English chroniclers say he\nwould not venture to fight with the army of their King (_Lanerc._, p.\n239; _Illust._, p. 6). On September 9 Edward writes to the Chancellor\nthat \u201che hears that Robert de Brus and his allies and supporters\n(_fautours_) are bound by oaths and hostages to relieve the garrison of\nBerwick on a fixed day, and will do everything they can\u201d (_Bain_, iii.,\nNo. 664). He therefore summons to Berwick the whole array of York, but\nBruce took his own way of relieving.\n505 _lordis twa._ As here, Moray and Douglas (_Lanerc._, p. 239; _Gesta\n508 _xv. thousand._ \u201cA very great army\u201d (_Illustr._, p. 6); \u201cno\nsmall army\u201d (_Gesta de Carn._, p. 57); \u201cxx. thousand of the Scottis\u201d\n(_Capgrave_, p. 184).\n515 _thair wiffis._ In their previous raid (see on 226) the Scots took\ncaptive both men and women (_Lanerc._, p. 236).\n528 _it wes pite._ \u201cThe Scots were raiding savagely in England\u201d\n(_Scotis in Anglia s\u00e6ventibus._--_Trokelowe_, p. 103). \u201cClearing\n(_depopulantes_) Northumbria, the bishopric of Durham and Alvertonshire\n(York), they came as far as Burghbrig\u201d (_Illust._, p. 66). \u201cThey burnt\nthe country and took captives and booty of animals, advancing as far as\nBurghbrigge\u201d (_Lanercost_, p. 239). \u201cBurning and spoiling the country\non all sides\u201d (_Gesta de Carn._, p. 57).\n535 _Burrow-brig._ Boroughbridge, on the Ure, near its junction with\nthe Swale, Yorkshire; see previous note. According to Fordun, Moray\nwas at \u201cBoru-brig\u201d at the end of the month of August (_Gesta Annalia_,\ncxxxiv.).\n536 _Mytoun thar-by._ Myton is on the Swale, near its junction with the\nUre, and so a little east of Boroughbridge.\n541 _Prestis, clerkis, monkis, and freris, etc._ There were two abbots,\nmonks, friars, many priests, with countrymen and townsfolk (_Illustr._,\n544 _Weill twenty thousand._ Ten thousand in _Trokelowe_, p. 103; both\nnumbers excessive.\n546 _The Archbischop of York._ William de Melton (_Gesta de Carn._,\np. 57; and _Lanercost_, _Illustr._, etc., as cited). He lost much\nfurniture in the battle, including silver and brass plate (_North.\n552 _other byschoppis._ Only the Bishop of Ely, then staying at York\n559 _in-till battellis twa._ \u201cThe Scots gathered together, as their\nwont was, in a single schiltron\u201d (_Lanerc._, p. 239). They \u201cdivided\u201d to\ntake up the chase (_ibid._).\n573-4 _sic abasing Tuk thame._ The English accounts give it that\ntheir men had no proper leader nor skill in war, while the Scots were\nexcellently equipped in both respects. The strangely assorted array\nadvanced in no proper order of battle, so that the Scots said: \u201cThese\nare not soldiers, they are sportsmen; they won\u2019t be much good\u201d (\u201c_Hi\nnon bellatores sed venatores; non multum proficient._\u201d--_Vita Edw._,\np. 244). The Scots then gave a great shout, and the English in terror\nturned and fled (_Lanerc._, p. 239).\n583 _weill ane thousand._ All accounts agree that there was a\nconsiderable slaughter of the priestly and inexpert warriors, but the\nEnglish estimates of the slain are much higher than Barbour\u2019s: more\nthan a thousand, besides the drowned (_Ann. Paul._, p. 287); \u201c2,000\nslain with the sword\u201d (_Illustr._, p. 7); 3,000 (_Trokelowe_, p. 103);\n4,000 (_Lanerc._, p. 239); besides those drowned in the Swale, about\na thousand, says the _Lanercost_ writer (_ibid._); \u201cmore than the\nsword slew\u201d (_Gesta de Carn._, p. 58). There were also many captives,\nafterwards redeemed; _cf._ line 579 (_ibid._, _Vita Edw._, p. 244). A\nchantry chapel was afterwards erected for the souls of the slain, and\nendowed by their friends; to this end a piece of ground was asked from\nthe King in October, 1325 (_Bain_, iii., No. 875).\n597 _Of gret gestis ane Sow._ Probably, as Skeat hints, for\n\u201cgestis\u201d--_i.e._, joists, great beams, which is more likely than Fr.\n_gestes_, \u201cdeeds\u201d to which it is hard to give, in this connection,\na suitable meaning. The famous \u201cSow\u201d is referred to in _Lanercost_\n(_suem_), p. 239. See below. It was otherwise known as the _cat_,\nand was constructed of stout beams, being strictly a penthouse or\nshelter for the men mining the wall. So here in line 600, and in the\n_Lanercost_ account (_ad murum suffodiendum_, p. 239). But in the\npresent case it is combined with the _beffroi_, or movable tower (lines\n601-2), giving the \u201csow-castle\u201d or \u201ccat-castle\u201d (_cf._ Oman\u2019s _Art of\nWar_, pp. 548, 549). Hailes and Skeat miss this point.\n598 _stalward heling._ A strong covering of hides, or, possibly, of\niron plates.\n634 _the Rude-evyn._ The eve of the Exaltation of the Rood, September\n674 _draw the cleket._ Probably then \u201cshe\u201d was a _mangonel_, in which\na movable beam, between uprights, was pressed back by ropes, and then\nsuddenly let go from a catch (\u201ccleket\u201d), discharges a stone; or a\n_trebuchet_, in which the same result was obtained by poising the beam\nin the middle, and loading the other end with a heavy weight, which\nadded to the force of the missile.\n689 _set thar-to juntly._ \u201cSet close up to.\u201d _Cf._ line 704. In the\n_Wallace_, Stirling Bridge \u201coff gud playne burd was weill and _juntly_\n691 _wappyt._ The correct Scots form. C has _swappit_. _Cf._ _Gest.\nHistoriale_, \u201c_wappid_ (knocked) to ground\u201d (7297), and \u201cA _wap_ wi a\ncorner-stane o\u2019 Wolf\u2019s Crag wad defy the doctor\u201d (Scott\u2019s _Bride of\nLammermoor_, Border edit., P. 349).\n713 _top-castellis._ \u201cFighting-tops\u201d on the mast, in addition to the\nstructures rising fore and aft above the deck, \u201cfore-castle\u201d and\n\u201cstern-castle.\u201d\n756 _The barras._ The \u201cbarriers,\u201d a fortified post at the outer end of\nthe drawbridge. See _Glossary_.\n757 _and brynt it doune._ Skeat, in his rubric, explains that they\n\u201cburnt the drawbridge\u201d--a foolish thing to do if they wanted to cross\nthe ditch! But what seems to have happened was this: the besiegers\nfirst seized the \u201cbarras,\u201d then brought \u201cdoune\u201d the bridge by burning\nthe tackle, probably of ropes and beams, by which it was drawn up\nagainst the gate, and so were able to cross, and make their attempt to\nburn their way through the gate itself. So, too, they could retreat\n(790) over the fallen bridge. _Cf._ in _Morte Arthure_:\n  \u201cBrittenes (destroys) theire barrers with theire bryghte wapyns,\n  Bett down a barbycan, and the brygge wynnys.\u201d\n828 _on the morne._ _I.e._, of September 14, seven days after the\nfirst attack. Despenser says that the news from England came \u201cbefore\nhe had been at Berwick (_demorce_) eight days\u201d (as cited), practically\ncorroborating Barbour.\n829 _Thar come tithandis._ So in Despenser\u2019s letter; in _Lanercost_ (p.\n842 _His consell fast discordit then._ The _Lanercost_ writer says the\nKing wished to send a part of his army into England to deal with the\nScots, and keep on the siege with the remainder; but the nobles were\nunwilling to divide their army and not fight with the returning Scots,\nand so the whole army started south for this purpose (p. 239).\n852 _Loncastell._ Despenser attributes the raising of the siege to the\n\u201cprocurement\u201d of Lancaster (_Lanerc._, p. 422). Stevenson\u2019s chronicler\nsays the siege would have been successful \u201chad not disturbers of\nthe peace sown discord between the King and the Earl of Lancaster\u201d\n(_Illust._, p. 6). As is here suggested, the friction had been going\non for some time according to the author of the _Gesta_, who explains\nin detail how the mischief-making was done (p. 57). In the _Vita Edw.\nSec._ various accounts are collected regarding Lancaster\u2019s action,\nincluding the \u201cvulgar\u201d story that he had been bribed by Bruce, and\nthere is a discourse of several pages on treason and avarice (p. 244\n_et seq._).\n855 _he._ Here is the King; in 858 _he_ is Lancaster. The King was\ninclined to side with the Southerners, whose homes, of course, were in\nno danger from the Scots. _Cf._ previous note.\n862 _his way he tais._ According to the _Vita Edw._, the King went one\nway to meet the retreating Scots, Lancaster another (as cited).\n864 _fell eftir sic debat._ In 1321 Lancaster and his supporters took\nup arms against the King and his advisers, the Despensers, on account\nof misgovernment. Each party blamed the other for the misfortunes of\nthe Scottish war. In March of the following year the Lancastrians were\ndefeated at Boroughbridge by Sir Andrew de Harclay, himself afterwards\nexecuted for alleged treasonable dealings with the Scots. Lancaster was\ncaptured, and beheaded at Pomfret (_cf._ line 868).\n869 _on the hill besyde the toune._ \u201cOn a certain little hill\u201d\n(_monticulo_) beside Pomfret (_Lanerc._, p. 244).\n871 _syne drawin and hangit._ Though this was in the sentence, it\nwas, by special favour of the King, not carried out. Lancaster, being\na relative, was simply beheaded. In any case the drawing and hanging\nwould have come before the beheading. See on IV. 322.\n872 _a fair menyhe._ Many others suffered capital punishment for their\nshare in this rising. The _Lanercost_ writer gives one baron and three\nknights as having been drawn and hanged in Pomfret at this time, with\nfurther details of other victims (p. 245). _Cf._ also _Baker_, pp. 65,\n66. The names of five hanged on the same day at Pomfret are given in\n_Annal. Paul._, p. 303.\n874 _martir was, Wes sanctit and myraclis did._ Lancaster was popularly\nregarded as a saint, a martyr for righteous government; he having been\nalso a liberal man to the Church and the poor. There were, of course,\ndoubters of his sanctity (_Vita Edw. Sec._: contin., p. 290). A chapel\nwas erected on the hill on which he was beheaded; crowds of pilgrims\nflocked to it, and miracles were said to be worked by God through him\n(_Lanerc._, pp. 244-5; _F\u0153dera_, iv., p. 421). There was a special\nservice for him--an \u201cOffice of St. Thomas of Lancaster,\u201d printed in\nWright\u2019s _Political Songs_ (pp. 268-272). Edward III., whose accession\nwas the triumph of the opposition to his father, requested the Pope to\ngive Thomas regular canonization (_F\u0153dera_, iv., p. 421). Capgrave says\nhe was canonized in 1389, when all concerned in his execution were dead\n889 _thai tuk westward the way._ The Scots in England retired about\nSeptember 14, going westwards (_versus occidentem tendentes_) by\nAiredale and Wharfdale, and so home by \u201cGratsehals\u201d (_Gesta Edw.\nCarn._, p. 58). When they heard the siege was raised they returned\nto Scotland by Staynmore and Gillesland and \u201cthose western parts\u201d\n(_Lanerc._ p. 240). _Cf._ also _Illustrations_, p. 7.\n891 _With prayis, and with presoneris._ \u201cWith prisoners and plunder of\ncattle\u201d (_Lanerc._, p. 240). Also _Gesta Edw._, p. 58; _Vita Edw._, p.\n244. _Prayis_ is a plural signifying different kinds of \u201cprey.\u201d\n922-3 _brynt had The brig._ _Cf._ on 757.\n940 _Berwyk his toune._ As the reading from E shows, this is a\npossessive of a type usually confined to proper names. _Cf._ III. 232;\nVI. 435, etc.; and _Grammar_.\n946 _Till help his brothir._ Wrong by a year. The siege of Berwick was\nin September, 1319; Edward Bruce was killed in the previous year. The\nsuccours here sent were dispatched in September or October, 1318. See\nBOOK XVIII.\n3 _A day forrouth thair arivyng._ So, too, Gray declares that Edward\nBruce \u201cfrom over-boldness (_pur surquidery_) was not willing to wait\nhis reinforcements (_soun poair_) which had lately arrived, and were\nwithin six leagues (miles) of him\u201d (_Scala._, p. 143)--_i.e._, within\na day\u2019s march. Gray, it will be observed, applies the same quality\nto Edward Bruce as Barbour does in line 183. The same explanation\noccurs in the _Annals of Clonmacnoise_ (pp. 281, 282). The _Lanercost_\nchronicler, on the contrary, says that the \u201cgreat army\u201d which had\n\u201cnewly come\u201d from Scotland to his assistance had joined Edward before\nhis advance to Dundalk (p. 238).\n8-9 _twa thousand, Outane the Kyngis of Erischry._ The _Annals of\nIreland_ give the Scots 3,000 (p. 359), so that Barbour is probably\nabout right. The chronicler in Stevenson\u2019s _Illustrations_ makes the\nScots 30,000 (p. 3)! The \u201cIrish Kings\u201d here include MacRory, \u201cKing\u201d of\nthe Hebrides (\u201cInsi-Gall\u201d), and MacDonald, \u201cKing\u201d of Argyll, who were\nboth slain (_Annals of Ulster_, ii., p. 433; _Annals of Clonmacnoise_,\np. 281. _Cf._ note on line 443).\n12 _Richard of Clare._ Barbour is misinformed; Richard de Clare was\nkilled five months before, May 11 (_Annals of Ulster_, ii., pp. 433 and\n432, note 5; _Annals of Ireland_, p. 35). The English were commanded by\nSir John de Birmingham (_Annals of Ireland_, p. 359; _Baker_, p. 58).\n17 _tuenty thousand._ Such a number of horse is obviously absurd, as is\nalso the total of \u201cforty thousand\u201d below.\n33 _Men sayis._ _Cf._ on 3: \u201cMy brothir\u201d is Walter, the High Steward.\n75 _nane of us._ Not true of the Scots-Irish. _Cf._ note on 8-9.\n89 _fourty thousand neir._ _Cf._ line 93, and note on 17. The\n_Lanercost_ chronicler says the English were but \u201ca few country-folk\u201d\n(_paucis et popularibus_; p. 238), probably an exaggeration the other\nway.\n95 _cot-armour._ The surcoat over his armour, bearing his coat-of-arms.\n101 _till assemmyll._ The battle took place near the hill of Faughard\nor Fagher, about two miles from Dundalk. The spot where Edward Bruce\nfell is still shown by the natives. The date is given by Hailes,\nBain, and others, following the version of the _Annals_ in Camden\u2019s\n_Chronicle_ as October 5; but in the later edition of the _Annals_ and\nin the _Annals of Ulster_ and of _Clonmacnoise_ it is precisely fixed\nas Saturday, October 14, 1318, from which the _Lanercost_ chronicler\ndiffers by a day only, October 13 (_Lanercost_, p. 238; _Annals of\nUlster_, p. 433; _Annals of Ireland_, p. 359; _Annals of Clonmacnoise_,\np. 281); Fordun also October 14 (_Skene_, i., p. 348).\n104 _ruschit with thair fais._ In the _Lanercost Chronicle_ it is\nexplained that the Scots were in three battles too far apart, and that\nthus each as it attacked was disposed of before the next could come to\nits assistance. Edward was with the third battle (p. 238).\n110 _Johne de Sowlis als._ But John de Soules appears to have been dead\n_circa_ 1316, when the husband of his \u201cdaughter and heir\u201d petitioned\nEdward II. for his Scottish lands (_Bain_, iii., No. 530). The date,\nhowever, is doubtful.\n113 _That few ... war slayne._ According to the _Vita Edw. Sec._, five\nhundred stout men-at-arms (_valentes armati_) were slain, besides\nEdward Bruce (p. 238); almost all were slain, says _Lanercost_,\nexcept those only who escaped by flight (p. 238); not a single one\nescaped, declares _Knighton_ (i., p. 412), but this is absurd. Two\nthousand, almost all the Scots, were slain, but a few got away (_Annals\nof Ireland_, p. 360). Only a few escaped out of thirty thousand\n(Stevenson, _Illustrations_, p. 3).\n117 _Johne Tomassun._ No doubt the same John Thomson (_Johannes\nvidelicet Thom\u00e6_), a stout commoner (_valens vernaclus_), who in\n1333 was holding out in the \u201cpeel\u201d of Lochdoon against Edward III.\n(_Scotichr._, lib. xiii., chap. xxviii.).\n123 _Johne cummyn._ Skeat prints the verb with a capital, as if\n\u201ccummyn\u201d was a personal name. Obviously \u201cJohne\u201d is Thomson.\n125 _Schir Philipe the Mowbray._ The defender of Stirling Castle before\nBannockburn: mortally wounded (_Annals of Ir._, p. 360).\n167 _strak his hed of._ The _Lanercost_ writer says Edward Bruce was\nbeheaded after death, and his body divided into four parts, which were\nsent to the four chief towns of Ireland (p. 238). According to Barbour,\nit was Gilbert Harper\u2019s head. For the beheading, see also _Trokelowe_,\np. 103, and Stevenson\u2019s _Illustrations_, p. 3.\n183 _owtrageous succudry._ _Cf._ extract from _Scalacronica_ in note on\n215 _Richard of Clare._ But see note on 12.\n224 _Johne Mawpas._ According to the _Annals_, John Mawpas slew Edward\nBruce, and was himself found dead over his body. John de Birmyngham\nbrought the head to Edward III. (p. 360). Probably he thus earned the\nreward offered for injury to Edward in life or limb, on September 3,\n1316 (_Patent Rolls_, p. 551).\n225 _Quhilk._ Koeppel points out that this is the only example of\nthis word otherwise than in the form _the quhilk that_, and therefore\nsuggests that E gives the original reading (_Englische Studien_, x.\n230 _tuk purpos._ 1322. Barbour passes over four years, and says\nnothing of a destructive raid of the Scots on the West March in\nJune-July of this year, in which they went as far south as Preston\n(_Lanercost_, p. 246; _Knighton_, i., p. 428; _Bain_, iii., No. 761;\n_F\u0153dera_, iii., p. 960).\n235 _richt gret hoost._ \u201cA very great army\u201d (_Lanercost_, 247). \u201cWith\na very large army ... having an armed foot-soldier from each town in\nEngland, besides his knights and esquires\u201d (_Scala._, p. 149. So also\n_Gesta Edwardi de Carnarvon_, p. 78; _Knighton_, i. 428; _Baker_, p.\n249 _with-draw all the catele._ \u201cThe Scots fled with all their\npossessions, at their approach (_a facie eorum_), to safe places;\nstripped their own land wholly bare, and cleared the districts of all\nthe goods\u201d (_Trokelowe_, p. 125). \u201cThe Scots, having cleared away or\nconveyed with them beyond the Scottish Sea (the Forth) everything that\ncould be easily carried, left for the English a land bare of victuals\u201d\n(_Baker_, p. 66). Edward told the Archbishop of Canterbury that he\nfound neither \u201cman nor beast\u201d (_Bain_, iii., No. 778). So also in\n_Knighton_, i., p. 428.\n253 _with his hoost als still he lay._ \u201cThe Scots, in their usual\nfashion, withdrew, and did not dare to fight with him\u201d (_Lanercost_,\np. 247). The English traversed the country, meeting with no resistance\n254 _At Culros._ In Fife, on the Forth, opposite Boness (_cf._ note on\n261 _in Lowdiane._ Edward was at Gosford, in Haddingtonshire, on August\n5 (_Bain_, iii., No. 761). He had taken the coast-road in order to do\nmore damage (_ibid._, 778).\n262 _till Edinburgh._ _Scala._, p. 149; _Fordun_; _Skene_, i., p. 349.\nThere is a record of a grant by Edward at Edinburgh on August 22, and\nof payments made at Leith on August 23, so that he may have been there\nlonger than three days; _cf._ above on 261 (_Bain_, iii., Nos. 764,\n765). On August 17, however, a pardon is dated from Lauder (_ibid._,\n264 _Thair schippes._ At some date in August, probably later than\nabove, for the King, it would appear, had left, a cargo of medicine\ncame by sea to Edinburgh (Leith) from Newcastle (_ibid._, 766). Fordun\nspeaks of a vast multitude of ships (_copiosa multitudine_: _Fordun_,\n268 _Thair vittale._ \u201cHaving used up the food on land, and that by sea\neverywhere failing them\u201d (_Trokelowe_, p. 125).\n276 _Tranentis corne._ Tranent is between Musselburgh and Haddington.\n283 _derrest beiff._ In Bower, \u201cThat this beef was too dear,\u201d Warenne\npunning in the Latin, _Quod illius tauri caro erat nimis cara_\n(_Scotichr._, ii., p. 278).\n289-290 _of fasting had gret payne, etc._ \u201cA very great part of the\narmy was wasted with hunger, and a great number perished from want of\nfood,\u201d and so they returned (_Trokelowe_, p. 125). The _Lanercost_\nwriter speaks of lack of victuals, and illness, dysentery, among the\nsoldiers, from both of which many died (p. 247). _Scalacronica_ concurs\n(p. 149), also Fordun (_Skene_, i. 349). The English were thus forced\nto retreat (_ibid._). Knighton puts the English losses at about fifteen\nthousand (i., p. 428); 30,000 (!) from starvation (_Flores Hist._,\n291 _In-till Melros._ \u201cThe King\u2019s hobelers (light horse) foraging at\nMelrose were defeated by James Douglas\u201d (_Scala._, p. 149). _Cf._\nlines 292-3. Knighton says the English came to Melrose, when, most\nunexpectedly, the Scots rushed on them from the mountains, and slew\nthree hundred and more (i., p. 428). According to Fordun, the English\nslew and wounded several of the monks, and committed other sacrilege\n(_Gesta Annal._; _Skene_, i., pp. 349, 350).\n339 _by Driburgh._ They burned the monastery to the ground (_Fordun_,\n_ibid._).\n341 _till Ingland._ Edward is at Fenham, on the coast of\nNorthumberland, by September 4, or thereabout (_Bain_, iii., No. 767).\n346 _our the Scottis Se._ _Cf._ note on 249.\n349 _Auchty thousand._ Certainly an exaggerated number. Each \u201cbattle,\u201d\nas almost invariably with Barbour (_cf._ note on _Bk._ XI.), represents\nten thousand men. Bruce had, however, a considerable force (_exercitu\nnon modico_; _Gesta Edw. de Carn._, p. 79), having, according to\nGray, assembled the whole power of Scotland, of the Isles, and of the\nHighlands (_dez autres pays hautz_; _Scala._, p. 149). Exactly parallel\nis the statement in _Lanercost_, p. 247.\n352 _on to Ingland._ By the Solway on October 1, 1322 (_Lanercost_, p.\n355 _to Byland._ Byland is in the North Riding of Yorkshire, near\nHelmsley, on the right bank of the Rye. In _Gesta Edw._ \u201cBella-landa\u201d\n(p. 79). The affair at Byland was on October 21 (note in _Stevenson_\nfrom Cotton MS., c. 1325, p. 55); October 14 (_Flores Hist._, iii., p.\n356-7 _wes liand The King of Ingland, etc._ So placed, too, in _Gesta\nEdw. de Carn._: the King \u201cin monasterio de Bella-landa,\u201d and the army\non a high mountain above the monastery (p. 79); by Fordun (_Skene_,\ni. 350); and by Higden (_Polychron._, viii., p. 316). Trokelowe, too,\nsuggests the same, saying the Scots followed the King as far as Byland\nAbbey, in the district of \u201cRye Valley\u201d (_Realis Vallis_, p. 125). The\nescape was \u201cnear Byland, close to the Abbey of Rievaulx,\u201d when the King\nwas crossing over (_Flores Hist._, iii., p. 210). But the _Lanercost_\nchronicler locates the King in Rievaulx Abbey (Rievaulx = Realis\nVallis), on the opposite bank of the Rye (p. 247); and an order from\nEdward to the Earl of Pembroke \u201cto raise the country towards Byland\u201d is\ndated from Rievaulx, October 13 (_Bain_, iii., No. 790). In Stevenson\u2019s\n_Chronicle_, too, the King is at Rievaulx, while Pembroke (Valence) and\nRichmond and other lords are at \u201cBeghland\u201d (_Illustrations_, p. 7).\n365 _Ane craggy bra._ _Cf._ preceding note. \u201cA strength (_un\nforteresce_) on a hill near Biland\u201d (p. 149). \u201cA certain mountain\nbetween the Abbey of Biland and the Abbey of Rievaulx\u201d (_Lanercost_, p.\n366 _a gret peth._ \u201cA certain path (_viam_) on the mountain, narrow and\nconfined\u201d (_arctam et strictam_; _Lanercost_, p. 247). \u201cA very narrow\nroad where scarce ten could go abreast\u201d (_vix 10 in fronte meabile._\nStevenson\u2019s _Illustrations_, p. 7).\n373-4 _Went to the path, etc._ The Earl of Richmond, John of Brittany,\nwas sent with his followers to examine the Scottish army \u201cfrom a\ncertain mountain, etc.\u201d (_cf._ on 365. _Lanercost_, _ibid._).\n409 _Thomas Ouchtre(d)._ \u201cArthyn,\u201d as in C., is not known, and is\nclearly wrong, for Sir Thomas Ughtred, or Ouchtred, was captured here,\nas Barbour says in line 426 (_Bain_, iii., No. 806).\n419 _Stanis apon thame._ \u201cHe (Richmond) strove with them by throwing\ndown stones\u201d (_per lapides projectos._ _Lanercost_, p. 247).\n427 _he wes tane._ _Cf._ on line 409.\n443 _all the Erischry._ _I.e._, the Highlanders and Islesmen, who spoke\nGaelic or Irish. _Cf._ on line 349.\n454 _aboun the bra._ The Scots ascended above them (_super eos._\n_Lanercost_, _ibid._).\n458 _the hycht has tane._ \u201cThe Scots ascended between the trees through\nthe middle of the grove\u201d (_Gesta Edw._, p. 79). The fight took place\n\u201con the summit of a hill near Byland\u201d (_ibid._, p. 82).\n462-4 _Johne Bretane, etc._ _Cf._ on line 373.\n469 _thar wes tane._ John of Brittany, Earl of Richmond, a prisoner\nin Scotland, October 27 (_Bain_, iii., Nos. 792, 793). Still detained\nin Scotland, December 10 (_ibid._, No. 795). Captured at Byland\n(Stevenson, _Illustrations_, p. 7).\n472 _lord of Souly._ Henry, Lord of Sully, a prisoner (_Bain_, No.\n796): \u201cthe lord of Sully, a baron of France\u201d (_Scala._, p. 149);\n\u201cthe lord of Sully (_Siliaco_), an ambassador of the King of France\u201d\n478 _yheit at Biland._ But _cf._ note on 356-7.\n480 _in full gret hy._ \u201cThe King himself scarcely escaped from Rivaulx\u201d\n(_Scala._, p. 149). \u201cThe King fled swiftly from Biland\u201d (_Gesta Edw._,\np. 79; _cf._ also _Lanercost_, p. 248; _Baker_, p. 66). \u201cTo Scarborough\nCastle\u201d (Stevenson, _Illustrations_, p. 7).\n489 _Till Yorkis yhettis._ The Scots made their way to York (_Scala._,\n493 _nane wald cum out._ The English were quite demoralized. They had\nfled like \u201ca hare before the hounds\u201d (_Scala._, p. 150). \u201cThe people\nwere collapsing (_corruentem_) before the enemy like sheep without a\nshepherd\u201d (_Gesta_, p. 81).\n498 _Rivens._ Rievaulx; see above.\n500 _The King of Inglandis ger._ A note in _Bain_ describes the harness\nlost at \u201cRyvaux\u201d by the sudden attack of the Scots there on October 14\n(iii., No. 791). According to _Lanercost_, the King in his hurry left\nin Rievaulx Monastery his silver plate and great treasure, all which\nthe Scots carried off, spoiling the monastery besides (p. 248). The\nroyal treasure taken at Byland (_Higden_, viii., p. 316).\n520 _Lang eftir._ In October, 1323, and May, 1324, negotiations for\nRichmond\u2019s release were still in progress (_Bain_, iii., No. 829; _Pat.\nRolls_).\n543 _but ransoun free._ This seems to have been the transaction which\nresulted in the \u201cEmerald\u201d charter of the Douglases, giving them\nextraordinary powers of jurisdiction within their territories. The\ngrant was in lieu of 4,400 merks sterling, the ransoms of three (not\ntwo) French knights and their valets captured by Douglas at Byland, and\nliberated at the instance of the King of France, \u201cour very dear friend\u201d\n(Fraser\u2019s _Douglas_, _Bk._ iii., p. 11).\n553 _Byrnand, slayand, and distroyand._ From all accounts the Scots\ndid terrible mischief. \u201cThey did damage at their pleasure, with no\none to oppose them\u201d (_Scala._, p. 150). They spoiled and burned the\nneighbouring districts, carried off the cattle, and wasted on all\nsides with fire and sword (_Gesta Edw._, p. 80; _Trokelowe_, p. 126;\n_Northern Registers_, p. 318).\n555 _to the Wald._ The Yorkshire Wold (_Scala._, p. 150). \u201cLe Wald\u201d\n(_Lanercost_, p. 248; Stevenson\u2019s _Illustrations_, p. 7).\n558 _The vale ... of Beauvare._ The valley of the river Hull in\nwhich is Beverley. \u201cThey destroyed that country to about the town of\nBeverley, which purchased immunity from being burned\u201d (_Lanercost_,\np. 248). Murimuth and Baker say it cost Beverley four hundred pounds\nsterling (_Baker_, p. 66).\n561 _Till Scotland._ They returned on October 22 (_Gesta_, p. 80).\nIn _Lanercost_, November 2 is given as the date (p. 248). It may be\ninferred, from a reference in _Bain_ to the Earl of Richmond as \u201ca\nprisoner in Scotland\u201d on October 27, that the Scots had got home by\nthat date.\nBOOK XIX.\n6 _a fell conjuracione._ Barbour post-dates this conspiracy. It took\nplace in 1320.\n11 _The lord of Sowlis._ Probably the grandson of Sir Nicholas Soulis,\none of the competitors in 1292. Sir Nicholas claimed through his\nmother, a niece of Alexander III. (_Bain_, ii., liv.). His forfeited\nlands in Liddesdale were given to Bruce\u2019s illegitimate son Robert\nof Walter (_ibid._, 10; 13).\n16 _Male-herbe._ As in E, is the correct form; or Malerb (_Fordun_),\nMalherbe (_Scala._) and on record in _Bain_, and in _Robertson_, where\nthe Stirlingshire lands forfeited by \u201cGilbert de Malherbe\u201d are gifted\n(_Reg. Mag. Sig._, pp. 30, 61). The other names occur in these sources\nalso, as in Barbour.\n19 _David the Brechyne._ _Cf._ on _Bk._ VIII. 402; IX. 293. Some of the\nforfeited lands of Brechin, such as Rothmay, Brechine, Kinloch, etc.,\nwere granted to Sir David de Barclay (_Robertson_, pp. 26, 34).\n23 _Throu ane lady._ The lady in the affair was Countess of Strathearn\n(_Gesta Annal._, cxxxv.). But Gray (_Scala._, p. 144) gives a different\ndiscoverer, Murdoch of Menteith, who was in the English service as\nlate, at least, as January, 1317 (_Bain_, iii. 534). The Countess could\nnot have turned King\u2019s evidence, as she was condemned to imprisonment\nfor life (_Fordun._ _Ibid._). In an extract from the Cotton MS. in\n_Stevenson_, Menteith is again given as the discoverer (_Illust._, p.\n45 _playn granting._ Soulis made a full confession (_Scala._, p. 144).\n49 _plane parliament._ At Scone, August, 1320 (_Fordun_; _Skene_, i.\n348; _Scala._, p. 144). It was known as the Black Parliament.\n51 _Till his penance till Dumbertane._ \u201cConfined in Dumbarton Castle\nfor punishment in prison\u201d (_a sa penaunz en prisoun._--_Scala._, p.\n144); \u201cfor life\u201d (_Fordun_; _Skene_, i. 348). Gray says that Dumbarton\nwas the only castle in Scotland not now dismantled (_ibid._).\n56 _thai drawin war._ As in Fordun: \u201cfirst drawn with horses and\nfinally executed\u201d (_Skene_, i. 348). Gray says Brechin, Logy, and\nMaleherbe were hanged and drawn in Perth. Fordun adds Richard Brown, a\nsquire.\n74 _Scottis man._ Umfraville was a prisoner since Bannockburn. At this\ndate (1320) he was still in Scotland, though on July 24, 1314, Edward\nwas granting safe-conducts to some of his friends for a journey to\nFrance in quest of money for his ransom (_Bain_, iii., No. 374). On\nApril 20, 1320, there is a safe-conduct for Sir Ingelram de Umfraville,\n\u201ca Scottish knight passing through England on his affairs beyond seas,\u201d\nwith a considerable following, which was cancelled for one in October\n(_ibid._, 694). Meantime his name is on the record of the Arbroath\nParliament in April, 1320 (see below). On January 26, 1321, he is being\nrestored to his estates, \u201cas Ingelram, who was a prisoner in Scotland,\nhas escaped, and shown that he never left his allegiance\u201d (_ibid._,\n721). These facts have been held to invalidate Barbour\u2019s statement\n(Maxwell\u2019s _Robert the Bruce_, pp. 276-7), but they have obviously a\nsuspicious air. He appears to have somewhat prolonged his escape; there\nwas clearly a doubt as to his loyalty; and the date fits in curiously\nwith the narrative. Finally, it has to be explained how Umfraville\u2019s\nname appears in the list of signatories to the famous letter to the\nPope from the barons and Community of Scotland on April 6, 1320: \u201cWhile\nthere exist a hundred of us we will never submit to England\u201d (_Acts\n125 _the Kyngis curtasy._ _Cf._ note on _Bk._ XIII. 531.\n131 _oftsis._ There had been frequent negotiations for peace since\nimmediately after Bannockburn (_cf._ _F\u0153dera_ iii., p. 495).\n186 _war trewis tane._ The truce was arranged at Thorpe, near York, to\nlast for thirteen years (see line 188) from June 12, 1323.\n191-6 _Bot Inglis men apon the se Distroyit, etc._ Of such cases,\nprobably those referred to here, we have precise details in Bain\u2019s\n_Calendar_, vol. iii. On September 7, 1326, an inquiry is ordered by\nEdward II. into the case of certain Scottish merchants who, on their\nway to Flanders, took refuge in an English ship from fear of pirates,\nand were brought to Scarborough, where they were all arrested by the\nSheriff of York and the magistrates of Scarborough, and put in prison\n(No. 887). On September 28 three justices are commissioned to inquire\ninto the seizure of a Flemish vessel at Whitby, when nine Scottish\nmerchants, sixteen Scottish pilgrims, and thirteen women were murdered\n(lines 195, 234), and the cargo and goods to the value of \u00a32,000\ncarried off (line 196); the vessel being cast adrift, and afterwards\ncaptured by others, when the rest of the cargo was appropriated.\nApparently this inquiry was fruitless, for another is ordered at\nYarmouth on October 15 (No. 889). Then, on October 12, there was the\ncase of a Scottish clerk arrested on the high seas, brought with his\ntwo servants and goods to Scarborough, and imprisoned by the Sheriff of\nYork, to be discharged later by the King\u2019s order (No. 889). And Adam\nRolok and other Scots had been taken from a ship touching at Brunham\nand lodged in Norwich prison, from which they were not released till\nSeptember 24, 1328 (No. 965). Neglecting Barbour\u2019s full explanation,\nconfirmed as it is by Bain\u2019s _Calendar_, historians profess to find the\norigins of this campaign obscure, or lay all the blame upon the Scots\n(Hume Brown, _History_, i., p. 166; Lang, _History_ i. 232; Le Bel,\n_Chronique_, ed. 1904, i., p. 37, editorial note).\n205 _Walter Steward._ Died April 9, 1326.\n230-1 _twa yheir ... and ane half._ Nearly four years after; _cf._ note\n238 _gaf the trewis up._ Le Bel, the Flemish chronicler, says he\n\u201cdefied\u201d Edward about Easter because he saw Edward II. deposed, his\nGovernment upset, and that the new King was but a boy; and therefore\nhoped to conquer a part of England (_Les Vrayes Chroniques_, i., p. 34,\nedit. 1863; _Froissart_, trans. Johnes, i. 15).\n241 _Donald Erll of Mar._ _Cf._ note on _Bk._ XIII. 687. He had been\nbrought up at the Court of Edward II., and had served for him against\nthe Scots, but, on his deposition, returned to his native land. The\nScots readily received him and restored him to his earldom (_Gesta\nEdw. Tertii_, p. 96; _Bain_, iii. 744; _Scala._, p. 151). He hoped\nto get Scottish aid in restoring Edward II. (_Chron. de Lanercost_,\np. 259). The leaders of this expedition are given as in Barbour in\n_Scalacronica_, _Chron. de Lanercost_, and _Gesta Edwardi Tertii_,\nwith the exception of the Steward, who is not mentioned. Le Bel, who\nwas present with the troops of John of Hainault, names only Moray and\nDouglas, whom he erroneously styles William, here as elsewhere (i., p.\n248 _In England._ June 15; and a second raid to Weardale in August\n(_Fordun._ _Skene_, i. 351-2). Before July 20 (_Lanercost_, p. 259).\nBy the West March, says Hailes, citing Froissart (_i.e._, le Bel), but\nthis is certainly not clear. No one seems to have known how they came:\n\u201cThey had passed the river (? Tyne, Eden) so quietly that neither they\nof Carlisle nor they of Newcastle knew anything of it\u201d (_Le Bel_, i.,\n250 _ten thousand._ Le Bel says there were three thousand men-at-arms,\nknights, and squires, and about twenty thousand variously armed upon\nlittle hackneys (p. 48). These numbers are clearly in excess. It is\nfrom Jehan le Bel in this connection that Froissart has taken his\nfamous and familiar description of a Scots Border raid (_Johnes_, ch.\nxvii.).\n254 _Wardill._ Weardale, in Durham (_Fordun_, _Gesta Annalia_, cxl.).\n256 _The King wes ded._ Edward II. was in ward since January 7, but did\nnot die till September 21.\n257 _that wes yhing._ Edward III. was fifteen.\n261 _Isabel._ Daughter of Philip IV. of France.\n262 _wes weddid._ Not till January 28, 1328, to the second daughter\n(Philippa) of Count or Earl William of Holland and Hainault. Barbour,\nof course, writes about fifty years after.\n267 _Schir Johne of Hennaut._ John of Hainault, lord of Beaumont,\nbrother of the Count, then \u201cin the flower of his age\u201d (_Le Bel_, i., p.\n12). He came at Edward\u2019s request, and brought five hundred well-mounted\nmen-at-arms from Hainault, Flanders, Bohemia, Cambresis, and Artois:\nlater he was joined by fifty more (_Le Bel_, i. 36, 37). Jehan le Bel\nand his brother were in the company.\n271 _In-to York._ The English army assembled at York, and there awaited\nthe arrival of the Hainaulters (_Le Bel_, p. 36); or of the chief lords\n(_Gesta Edw._, p. 96). There was a wait at York of more than six weeks\nuntil news should come about the Scots (_Le Bel_, p. 45). The English\npreparations seem to have anticipated the Scottish raid, though Barbour\nputs it otherwise.\n275 _neir fifty thousand._ According to _Le Bel_, it was said the\nEnglish had seven thousand knights and squires, thirty thousand armed\nmen, half of whom were mounted on little hackneys, and twenty-four\nthousand archers on foot--sixty-one thousand men (i., p. 49). The\nEnglish were three times the number of the Scots (_Murimuth_, p. 53;\n_Baker_, 97). Froissart, modifying _Le Bel_, gives in another place\nmore than forty thousand men-at-arms (i., p. 17).\n278 _Xviii yheir._ Edward, born November, 1312, was only fifteen.\n279 _Cokdaill._ The Cock flows into the Wharfe, a tributary of the\nYorkshire Ouse. Sir Herbert Maxwell says Coquetdale (_Robert the\n287 _sevyn battellis._ According to Le Bel, the English were in three\nbattles of infantry, each battle having two wings of five hundred\nmen-at-arms (p. 49).\n316 _north half Wer, toward Scotland._ Maxwell insists that the Scots\nwere on the south bank, on account of an order from Edward on August\n3, located at Stanhope, to which may be added a later reference to his\nhaving been there (_Robert the Bruce_, p. 312 and note; _Bain_, iii.,\nNos. 929, 933). But the Scots were certainly at Stanhope Park, on the\nnorth bank (see below on 490 and 513). Mr. J. T. T. Brown, also on the\nstrength of the first citation from _Bain_, says that \u201cFroissart and\nthe Scottish poet are both alike in error in placing the Scottish army\non the north bank and the English on the opposite of the Wear\u201d (_The\nWallace and Bruce Restudied_, p. 144). In what he writes, Froissart\nsimply follows _Le Bel_, who was present. Neither expressly says that\nthe Scots were on the north bank, but it is made clear in both that\nthe river separated the forces. Nothing is said by Barbour of how the\nEnglish hunted for the Scots, but could not find them; of their rough\nand hurried ride to the Tyne at Hexham to cut off the expected Scottish\nretreat; or of their rush south when it was discovered by a squire that\nthe Scots were on the Wear--all of which is graphically described by\nLe Bel and transferred to his own work by Froissart (_Le Bel_, i., ch.\nxii.; _Froissart_, ch. xvii.).\n322 _Stude in a strynth._ They were drawn up in three battles on the\nslope of the mountain on which they were encamped (_Le Bel_, p. 62).\nGray says the Scots were in three divisions on a fine plain, and calls\nthis first position also Stanhope (_Scala._, p. 154). But it is clear\nfrom the detailed accounts of Barbour and Le Bel that the Scots were on\na hill.\n328 _Weris wattir._ \u201cBelow this mountain was a strong, swift river\u201d\n(_Le Bel_, p. 62). \u201cThe King took up a position before them on the Wear\nwattir for three days\u201d (_Scala._, p. 154).\n350 _Archibald ... of Douglas._ Youngest brother of Sir James, \u201cthe\nTineman\u201d (_i.e._, the Loser), afterwards Regent of Scotland; killed at\nHalidon Hill, 1333. His especial share in this raid was to plunder the\nbishopric of Durham (_Scala._, p. 154; Maxwell\u2019s _History of the House\n353-4 These lines appear to mean that Douglas alternately advanced\nand retired so as to draw the English on. The Scots on the next day,\naccording to Le Bel, \u201cran forwards and backwards in skirmishing\u201d\n(_couroient et racouroient tout en eshcarmuchant_, p. 64).\n374 _Schir Williame of Erskyn._ It is noted that Bruce died in debt to\nErskine (_Excheq. Rolls_, i., p. 404).\n396 _Tymbrys for helmys._ Wooden crests on helmets, common in the\nfourteenth century. Apparently the novelty was not in the crests, but\nin the material; hitherto they would have been made of _cuir-bouilli_\n(see _Bk._ XII., 23, note). Edward III. bore an eagle: \u201cTymbre de legle\n(? l\u2019aigle)\u201d (_Bain_, iii., p. lxviii.).\n399 _crakkis of war._ Early cannon (_cf._ on _Bk._ XVII., line 250). It\nis not easy to understand how the English carried these with them in\ntheir forced marches over hill and dale. Le Bel does not mention them.\nThey do not appear again in warfare till Cre\u00e7y (1346), if then (Oman,\n_Art of War_, p. 611).\n402 _That nycht._ \u201cThe night of St. Peter in August\u201d (_la nuit\nSaint-Pierre d\u2019aoust_, _Le Bel_, 64). St. Peter\u2019s Day was August 1, but\nas Mass was heard on the morrow, the \u201cnight\u201d was probably that of July\n31, St. Peter\u2019s Eve.\n405 _The Inglis men._ Le Bel (_Froissart_) does not relate the\nincidents given by Barbour, or these operations, except in general\nterms. Many \u201ccompanions,\u201d he says, with the assistance of their horses,\ncrossed the river, and some on foot; prisoners were taken, and others\nwounded or killed on both sides; and this went on continuously for\nthree days (p. 64). The English learned from their prisoners that the\nScots had neither bread, salt, nor wine, and so they hoped to starve\nthem out; but they had plenty of beef, and were not particular about\nhow they ate it, without salt or bread, \u201cboiled or roasted as it liked\nthem;\u201d as well as some oatmeal, of which they made cakes (i., p. 65).\n431 _all arayit._ Each of the first two days, Le Bel tells us, the\nEnglish were drawn up in order of battle, though it came only to\nfruitless skirmishing.\n482 _Fyres in gret foysoun._ The Scots, writes Le Bel, always made a\nwonderful number of fyres between night and morning; and by this and\ntheir blowing of horns and shouting together it seemed as if all the\ndevils of hell were assembled there (pp. 64, 65; _Johnes_, i., ch.\nxviii.).\n486 _Twa myle._ \u201cTwo small leagues\u201d (_Le Bel_). \u201cA short league\u201d\n(_Scala._). \u201cLeague,\u201d as usual, signifies just a mile, as when Le\nBel credits the Scots with an average day\u2019s march of from twenty to\nthirty-two \u201cleagues\u201d (p. 4).\n488 _defend thame bettir._ \u201cA much stronger place than before\u201d (_Le\n490 _a park._ Stanhope Park, a hunting-ground of the Bishop of Durham,\non the north bank of the Wear. \u201cThe Scots entered the park of Stanhope\nand there lodged; likewise also the English on the other side of a\ncertain stream pitched camp and rested\u201d (_Gesta Edw._, p. 96). The\nScots moved to \u201cwithin the park of Stanhope\u201d (_dedenz le park de\nStanhope_, _Scala._, p. 154). \u201cThe Scots betook themselves to the\npark of Stanhope\u201d (_Lanercost_, p. 259). The Scottish army was \u201cat\nStanhope Park\u201d (_apud Stanhop park_, _Contin. Chron._, _Murimuth_, p.\n53; _Chron._, _Knighton_, i., p. 445; _Baker_, p. 97; _Hemingburgh_,\nii., p. 298). And those who have rejected Barbour\u2019s statement as to\nthe northward position of the Scots, resting on a single citation\nfrom Bain (see on 316), would have found, a few pages farther on, an\nexpress reference to the time when the Scots were surrounded and beset\n(_circumdati et obsessi_) _in the park of Stanhope_ by the King\u2019s army\n(_Bain_, No. 957, June 29, 1328). Edward, being so near, could very\nwell speak of himself as \u201cat Stanhope.\u201d Bain later admits the Scots\nwere at Stanhope (_Edwards in Scotland_, p. 77).\n492 _full of treis._ At Stanhope Park \u201cthey were lodged in a wood\u201d (_Le\nBel_, 65). \u201cIn the woddys of Stanhop park in dyverse busshementis\u201d\n495 _Be nychtyrtale._ _I.e._, by night-time, as in Chaucer:\n  He sleep namore than doth a nightingale.\u201d\n501 _Upon the wattir._ \u201cOn another mountain ... also on the river\u201d (_Le\n503 _on the morn._ Barbour gives the Scots only two days in the first\nposition opposite the English, not saying how long they had been\nalready \u201cliand\u201d there, which Le Bel says was eight days. Le Bel says,\nfurther, that they left on the third, not the second, night, and that\ntheir departure was discovered on the morning of the fourth day (p.\n65). If the English arrived on July 31 (_cf._ on 402), and Edward was\nat Stanhope on August 3 (_cf._ on 316), this would be right. Gray says\nthe Scots shifted camp on the fourth night (_Scala._, p. 154). Fordun\nsuggests only one position, the second (_Gesta Annalia_, cxl.).\n513 _on othir half the wattir of Wer._ _Cf._ _Gesta Edwardi_ in note on\n490. In Le Bel the river is still between the armies, (pp. 65, 66).\n516 _Aucht dayis._ Maxwell affirms that, in saying this, Barbour\n\u201ceither draws on his imagination, or has been misled by his informants\u201d\n(_Robert the Bruce_, p. 314); and the chronology of the various\nwriters is hard to reconcile. Gray gives six days for the second\nposition (p. 154); Le Bel (Froissart) eighteen (68); Knighton fifteen\n(_Leycestrensis Chron._, i. 445); Hemingburgh says the Scots were\nbesieged for fifteen days in Stanhope Park (ii., p. 298). But the\nauthor of _Gesta Edwardi_ agrees with Barbour in assigning eight days\n(_octo diebus dicursis_, p. 97), and so does the _Lanercost_ writer (p.\n259) and Fordun (_Gesta Annalia_, cxl.). Yet Mr. Brown accuses Barbour,\nin fixing that term, of \u201calways lauding his own side,\u201d though these\nEnglish chroniclers support him (_The Wallace and The Bruce_, p. 145).\nOne document suggests that Edward was at Durham on August 5 (_Bain_,\niii., No. 930), but dates and places on legal documents do not always\nsignify what they suggest. The order from Durham was issued in the\nKing\u2019s name. Edward was still at Stanhope on August 7 (_Calendar of\nPatent Rolls_, Edward III. _s. d._).\n520-1 _ilk day justyng of Wer. And scrymming._ \u201cEvery day skirmishing\nby those who wished to skirmish\u201d (_Le Bel_, 67). _Cf._ throughout\nFroissart, ch. xviii.\n527 _on the nynt day._ \u201cThe _first_ night that our lords were lodged\nupon this (second) mountain\u201d (_Le Bel_, p. 67). In _Scala._ apparently\nthe third night (p. 155).\n533 _V. hundreth._ \u201cTwo hundred men-at-arms\u201d (_Le Bel_, p. 67). \u201cA few\u201d\n(_Lanercost_, 260; _Gesta Edw._, 96).\n534 _in the night._ \u201cAbout midnight\u201d (_Le Bel_).\n535 _so fer he raid._ \u201cHe passed this river a good distance (_bien\nloin_) from our host\u201d (_Le Bel_).\n538 _slely can he ryd._ \u201cWherefore no one perceived him\u201d (_Le Bel_).\n541 _hew rapys._ See below on 561.\n550 _no vachis._ \u201cHe suddenly passed through the sentinels of the\nEnglish\u201d (_Gesta Edw._, pp. 96-7).\n560 _He ruschit on thame hardely._ He fell on the English host most\nboldly, crying: \u201cDouglas! Douglas! you shall die all, lords of England\u201d\n(_Le Bel_, _ibid._). In _Froissart_ it becomes \u201cthieves of England\u201d\n(_Berners_, _Johnes_), a version due, apparently, to Froissart\u2019s later\nre-editing of his own work. In Lettenhove\u2019s edition (1863) it is\n\u201c_\u2019Glas, \u2019Glas_\u201d (i., p. 102). Knighton says that when Douglas was seen\nby some English he began to cry in English (_Anglica voce_), \u201c\u2018No warde\na seynt Jorge!\u2019 as if he were an Englishman\u201d (i. 445).\n561 _doune he bare._ Le Bel (Froissart) says Douglas got so far\nthat \u201che cut two or three cords of the King\u2019s tent.\u201d \u201cHe penetrated\n(_intravit_) a great part of the army of the King, and came nearly to\nthe King\u2019s tent\u201d (_Lanercost_, 260). \u201cHe passed through the midst of\nthe English army\u201d (_Gesta Edwardi_, 97).\n565 _Thai stabbit, stekit, and thai slew._ \u201cThey began, he and his\ncompany, to make a great attack. (\u00c0 faire une grand enva\u00efe et \u00e0 coper\net mehagnier gens et \u00e0 abatre (car ce fus sus le point dou premier\nsomme) et porterent grand damage a l\u2019oost\u201d (_Froissart_ in Vatican MS.,\ned. Lettenhove, i., chap, xxxiii., p. 102. 1863).\n567 _A felloun slauchtir._ \u201cDouglas and his company slew more than\nthree hundred\u201d (_Le Bel_). \u201cSome he slew, some took captive\u201d (_Gesta\nEdw._, p. 97). They \u201cslew a great part of the people of the Earls\u201d\n568 _liand nakit._ _I.e._, unarmoured. \u201cAnd he slew or he seased\nccc. men, some in their beddes, and some skant redy\u201d (from Berner\u2019s\n_Froissart_, but not in Johnes nor in any of the known editions of\n_Froissart_ nor in _Le Bel_; not, however, a very unusual exercise\nof the imagination). Barbour\u2019s descriptive detail is evidently due\nto his information. \u201cHe gave very many a rude awakening\u201d (_plurimos\nterribiliter evigilavit._ _Gesta Edw._, p. 97). \u201cOn his return he slew\nmany in their amazement\u201d (_attonitos._ _Lanercost_, 260).\n577 _That lord, etc._ _I.e._, \u201cFirst one lord and then another was\naroused.\u201d\n614 _cummyn ar thai._ \u201cHe himself (Douglas) returned unhurt to his own\narmy\u201d (_Gesta Edw._, 97); \u201cwith very great difficulty\u201d (_Knighton_, i.\n638 _ilk day growis._ Edward was still summoning men to his host. Such\na summons is dated at Stanhope, August 3 (_Bain_, No. 929).\n639 _vattale has._ Le Bel, on the contrary, says the English army was\nsuffering severely from want of food, and that provisions were at a\nfamine price (_toudis avions nous paour de plus grand famine_, pp.\n66-68). The final Froissart does not have these passages, but suggests\nthe same thing (p. 24). The _Lanercost_ chronicler speaks of their\nfailing victuals (p. 259).\n644 _Sic as we haf._ See notes on 405 and 735. Le Bel says the English\nexpected the Scots would be forced by famine to make a night attack (p.\n68; _Froissart_, Johnes, p. 24).\n657 _A nycht._ \u201cOne night.\u201d\n667 _thou mon heir out._ \u201cYou can get out only here.\u201d\n712 _thai sall let thame trumpit ill._ Evidently in allusion to line\n680. \u201cTrumpeting\u201d seems to have been the prelude to any operation. Or\nthe phrase may be in French idiom, introducing the verb _tromper_, to\ndeceive, which, however, would be unusual for Barbour.\n731 _blew hornys and fyres maid._ _Cf._ note on 482.\n735 _the nycht wes fallyn._ According to Le Bel, a Scottish knight was\nthat day captured, who, much against his will, informed them that in\nthe morning the Scots lords had arranged that every man was to be armed\nat vespers (68), and that each was to follow the banner of Douglas\nwherever he should go, and that every man was to keep it secret; but\nthe Scots knight did not know for certain what their purpose was. The\nEnglish judged that the Scots, forced by unendurable famine, were about\nto make an attack on their host (p. 68). Next day it was found that\nthe Scots had departed \u201cbefore midnight\u201d (p. 69), \u201cleaving the park\nby night\u201d (_Gesta Edw._, p. 97). Certain allusions would lead us to\ninfer that the English had, to some extent, got round the Scots. Le Bel\ndeclares that the Scots were thought to be planning an attempt to break\nthrough the English on two sides (_brisier nostre ost \u00e0 deux cost\u00e9s_,\npp. 68-9). The _Lanercost_ writer says the Scots got away to their\nown country \u201cby moving round the army of the King\u201d (_circueundo regis\nexercitum versus Scotiam pertransirent_, p. 259). They were surrounded,\naccording to Knighton (i., 445). _Cf._ also extract 957 from _Bain_\nin note on 490, and lines 800, 801. Le Bel says that he and some\n\u201ccompanions\u201d had to cross the river next day to get to the Scottish\nencampment, where they found abundance of beef in various forms. The\naccount in the _Scalacronica_ is simply that, the third night after\nthe Douglas affair, the Scots broke camp and marched to their own\ncountry (_Scala._, p. 155). Several English chroniclers attribute the\nescape of the Scots to treachery on their own side (_Murimuth_, 53, 64;\n_Knighton_, i. 445; _Gesta Edw._, 97, etc.).\n746 _summer._ \u201cSumpter-horse,\u201d as, with a different spelling, in\n_Wallace_, iv. 53; \u201cThar tyryt _sowmir_ so left thai in-to playne.\u201d\n766-7 _till consale, etc._ \u201cWhen the lords heard this they took counsel\n... and said that to chase after the Scots would profit them nothing,\nfor they could not be overtaken\u201d (_Le Bel_, p. 69).\n770 _Kyng Robert than._ If so, Bruce must have hurried back from\nIreland, for on July 12 he granted a truce of one year to the people\nof Ulster (_Bain_, iii. 922). This Irish campaign appears to have been\na failure (_ibid._, 1191). These are our only allusions to it. In\n_Scala._ it is said that it was the Earls who heard they were besieged\n774 _tuenty thousand._ \u201cFive thousand\u201d (_Scala._, p. 155).\n776 _Marche and Angous._ \u201cPatrick, Earl of March, and John the Steward,\nwho styled himself Earl of Angous\u201d (_Scala._, p. 155). March (_cf._\nnote on _Bk._ XI. 46) had joined the Scots some time before February,\n1317 (_Bain_, iii. 536). Sir John Stewart of Boncle, or Bonkill, son\nof Sir Alexander (see on _Bk._ IX. 692), was created Earl of Angus by\nBruce (_Scots Peerage_, i. 169).\n781 _the sammyn day._ \u201cThe very day of their departure\u201d (_Scala._, 155).\n798 _Had vittale with thame._ On the contrary, Gray declares that if\nthey had had enough provisions they would have gone back; they were\nsuch fierce warriors (p. 155).\nBOOK XX.\n1 _Soyne eftir._ \u201cNot long after\u201d (_nec multum post._ _Gesta Edw._, p.\n97). It was \u201clately,\u201d on September 22, 1327 (_Northern Registers_, p.\n5 _A gret host._ \u201cWith a great army\u201d (_North. Reg._, p. 344).\n7 _to Norhame._ Besieged Norham Castle (_ibid._; also _F\u0153dera_, iii.,\np. 975; and _Scala._, p. 155). Robert himself was at Norham (_Scala._).\nFor this and next note, _cf._ _Scotichronicon_, ii., p. 288.\n10 _Awnwyk._ Alnwick. \u201cBesieged the castle of Alnwick for more than\nfifteen days\u201d (_Gesta Edw._, p. 97). Alnwick besieged by Moray and\nDouglas (_Scala._, 155).\n15 _mony fair gud chevelry._ At Alnwick \u201cthere were great jousts of war\nby formal agreement\u201d (_estoient grantz joustes de guere par covenaunt\ntaille._ _Scala._, p. 155).\n23-25 _The landis of Northumberland ... gaf he._ \u201cAnd lands, it is\nclaimed, within the kingdom of England, the said King Robert confers\non certain of his followers, and causes charters to be prepared for\nthe grantees\u201d (_North. Reg._, p. 344; _cf._ \u201cthai payit for the seliys\nfee\u201d).\n27 _raid he destroyand._ The Scots \u201cdestroyed Northumberland almost\nentirely, except the castles, and remained there a long time\u201d\n(_Lanercost_, p. 260).\n31 _Ledaris of hym._ \u201cThe Queen and Mortimer arranged everything\u201d (_la\nroyne et le Mortimer le firent tout_, _Scala._, 156). \u201cBy the evil\nadvice of his mother and Roger, Lord of Mortimer\u201d (_Lanercost_, p.\n261); \u201chis mother then ruled the whole kingdom\u201d (_ibid._).\n33 _Send messyngers._ The \u201cmessengers\u201d (_nuntios_; in _Acts._,\nmessages) and procurators of the King of England were the Bishops\nof Lincoln and Norwich, Henry Percy, William of Ashby-de-la-Zouch\n(a Mortimer), and Geoffrey Scrope. The negotiations took place at\nEdinburgh, and were concluded March 17, 1328 (_Gesta Edw._, p. 98;\n_Acts Parl. Scot._, i., p. 124). A parliament at Northampton finally\nagreed to the treaty, May 4, 1328 (_Exchequer Rolls_, i. ciii.).\n38 _fiff yheir ... scarsly._ David Bruce was born on March 5, 1324.\n39 _Johane ... of the Tour._ Having been born in the Tower of London.\n\u201cJohanam de Turre\u201d (_Lanercost_, p. 261); \u201cJohannam de Turribus\u201d\n43 _sevin yher._ Born 1321.\n44 _monymentis and lettrys ser._ Especially the _Ragman Roll_\n(Icelandic, _ragmanr_, a coward?), containing a list of the homages\nto Edward on August 28, 1296, at Berwick, by the churchmen, earls,\nbarons, knights, burgesses, and whole community of Scotland, as well\nas earlier submissions (_Bain_, ii. xxv., pp. 193-214; _cf._ also\n_Lanercost_, p. 261; _Knighton_, i. 448-9; _Scotichr._, ii., p. 289;\n_Baker_, p. 103). Baker says the Roll was publicly burned at the\nmarriage at Berwick (_ibid._). The only copies of it that exist are\nin the _Tower Rolls_ (_Bain_, _ibid._), with portions of the original\ninstruments of homage; so that this stipulation was never carried out\n(_Acts Parl. Scot._, i., p. 19).\n48 _all the clame._ \u201cOmnem clameum (_sic_) seu demandam\u201d (_Lanercost_,\np. 261). _Cf._ for terms of the \u201cRelaxation of Superiority.\u201d _F\u0153dera_,\n53 _Fully xx thousand pund._ Twenty thousand pounds sterling to be paid\nin three years (_Acts Parl. Scot._, i., p. 125). Fordun says 30,000\nmarks out of King Robert\u2019s \u201cmere goodwill,\u201d in compensation for English\nlosses (_Gesta Annalia_, cxli.). The last payment was in 1331 (_Excheq.\nRolls_, cx.).\n67 _for the mangery._ The _Exchequer Rolls_, I, cxiv.-cxvii., contain\na long list of purchases in the Low Countries for the household of the\nyoung people--food, furniture, utensils, etc.\n73 _male es._ Fr. _mal aise_, illness. According to Le Bel, Bruce was\nsuffering from the \u201cgreat sickness\u201d (_la grosse maladie_) in 1327\n(p. 48; see also 79). The _Lanercost_ chronicler says it was leprosy\n(_factus fuerat leprosus_, p. 259). Johnes translates Froissart\u2019s\n\u201cgrosse maladie\u201d as leprosy (i. 18, 26).\n79 _Cardross._ On the Clyde, half way between Dumbarton and\nHelensburgh, acquired by the King in 1326 in exchange for other lands\n(_Exchequer Rolls_, I., cxix.).\n83 _To Berwik._ The marriage took place on Sunday, July 19, 1328\n(_Lanercost_, p. 261); July 17 (_Gesta Annalia_, cxlii.).\n85 _the Queyne and Mortymer._ Edward III. himself was not present\n(_Lanercost_, p. 261).\n125 _At that parliament._ The arrangement as to the succession of the\nSteward and a possible regency were made in a parliament of 1318.\nRandolph was to be regent, and, failing him, Douglas (_Acts Parl._,\ni. 105). Barbour divides the regency; Fordun makes no mention of this\n(_Gesta Annalia_, cxxxix.).\n*129 _Maid hym manrent and fewte._ Some such ceremony in all likelihood\ndid take place; Barbour\u2019s statement is not to be rejected lightly. Le\nBel (_Froissart_) says that when the King felt the approach of death he\nsummoned his barons (see below), and charged them, on their fealty, to\nguard loyally the kingdom for his own David, and when he came of age\nobey him, and crown him King, and marry him suitably--in which last\ndetail Le Bel is, of course, astray (p. 79; _Johnes_, i. 27).\n151 _Till Cardross went._ He had paid a visit to Galloway, and was at\nGlenluce on March 29, 1329.\n158 _For the lordis._ See note on 129.\n167 _Lordingis._ An alternative account of this speech and of the whole\ncircumstances up to the death of Douglas is given by Le Bel (ch. xxv.),\nand adapted from him by Froissart (_Johnes_, i., ch. xx.). Divergencies\nor close parallels are noted as they occur. See on these Appendix, F.\nvi. Baker also has a brief account, citing, as a witness of the doings\nof Douglas in Spain, Thomas Livingstone, a Carmelite friar, at that\ntime a civilian serving under his command in the Christian army (p.\n177 _my trespass._ This sounds like a clerical interpretation; _cf._\n_Bk._ II. 43-5 for a similar comment. In _Le Bel_ Bruce opens with\nthe remark that all knew that he had much to do in his time, and had\nsuffered much to maintain the rights of this kingdom (as cited).\n178 _my hert fyschit firmly was._ \u201cI made a vow which I have not\naccomplished and which weighs upon me\u201d (_Le Bel_). \u201cI vowed,\u201d etc.\n181 _to travell apon Goddis fayis._ \u201cTo make war upon the enemies of\nour Lord and the adversaries of the Christian faith beyond the sea\u201d\n(_Le Bel_). Froissart does not have the closing phrase. \u201cThat I would\nfight with my body against the enemies of Christ\u201d (_Baker_, p. 105).\n183-5 _the body may on na wis, etc._ \u201cSince my body is not able to go\nor accomplish that which the heart has so long desired, I wish to send\nthe heart for the body to make satisfaction for me and my wish\u201d (_pour\nmoy et pour mon vueil acquittier._ _Le Bel_, 1904, I., chap. xv.); \u201cto\nfulfil my vow\u201d (_pour mon voeu achever._ _Froissart_); \u201cBecause alive I\nshall not be able\u201d--_i.e._, to go (_Baker_, 105).\n188 _cheis me ane._ Le Bel and Baker represent Bruce as himself\nchoosing Douglas for the mission; so, too, does Bower (_Scotichr._,\n191-2 _On Goddis fayis, etc._ _Cf._ above on line 181. Le Bel gives\nthe commission differently and in fuller detail: \u201cThat you take my\nheart and have it embalmed, and take as much of my treasure as will\nseem good to you for performing the journey, for yourself and all\nthose whom you will wish to bring with you; and that you will carry my\nheart to the Holy Sepulchre, where our Lord was buried, since the body\nis not able to go thither; and that you do it as magnificently (_si\ngrandement_) and as well provided with all things and with attendance\nsufficient, as belongs to your estate; and wherever you come let it be\nknown that you carry as a commission (_comme message_) the heart of\nthe King of Scotland for the reason that his body cannot go thither.\u201d\nIn Johnes it is, from _Froissart_, \u201cyou will deposit your charge at\nthe Holy Sepulchre\u201d; in Berners, \u201cpresent my heart to the H.S.\u201d The\nVatican (final) MS. of _Froissart_, however, has \u201cthat you carry (the\nheart) beyond the sea against the heathen (_mescreans_) _and as far as\nto the Holy Sepulchre and leave it there, if you have the fortune to\ngo so far_\u201d (_si l\u2019aventure poes avoir d\u2019aler si avant_, Lettenhove,\nI., chap. xxxviii., p. 119). Bain summarizes a Protection \u201cfor seven\nyears,\u201d given by Edward III. on September 1, 1329, for James Douglas,\n\u201con his way to the Holy Land with the heart of the late Robert K. of\nScotland, in aid of the Christians against the Saracens\u201d (No. 991);\nwho also, on the same date, commends Douglas, on this mission, to\nAlfonso K. of Castile, Leon, etc. (990). In the Pope\u2019s absolution\nfor the ecclesiastical offence of mutilating a dead body, dated at\nAvignon, August 6, 1331, which, of course, proceeds on a narrative\nfurnished from Scotland, it is explained that King Robert had expressly\ncommanded that \u201chis heart should be carried in battle against the\nSaracens\u201d (_in bello contra Saracenos portaretur_), and that, in\naccordance with the wish of the King himself, it was carried by Douglas\ninto Spain in battle against the said Saracens (Theiner, _Vetera\nMonumenta_, No. 498). Baker has it, \u201cthat you carry my heart against\nthe enemies of the name of Christ to Gardiavia on the frontier\u201d (_ad\nfronterii Gardiaviam_, p. 105). Later chroniclers distort the details\nsomewhat, Bower alleging that the heart was to be buried in Jerusalem,\nand sending both Alfonso and Douglas to the Holy Land; referring the\nreader, nevertheless, to \u201cBarbour\u2019s Bruce\u201d (\u201cBarbarii Broisacus,\u201d\n_Scotichr._, ii., p. 301); while the _Book of Pluscarden_ simply\nparaphrases Bower, expanding the reference to the Bruce (_legendam\ndicti excellentissimi principis in nostro vulgari compositam_). _Cf._\nalso note in Brown\u2019s _Wallace and Bruce_, pp. 136-7, where, however,\nMr. Brown\u2019s hand is being forced by his theory. Doubtless Bruce\u2019s words\nmight be alternatively interpreted; but, from what we know of Douglas,\nwe may conclude that he fulfilled his commission to the letter, and\nthat Barbour is, so far, right. The Vatican _Froissart_ shows us how,\nalso, the confusion arose. Scott, in his final note on _The Abbot_,\nprints a commendation (May 19, 1329) of Melrose Abbey by Bruce to his\nson David and his successors, in which he says that he has arranged\nthat his heart should be buried there, but makes no mention of a prior\ndestination. Edward I. also had \u201cbequeathed\u201d his heart to the Holy\nSepulchre (_Trivet_, p. 413; Wright\u2019s _Political Songs_, p. 247).\n197 _greting._ \u201cAll those who were there began to weep with much\ncompassion\u201d (_Le Bel_).\n212 _his bounty._ \u201cI shall now die in peace, when I know that the most\nsuitable man in my kingdom and the most worthy will perform that which\nI have not been able to perform\u201d (_Le Bel_).\n223-231 \u201cNoble sire, a hundred thousand thanks for the great honour you\ndo me, when you charge and entrust to me so noble and so great a thing\nand such a treasure; and I shall do very willingly what you command\nconcerning your heart, doubt it not, to the best of my power\u201d (_Le\nBel_). In Baker, \u201cI swear by the heart of Jesus Christ that I shall\ncarry your heart as you have asked me and die fighting with the cursed\nenemies\u201d (_contra pr\u00e6damnatos hostes moriturum_, p. 105).\n253 _he wes ded._ June 7, 1339, aged fifty-four years and eleven months.\n276 _all for his persoune._ This, as may be gathered from all that here\nprecedes, was fully the case. Le Bel, in his earliest reference (ch.\ni.), refers to him as \u201cthe noble King Robert the Bruce, who was King\nof Scots, and had given often so much trouble to the good King Edward,\nspoken of above\u201d (Edward I.); and later says that from their exploits\nthese two Kings were reputed \u201cthe two most worthy in the world\u201d (p.\n107). On the English side: \u201cIndeed, I would speak of Lord Robert the\nBruce with the greatest praise, did not the guilt of his homicide and\nthe knowledge of his treason compel me to be silent,\u201d and the writer\ndrops into a couplet to the same effect (_Vita Edw. Sec._, p. 166).\nBaker is of the same mind; Bruce was \u201cevery inch a soldier\u201d (_per omnia\nmilitarem_), save that he was disloyal to his natural lord, which no\nknight should be (p. 101).\n286 _bawlmyt syne._ According to Le Bel, the heart was taken out and\nembalmed (p. 81).\n292 _solempnly erdit syne._ \u201cHe was buried in the honourable manner\nthat became him, according to the usage of the country\u201d (_Le Bel_,\n_ibid._). Froissart adds that \u201che lies in Dunfermline Abbey.\u201d His\nskeleton was brought to light in digging in the Abbey in 1819, showing\nthe breastbone sawn up to get at the heart. It is that of a man about\nsix feet high. The mass of the wide, capacious head is to the rear,\nand the forehead is rather low; the marks of the muscles on the head\nand neck are very pronounced, and the cheekbones particularly strong\nand prominent. Four front teeth in the upper jaw are missing, three,\napparently, as the result of a blow, the socket being much fractured.\nThe lower jaw is exceptionally strong and deep. For full details see\n_Arch\u00e6ol. Scot._, vol. ii., pp. 435-453. The _fair toume_ was brought\nfrom Paris to Bruges, and thence, by England, to Dunfermline; the\nexpense of this conveyance and of many other items in connection with\nthe interment are to be found in the _Exchequer Rolls_, vol. i.\n318 _To schip till Berwik._ \u201cEn Escoce\u201d (_Le Bel_, i., p. 83);\n\u201cMontrose,\u201d adds Froissart (_Lettenhove_, I., chap. xxxix.)\n324 _the Grunye of Spanyhe._ Bain makes this comment, reading _Grunye_\nfrom E. \u201cThe \u2018Grunye\u2019 is probably Coruna, called by sailors the\n\u2018Groyne.\u2019 Mr. Skeat\u2019s text makes the word \u2018grund,\u2019 taking no notice of\nthe other reading\u201d (iii., p. xxxvii, note). Le Bel takes Douglas first\nto Sluys in Flanders, making him hear in that port of the operations in\nSpain (p. 84). In Sluys, he says, he hoped to meet with some going to\nJerusalem (p. 83).\n326 _Sebell the Graunt._ Seville the Grand, on the Guadalquiver. \u201cFirst\nat the port of Valence (Valentia) la Grande\u201d (_Le Bel_, 84). Seville\nwas then the base of operations against the Moors.\n336-7 _a fair company, And gold eneuch._ According to Le Bel,\nDouglas had with him the knight-banneret and six others of the most\ndistinguished men of his country. His plate was of silver (and gold,\nadds Froissart), and all of his own rank who visited him at Sluys\nwere treated to two kinds of wine and two kinds of spices (ch. xvi.;\n_Johnes_, i., ch. xx.).\n338 _The Kyng._ Alphonso XI. of Castile and Leon, to whom Douglas had\nbeen commended by Edward III.; see note on 190. There was another\nAlphonso, IV. of Arragon, but he gave no assistance on this occasion\n361 _The Inglis knychtis._ Prussia and Spain were the favourite resorts\nof English knights anxious to war against the infidels. Chaucer\u2019s\nknight had been in both countries on this errand (_Prologue_, 53-56).\n393 _Balmeryne._ A Moorish kingdom in Africa; or, more correctly, of\nthe reigning dynasty, the Banu-Marin. In Chaucer\u2019s _Prologue_ it is\n\u201cBelmarye\u201d (line 57); in _Froissart_ the name appears more correctly as\nBellemarie (_Johnes_, ii., p. 484; _Letten._, I., p. 121, chap. xxxix.).\n401 _The vaward._ In Le Bel (_Froissart_) Douglas betakes himself to\none of the wings \u201cthe better to do his business and display his power\u201d\n(_son effort_, p. 84).\n402 _the strangeris with him weir._ So we gather also from Baker, whose\ninformant served under Douglas. _Cf._ note on 167.\n403 _mastir of Saint Jak._ The Master, or head, of the Order of St.\nJames.\n407 _To mete their fayis._ On March 25, 1330, at _Tebas de Hardales_, a\nstrong town in Granada (_Mariana_, _Bk._ xv., ch. x., p. 255). Fordun,\nhowever, dates the battle August 25 (cxliv.).\n*421-32 _Bot ere they joyned, etc._ See on these lines _Appendix_ D.\n431 _So fer chassit._ The account in _Le Bel_ is to the effect that\nDouglas attacked prematurely, thinking that Alphonso was about to\ndo so, and that he was being followed up. But Alphonso did not move\nfor the reason, we learn from _Mariana_, that the frontal attack of\nMoorish cavalry was but a feint, and that the real attack, as the King\nsaid, was to be in the rear on the Christian camp (_Le Bel_, p. 84;\n_Mariana_, as cited). Alphonso was better acquainted than Douglas with\nthe Moorish methods of fighting. Fordun\u2019s narrative is that Douglas\nand his company were cut off by an ambuscade which, though superior in\nnumbers, they readily attacked (_Gesta Annalia_, cxliv.).\n440 _That relyit._ _I.e._, the Moors rallied. It was their usual\ntactics to attempt to draw after them a body of the enemy in pursuit,\nand then surround the pursuers.\n467 _ilkane war slayn thar._ \u201cNot a single one of them escaped, but\nthey were all slain\u201d (_Le Bel_, p. 84).\n521 _the leill Fabricius._ Roman consul, 278 B.C. A traitor offered\nto poison Pyrrhus, but the Roman refused the proposal, and sent\ninformation to Pyrrhus (_Plutarch_).\n585 _the kirk of Dowglas._ St. Brides, Douglas.\n587 _Schir Archibald his sone._ Skeat, in his note on this passage, is\nall astray. He says that Douglas was never married, that he left only a\nnatural son William, and that this Archibald was his third or youngest\nbrother. But Sir William Fraser is of opinion that Sir James was\nmarried, though Sir Herbert Maxwell doubts, and certainly no record of\nit survives; but he was succeeded in the estates by William, while his\nbrother Archibald \u201cTineman\u201d (Loser) was killed at Halidon Hill in 1333.\nHe, however, had another son, certainly illegitimate, the Archibald\nreferred to here, who succeeded in 1388 as third Earl of Douglas, and\ndied, after a varied career, in 1400 (Fraser\u2019s _Douglas Book_, I.,\n188-9; _Scalacronica_; Maxwell\u2019s _History of the House of Douglas_, i.,\n177). Archibald was known as \u201cthe Grim.\u201d Mr. Brown cites Fraser to the\neffect that Archibald erected the tomb \u201cprobably about the year 1390,\nafter his succession as third Earl of Douglas\u201d (_Douglas Book_, I., p.\n181); and adds the proposition that he could not have done so before\nhis succession, because, according to the _Book of Pluscarden_ (1462),\nhis friends \u201cheld him in small account because he was a bastard,\u201d\nand because his succession to the estates was disputed (_Acts Parl.\nScot._, i., p. 194; _The Wallace and Bruce_, pp. 154-5). Mr. Brown\u2019s\ncontention, therefore, is that the statement in the text could not\nhave been penned by Barbour in 1375, and that it is not due to him,\nbut to his redactor. The reasoning is not all conclusive; against the\nplain statement of Barbour there is only an assumption on Fraser\u2019s\npart, and inferences on the part of Mr. Brown which are not necessarily\ncontained in his premisses. Archibald was, no doubt, only a child when\nhis father was killed; but he became Lord of Galloway in 1369, and Earl\nof Wigtown in 1372. What was there to prevent his erecting a tomb for\nhis distinguished father, except a delicacy of feeling on the side of\nthe \u201clegitimates,\u201d which is rather modern than late medi\u00e6val? Archibald\nbought his earldom, built and endowed a hospital near Dumfries, erected\nThrieve Castle, and had extensive lands in various parts of Scotland,\nso that he must have been a man of considerable wealth, besides being,\nas Warden, the most important figure on the Border. Who or what was\nthen to prevent him honouring the congenial memory of his great father\nbefore 1375-6?\n600 _Melros._ _Cf._ note on 191-2.\n604 _And held the pure weill to warrand._ _I.e._, \u201cAnd carefully\nguarded or looked after the interests of the poor.\u201d\n609 _poysonyt was he._ Moray died at Musselburgh, July 20, 1332. Fordun\nsays nothing of poisoning (_Gesta Annalia_, cxlvi.). But there appears\nto have been a popular story to this effect, to which, later, was added\nthe detail that his poisoner was an English monk (_Scotichr._, ii.,\nlib. xiii., ch. xix.). Moray died of the stone from which he suffered\ntowards the close of his life; the rest Hailes considered \u201ca silly\npopular tale\u201d (_Annals_, vol. iii., App. 2).\nAPPENDICES\nAPPENDIX A\nTHE SITE OF THE BATTLE OF BANNOCKBURN\nIt will be noticed that the conception of this battle, alike as to\nposition and tactics, elaborated in the notes in strict conformity\nwith Barbour, differs entirely from that now universally accepted. The\nengagements of the first day (Sunday) were the outcome of attempts\nto clear the two paths of approach to Stirling--that through the New\nPark, and the other on the level below St. Ninians. Both failed,\nand the means by which their failure was brought about determined\nthe operations of the following day (Monday). This main engagement,\nhowever, it has been hitherto held, took place on the banks of the\nBurn, below or in the neighbourhood of Brock\u2019s Brae, with the Burn\nseparating the forces. This is pure misconception. There can be no\ndoubt that the battle was fought on a position roughly at right angles\nto this--on \u201cthe playne,\u201d \u201cthe hard feld,\u201d or level ground east of\nSt. Ninians, reaching back into the angle formed by the Forth and the\nBannock. The main data for such a conclusion are these: (1) The English\npassed the night on the Carse, having crossed the Bannock; (2) the\nScots _attacked_ early next morning, and to do this \u201ctuk the playne,\u201d\nleaving their camp-followers in the Park, so that they astonished the\nEnglish by their audacity; (3) in the rout many English were drowned\nin the Forth and in the Bannock; (4) Edward II., unable to get away,\nfled to the castle; (5) so did many of his men, as the castle \u201c_wes\nner_.\u201d These facts, fully substantiated from both sides, are wholly\ninconsistent with a site of battle south of St. Ninians, and fix its\nposition between the Forth and the Bannock. Barbour\u2019s \u201cpools\u201d are the\n\u201cpolles\u201d in which, according to Hemingburgh,[57] the English baggage was\nbogged and captured after the battle of Stirling Bridge. The English\nand French (and Irish) chroniclers invariably speak of the battle as\nthat of \u201cStirling,\u201d and Trokelowe calls it the Battle of _Bannockmoor_.\nFor a full discussion of the matter, see my paper on \u201cThe Real\nBannockburn\u201d in _Proceedings of the Glasgow Arch\u00e6ological Society_,\nAPPENDIX B\nBRUCE\u2019S SPEECH AT BANNOCKBURN\nBOOK XII. 210-327\nIt is the privilege of early historians to equip their leading\npersonages with speeches, and in its pertinent, practical character\nthe speech here provided for King Robert is a good example of such--so\ngood, indeed, as to suggest the probability that Barbour is working up\nsome transmitted material. There is on record another speech attributed\nto Bruce, which formed part of a Latin poem on Bannockburn by Abbot\nBernard of Arbroath, Bruce\u2019s Chancellor, portions of which are quoted\nin the _Scotichronicon_.[58] This speech consists of twenty-five\nhexameter lines, and is a rhetorical flourish on Scottish liberty,\nthe miseries inflicted by the English on the country, and the hapless\ncondition of \u201cmother Church,\u201d closing in strains of ecclesiastical\nexhortation. Moreover, it immediately precedes the opening of the\nbattle, while Barbour\u2019s version is of the evening before. In the latter\na special interest attaches to lines 263-268 and 303-317, which may\nbe compared with the following extracts from a speech by Alexander\nthe Great in _The Vowes_, one of the three romances which make up the\nScottish _Buik of Alexander_, the translation of which from the French\nwas probably the work of Barbour himself.[59] Alexander says:\n  \u201cBe thay assailyeit hardely,\n  And encountered egerly,\n  The formest cumis ye sall se,\n  The hindmest sall abased be.\n  Forthy I pray ilk man that he\n  Nocht covetous na yarnand be,\n  To tak na ryches that thay wald,\n  Bot wyn of deidly fais the fald;\n  Fra thay be winnin all wit ye weill\n  The gudis are ouris ever ilk deill;\n  And I quyteclame yow utrely\n  Baith gold and silver halely,\n  And all the riches that thaires is,\n  The honour will I have I wis.\u201d[60]\n[58] Lib. xii., chap. xxi.\n[59] See Appendix E.\nTo the same purport as these latter lines is a portion of a subsequent\naddress;[61] and lines 325, 334 find a similar parallel in:\n  \u201cThus armit all the nicht thay lay,\n  Quhile on the morne that it was day.\u201d[62]\nOf the cardinal sentiment in the speech, the origin is probably to be\nfound in the familiar story of the Maccabees, referred to more than\nonce in _The Bruce_. Judas Maccabeus was one of the typical heroes of\nFrench romance, and had one metrical romance, at least, devoted to his\ncareer. And in 1 Maccabees, chap. iv., we have:\n\u201c17. (Judas) said to the people, Be not greedy of the spoils, inasmuch\nas there is a battle before us.\n\u201c18. And Gorgias and his host are here by us in the mountain; but stand\nye now against our enemies, and overcome them, and after this ye may\nboldly take the spoils.\u201d[63]\n[63] _Cf._ also Neilson on _The Real \u201cScots Wha Hae\u201d_ in _Scottish\nAntiquary_, vol. xiv., No. 53, July, 1899.\nAPPENDIX C\nTHE NUMBERS AT BANNOCKBURN\nENGLISH: _One hundred thousand men and ma._\nSCOTS: _Thretty thousand, and sum deill mare._\nThese figures have given rise to much discussion, without any very\ncertain result. Yet official data are not wanting--sufficient, at\nleast, to check what is only another example of the wild conjectures\nof medi\u00e6val chroniclers when dealing with numbers. Hemingburgh gives\nWallace at Falkirk \u201cabout three hundred thousand men\u201d[64]--rather more,\nprobably, than the whole male population of Scotland. We need not be\nsurprised, then, at how all such estimates shrink in the cold light of\nExchequer figures.\nEdward II. summoned all owing him military service,[65] which\ncorroborates the statement of the author of the _Vita Edw. Sec._ that\n\u201cthe King exacted from all the service due,\u201d[66] as well as that of\nBarbour--\u201cof England hale the chivalry.\u201d The Earls of Lancaster,\nWarenne, Arundel, and Warwick did not attend, for a particular reason,\nbut sent their contingents.[67] Now, by Mr. Round\u2019s calculations, the\nwhole number of knights\u2019 fees in England did not exceed 5,000;[68] Mr.\nMorris raises the figure to something short of 7,000.[69] The important\npoint is, however, that in practice the assessment was only a nominal\nor conventional one. Thus Gloucester, with 455 fees, was assessed at\nten knights.[70] Including all grades of horsemen, Mr. Morris puts\n\u201cthe maximum of the cavalry arm\u201d at \u201cabout 8,000\u201d; but, all things\nconsidered, no such number could ever take the field.[71] Edward I. had\nsummoned his full feudal array (_omnes sui fideles_) for the Falkirk\ncampaign, and Hemingburgh says that, when counted, it came to 3,000 men\non armoured horses (Barbour\u2019s \u201chelit hors\u201d), and more than 4,000 on\nunarmoured horses--say, roughly, 7,000 in all.[72] Mr. Morris, however,\nby a generous calculation from the rolls, arrives at 2,400 as the\nhighest possible figure.[73] Now, it is to be noted that the author of\nthe _Vita Edw. Sec._, while lauding the size and magnificence of the\nhost that went to Bannockburn, gives 2,000 men-at-arms as apparently\nthe total of the cavalry, since he simply adds \u201ca considerable body\nof footmen.\u201d[74] On the whole, 3,000 to 4,000 English horse is a\nhigher limit for Bannockburn, when we consider all the difficulties\nof sufficient armour, remounts, and forage. Mr. Morris thinks 10,000\n\u201cimpossible,\u201d though he is here calculating on yards of frontage on a\nsite where the battle was not fought.[75] About 7,000 is Mr. Round\u2019s\nfree estimate, adopting Hemingburgh\u2019s figure for Falkirk.[76] Bain\naccepts Barbour\u2019s 3,000 heavy horsemen, and suggests 10,000 light\nhorse, but proceeds on no data.[77] Mr. Oman calculates that \u201cthree\nthousand \u2018equites coperti,\u2019 men-at-arms on barded horses,\u201d means,\nprobably, 10,000 for the whole cavalry,[78] but this traverses his\nFalkirk figures. England never put, nor could maintain, on the field\nsuch a mounted force, to say nothing of the difficulty of handling and\nman\u0153uvring it.\n[68] _Feudal England_, p. 292.\n[69] _The Welsh Wars of Edward I._, p. 41.\n[70] _Welsh Wars_, p. 59.\n[74] _Peditum turba copiosa_, p. 201.\n[75] _Engl. Hist. Rev._, vol. xiv., p. 133. _Cf._ Appendix A.\n[76] _Bannockburn_ in _The Commune of London_, p. 298.\n[77] _Calendar_, iii., p. xxi.\n[78] _Art of War_, p. 575 note.\nFor the foot we have, fortunately, exact figures in the\n_F\u0153dera_[79]--21,540 men all told, which would include the archers.\nOnly the northern counties--but not all--and Wales are drawn upon, as\nthose of the south would be for a French campaign.[80] Such had been\nthe practice of Edward I., whose levies from the northern counties\nand Wales ranged from 29,400 foot in 1297 to 12,000 in 1301.[81] Mr.\nMorris contends that not till 1322 were infantry drawn from all England\nfor a Scottish campaign (_as cited_), but in this he is wrong. It was\ndone by a special vote of Parliament, and according to a prescribed\nform, as early as March, 1316, when every township, with some special\nexceptions, furnished one soldier,[82] and again in 1318.[83] These are\nclearly new and special arrangements, and there is thus no reason to\nbelieve that the list in _F\u0153dera_, etc., is not complete, as Mr. Oman\nsuggests, adding, accordingly, a southern contingent of about 30,000\nmen, though he doubts if \u201cthe extreme South\u201d sent its full muster.[84]\nThis is quite gratuitous. Lord Hailes, too, contended that the official\nrecords are imperfect, and that the numbers given by Barbour \u201care\nwithin the limits of probability.\u201d[85] Bain\u2019s authoritative reply is\nthat, \u201cas a rule, the writs were always enrolled, and the Patent Rolls\nof the time are not defective.\u201d[86] This, however, is not always true,\nand Bain, applying this principle absolutely, is once, at least, led to\na wrong conclusion.[87]\n[79] Vol. iii., p. 482, etc.; also in _Rotuli Scoti\u00e6_, i., p. 127; and\n_Parliamentary Writs_, book ii., div. 2, p. 117.\n[80] _Cf._ _Commune of London_, p. 296; _Engl. Hist. Rev._, xiv., p.\n[84] _Art of War_, p. 573 and note.\n[86] _Calendar_, iii., p. xx.\n[87] See note on Book XVI., 285.\nAn important question now suggests itself, but no one has so far raised\nit: did the levies in these full numbers turn up? They are allotted\nin round figures: what proportion was actually furnished? That there\nwould be some trouble in securing the conscripts is anticipated and\nprovided for in severe measures for the contumacious.[88] This was\nusual, and even the strong hand of Edward I. could not prevent men\nfrom deserting after they had received their wages.[89] Here we have,\nalso, a sufficient basis for an estimate. On May 12, 1301, Edward I.\nsummoned for midsummer 12,000 men from nine of the counties included\nin the Bannockburn levy--York, as in that case, being assessed at\n4,000.[90] On July 12 we have the numbers from these counties as they\nappear on the pay-roll, when it is stated that they had contributed\nin proportions which give only 5,501 all told; York having sent only\n1,193, and Northumberland, assessed at 2,700, providing the largest\nproportion--2,019.[91] The numbers vary slightly on other days, but\nseem never to have exceeded, if they reached, 50 per cent. of the\nnominal levy. Mr. Morris works out the same result for the Caerlaverock\nCampaign of 1300.[92] There are no grounds for assuming that things\nwent differently in 1314, and thus over 21,540 men are reduced by\nabout half. It is quite a fair conclusion that not more than 12,000\nEnglish foot--which exceeds the proportion above--were actually present\nat Bannockburn.\n[89] _Palgrave_, cxxvii.; _Welsh Wars_, pp. 95, 98.\nFor the foreign contingents no figures exist. Bain thinks they were\nnot \u201cmore than a few thousands.\u201d[93] The Gascon corps in the Falkirk\narmy should have been 106 mounted men.[94] The Hainault and Flanders\nauxiliaries who shared in the campaign of 1327 amounted to 550\nmen-at-arms, and were an expensive item.[95] The Irish contingent which\ncame to Edward I. in 1304 amounted at most, for a few weeks only, to\n3,500 men,[96] but to merely 361 in the army of 1300.[97]\n[95] _Cf._ Book XIX., 267 note.\n[96] _Bain_, ii., p. xxxix, note.\nI would suggest, therefore, for the English army the following\nround numbers: 3,000 to 4,000 horse of all sorts, 12,000 English\nand Welsh foot, 3,000 (?) Irish, 1,500 (?) foreigners, or, in a\nlump sum, 20,000 men of all arms, to which must be added a crowd of\nnon-combatants--servants, traders, and camp-followers generally. Bain\nI consider 18,000 to 20,000 the most probable range. With even the\nlower of these numbers, the English commanders in organization and\ncommissariat would have rather more than they could manage.\nBarbour\u2019s figure for the Scottish army must be similarly reduced. More\nthan 30,000 would be a huge proportion of the Scottish population\nof that time, especially as the whole does not seem to have been\ndrawn upon, and of that, as Barbour insists, a good many were still\nhostile.[98] William the Lion was credited in 1173 with a national\nhost of 1,000 armoured horsemen, and 30,000 unarmoured footmen,[99]\nand the latter unit is surely over the score. At Halidon Hill, 1333,\nthe Scots are said to have had 1,174 knights and men-at-arms and\n13,500 light-armed men or foot;[100] and this chronicler consistently\nexaggerates. Yet these figures represent a united kingdom. Forty\nthousand at Bannockburn is the estimate for the Scots of the _Vita\nEdw._ writer, but the English writers, on their side, grossly overstate\nthe numbers of the enemy, as witness what is said of Hemingburgh above.\nBain\u2019s figure of 15,000 to 16,000 is no doubt nearer the mark; \u201cperhaps\ntwenty-five thousand men in all\u201d is Mr. Oman\u2019s conjecture.[101] Possibly\n6,000 to 7,000 is as near as we can go, adopting Barbour\u2019s ratio, which\ngives a proportion of 1 to 3 of the English army. The non-combatants\nhere, too, would be numerous. Up to this time Bruce\u2019s men in the field\ncould be numbered only in hundreds, so that as many thousands would\nrepresent a very special effort. And note that after Murray\u2019s success\nover Clifford nearly the whole Scots army gathered round him to see him\nand do him honour--a fact which is suggestive[102] as to its size.\n[98] See note on 46.\n[99] _Chronique de Jordan Fantosme_, lines 328-9.\n[100] _Hemingburgh_, ii., pp. 308-9.\nAPPENDIX D\nTHE THROWING OF THE HEART\nThese lines are found only in Hart\u2019s printed edition. Pinkerton\nthought there was \u201cno reason to view them as an interpolation,\u201d and\nJamieson regarded their agreement with the account in the _Howlat_[103]\n\u201ca strong presumption of authenticity.\u201d By Skeat they were at first\naccepted as genuine, but afterwards, influenced by the reasoning on\nBarbour\u2019s rhymes of P. Buss in _Anglia_,[104] he surrendered them as an\ninterpolation. In the passage of twelve lines three rhymes occur, which\nare unusual--more strongly, impossible--for Barbour on the basis of\nhis admitted work. These are _battell--tell_, _to be--de_, _ho--to_.\nIn the first case, Barbour, it is claimed, elsewhere always uses the\n\u201cliquid\u201d form _bataill_ (_battalyhe_) to rhyme with another word of\nthe same character as _assaile_ or _travaill_ (_travailyhe_).[105] In\nthe second, he \u201cnever rhymes _be_ with _de_ (correctly _dey_),\u201d as\nSkeat puts it, for _de_ (Icel. _deyja_) was still influenced by the\nterminal semi-guttural, giving it an \u201cimpure\u201d sound, whereas \u201cbe,\u201d\nwith no ghostly after-sound, is quite \u201cpure.\u201d The final example brings\ntogether two different values of \u201co,\u201d and, it may be added, in the four\ncases in which Barbour uses the word, it is in the form _hoyne_.[106]\nThese rhyme-tests had also been applied to the same result by Mr. W. A.\nCraigie.[107]\n[103] See below.\n[104] First Series, vol. ix., 493-514.\n[105] But note _battell_, two syllables, in xiii. 395, 418; xiv. 175;\nand _battell-stede_ (xiv. 301).\n[107] _Scottish Review_, 1893, p. 192 note.\nWith this conclusion Mr. Brown agrees, \u201calthough on slightly different\ngrounds.\u201d[108] Hart\u2019s edition, of course, takes a place in his general\nscheme of redaction. But he would \u201chesitate to reject the lines\non the rimes alone,\u201d and \u201cThe _be, de_ test\u201d seems to him \u201cquite\nuntrustworthy.\u201d[109] Skeat thinks it unanswerable.[110] Mr. Neilson\npleads \u201cthat this canon begs the whole question of the text of the\nBruce ... first you find your canon; then you edit out of your text\nall that is disconform.\u201d[111] Arguing specially on its application to\n_The Legends of the Saints_, he points out that \u201cThere are not a few\nmetrical and other solecisms in the Bruce,\u201d and that the \u201cexceptional\n_e_-rhyme\u201d is the stamp of transition.[112] It is to be observed\nalso that Chaucer, Barbour\u2019s contemporary, and more careful in such\nmatters than he, rhymes _ho, y-do_ in the _Knight\u2019s Tale_.[113] In the\n_Alexander_ occurs the _tell--battell_ rhyme.[114] On the whole, the\ntest is perhaps not so conclusive--out of Germany--as Skeat imagines.\nFurther, from the indubitable reference in the _Howlat_ to the _Bruce_,\nNeilson accepts the latter as the sole source of its digression, and\nthe lines as therefore authentic.[115]\n[111] _John Barbour_, p. 50.\n[112] _The Scottish Antiquary_, vol. xi., p. 107 note.\n[115] Chambers\u2019s _Cyclop\u00e6dia of English Literature_, i. 175.\nIf, however, what has already been said of the passages from Hart\nhold good,[116] then this one must go with the rest. Fortunately, in\nthis specific case that argument can be greatly strengthened, for the\nlines have never been tried by their relation to the context and their\nhistoric implications, and that obvious and indisputable test puts the\nquestion beyond doubt. They have but an outside connection with the\nnarrative of Barbour, and otherwise are in flat contradiction thereto.\nSo much is at once evident from the closing couplet:\n  \u201cAnd took it up in gret daintie;\n  And _ever in field_ this used he.\u201d\n[116] _Pref._, pp. vi-viii.\nIt is a series of performances of this kind that is contemplated, not\na single example, which is all that Barbour\u2019s account gives room for.\nDouglas is credited with a habit of this sort, \u201cever in field\u201d; while\nBarbour, like Froissart, knows of only one battle in which Douglas\nfought while bearing the heart of Bruce.[117] Nor is Barbour likely to\nhave omitted such a \u201cpoint of chivalry\u201d on the part of his twin hero,\nhad a valid tradition of it existed in his day.\nThe problem becomes clearer when we consider alternative and later\naccounts of the expedition of Douglas, for which see note on Book\nXX. 191, 192. Evidently the idea of his going to the Holy Land, as\nFroissart explains the commission,[118] and as it occurs in Bower, gave\nan opening for embellishment, which expands in the hands of Boece to\nthe extent of thirteen victories achieved by Douglas over the Turks!\nThis, however, is only to give more precision to a composite account\ncontained in the _Buke of the Howlat_ of the middle of the fifteenth\ncentury, a poem written in glorification of the Douglases. The author,\nsupposed to be Richard Holland, speaks of the great friendship Bruce\nhad for Douglas: \u201cReid the writ of thar work to your witness\u201d[119]--a\nclear reference to the _Bruce_, especially as in xxxv. and xxxvi. he\nparaphrases the reply of Douglas to the King in Book XX. 223, 234.\nThereafter, however, he strikes off from Barbour. Douglas goes to \u201cthe\nhaly graif,\u201d where--\n[118] In part; but see the reconciling passage in note on xx. 191-2.\n[119] Stanza xxxi.\n  \u201cXXXVII.\n  \u201cHe gart hallowe the hart, and syne couth it hyng\n  About his hals[120] (neck) full hende (respectfully), and on his\n        awne hart.\u201d\n[120] But _cf._ xx. 307, where this comes before.\nThe story then proceeds:\n  \u201cXXXVIII.\n  \u201cNow bot I semble for thi saull with Sarasenis mycht,\n  Sall I never sene be into Scotland!\u201d\nAn extension of the original commission, be it noted, and a motive for\nwhat follows:\n  \u201cThus in defence of the faith he fure to the fecht\n  With knychtis of Cristindome to kepe his command.\n  And quhen _the batallis_ so brym, brathly and bricht,\n  War _joyned_ thraly in thrang, mony thousand,\n  Amang the hethin men the hert hardely he slang,\n  Said: \u2018Wend on as thou was wont,\n  Throw the _batell_ in bront,\n  Ay formast in the front,\n  Thy fays amang;\u2019\n  \u201cXXXIX.\n  \u201c\u2018And I sall followe the in faith, or feye to be fellit,--\n  As thi lege man leill, my lyking thow art.\u2019\n  Thus frayis he the fals folk, trewly to tell it,\n  _Aye quhile he coverit_ (recovered) _and come to the Kingis hart,\n  Thus feile feildis he wan, aye worschipand it_,\n  Throwout Cristindome kid (known)\n  War the dedis that he did,\n  Till on a time it betid\n  As tellis the writ.\u201d[121]\n[121] _Cf._ also xlii.\nSo we go back to Barbour (\u201cthe writ\u201d), but in the final scene there is\nno mention of throwing the heart, any more than in the genuine _Bruce_,\nthough it is stated that \u201cHis hardy men tuk the hart syne upon\nObviously we have in these stanzas, and especially in the words\nunderlined, the source of the lines in the _Bruce_, which are further\nin express contradiction to Barbour\u2019s narrative, and have no place\nin it. The threefold argument leads inevitably to the one conclusion\nthat these lines are an interpolation, and, as a corollary, that their\nsource is the _Howlat_. Mr. Amours, in editing that poem,[123] has gone\nso far as to say that this is \u201calmost certain.\u201d I would remove the\nqualification.[124]\n[124] _Cf._ also _Preface_, pp. vii-viii.\nAPPENDIX E\nTHE \u201cALEXANDER\u201d AND THE \u201cBRUCE\u201d\n_The Buik of the Most Noble and Vailyeand Conquerour, Alexander the\nGreat_ is an anonymous Scots translation of three French romances in\nthe Alexander cycle, dated, in a rhyming colophon, 1438, and published\nfor the Bannatyne Club in 1831. Between this translation and the\n_Bruce_ there is a remarkably intimate and undisguised connection, not\nonly in spirit and method, but in \u201cthe diction as a whole, the choice\nof words and the arrangement of the sentences, (and) the abundant\nuse of alliteration,\u201d to such an extent that \u201cin reading the _Buik\nof Alexander_ one would often think that he discerned the singer of\nthe _Bruce_.\u201d[125] A few examples have been given in the notes, but for\na full survey of this literary phenomenon the reader must go to the\ndissertation quoted from above, or to Mr. J. T. T. Brown\u2019s _The Wallace\nand the Bruce Restudied_, pp. 100-112 (Bonn, 1900), or Mr. Neilson\u2019s\n_John Barbour, Poet and Translator_ (London, 1900), which is devoted\nto the subject; or, for the parallels in the Bannockburn account, to\nMr. Neilson\u2019s article on Barbour in Chambers\u2019s _Cyclop\u00e6dia of English\nLiterature_, vol. i.\n[125] _Untersuchungen \u00fcber das schottische Alexanderbuch._ Albert\nHermann, Halle, 1893, pp. 26, 27.\nOn the facts there is no dispute; for explanation three hypotheses\nhave been put forward. Hermann, accepting the 1438 date, concludes\nthat the translator of the _Alexander_ was so familiar with the\nlanguage of the _Bruce_--\u201chere and there, indeed, knew it by heart\u201d\n(_stellenweise es wohl auswendig wusste_)--that his translation was\nnecessarily strongly influenced thereby.[126] This is inadmissible; the\nFrench poems are earlier than the _Bruce_, and to these the links of\nconnection ultimately go back. The relationship is really deeper than\nthe mere language of the translation, as Hermann himself indicates.\nMr. Neilson, accordingly, in a detailed and forcible argument, claims\nBarbour himself as the translator of the _Alexander_, arguing that,\nthe literary proofs being so conclusive, the date given must be an\nerror, \u201cscribal or printer\u2019s.\u201d[127] Given Roman numerals to begin with,\nsuch a slip is not in the least unlikely; variations of this sort\noccur in the _Bruce_ itself,[128] and 1438 may have been a misreading of\n1338, or the date may be that of the scribe\u2019s copy, not of the actual\nwork. Mr. Neilson has an ingenious section on the wayward fortunes of\ndates.[129] Thus, reversing Hermann\u2019s thesis, he holds that \u201cBarbour\u2019s\nmind and memory had been steeped in the _Alexander_ when he wrote the\n_Bruce_.\u201d[130] Mr. Neilson\u2019s argument and conclusion are vigorously\ncontested by Mr. Brown in a _Postscript_ to the work cited. His more\nelaborate hypothesis is that David Rate translated the _Alexander_ in\n1437, and that \u201cJohn Ramsay, Sir John the Ross, wishful to improve the\nplain song of John Barbour, used the translation of the _Alexander_\nextensively, taking freely whatever he required.\u201d[131] Mr. Brown\u2019s\nnegative criticism is independent of this proposition which is involved\nin his wider theory regarding the construction of the _Bruce_. The\neclectic conclusion of the writer in the _Cambridge History of English\nLiterature_, vol. ii., is: \u201cEither the book (_i.e._, the _Alexander_)\nis the work of Barbour preserved in a somewhat later form, or the\nauthor was saturated with Barbour\u2019s diction, so that he continually\nrepeats his phrases.\u201d[132]\nIn the dust of the conflict a crucial fact has gone unobserved--namely,\nthat one of the parallel lines enumerated by Brown and Hermann\nappears in the portion of the _Bruce_ incorporated in his own work by\nWyntoun.[133] _Here, then, we have a line of the alleged translation of\n1438 occurring in the \u201cBruce\u201d as it existed before 1420._ Thus the only\noutstanding difficulty of Mr. Neilson\u2019s proposition disappears. The\neffect on the rival propositions is obvious.\n[133] The _Bruce_, I. 160; _Alexander_, 8, 8; _Wyntoun_, Book viii.\nAPPENDIX F\nMR. BROWN\u2019S \u201cSOURCES\u201d FOR THE \u201cBRUCE.\u201d\nIn pursuance of his \u201chypothesis of fifteenth-century redaction\u201d of the\n_Bruce_, Mr. Brown applies what he claims to be \u201cfair and ordinary\ntests\u201d to six \u201cselected examples,\u201d in order to show that his hypothesis\n\u201chas a basis in demonstrable fact.\u201d[134] I shall notice such of these\nvery briefly, premising that I do not consider Mr. Brown\u2019s use of his\ntests either \u201cfair\u201d or \u201cordinary.\u201d So much, I think, will appear.\n[134] _The Wallace and The Bruce Restudied_, p. 92.\n1. _The Trojan War_, _Alexander the Great_, _Julius C\u00e6sar_, and _King\nArthur_.\n(_a_) The only thing urged against the _Trojan War_ passage[135] is\nthat it is in the suspicious company of the others, and these, Mr.\nBrown suggests, are derived from Chaucer\u2019s _Monk\u2019s Tale_, from which\nhe produces a selection of lines to parallel those in the _Bruce_. It\nmay be urged,[136] at the outset, that two contemporary poets dealing\nwith the same set of historical events are very likely to display\nsimilarities. As Chaucer himself begins by saying--\n  \u201cThe storie of Alisaundre is so commune,\n  That every wight that hath discrecioune\n  Hath herd somwhat or al of his fortune.\u201d\nBut even in Mr. Brown\u2019s \u201cselected\u201d lines it is the divergencies\nrather than the similarities that stand out. Chaucer says nothing\nof \u201cBabilony\u2019s tour\u201d; \u201chis awyne hows\u201d is no parallel to \u201cof thyne\nowne folk\u201d; and \u201cBot, ar he deit, his land delt he\u201d has no equivalent\nwhatsoever in the _Monk\u2019s Tale_. Yet Chaucer has forty lines to\nBarbour\u2019s eight. In fact, the \u201cexample\u201d is a stock one, even to its\nphraseology, as witness these excerpts from sources half a century and\nmore earlier than either poet: _Commendatio Lamentabilis_ on Edward I.\nin 1307, \u201cmagnus Alexander ... Nam ille annos regnans duodecim veneno\nhausto vita defungitur (15); _Vita Edwardi Sec._ (c. 1326). Sed ille\nmagnus Gr\u00e6corum imperator Alexander, _totius orbis domitor, cum cunctas\nnationes orbis subicit, per familiares proditores toxicatus occubuit_.\u201d\nDo such close parallels prove that either Barbour or Chaucer borrowed\nfrom chronicles which they never saw?\n(_b_) Mr. Brown argues that the _Julius C\u00e6sar_ parallels are \u201cnot\nless remarkable for significant agreement, as regards the sequence of\nthe narrative,\u201d[137] and that \u201cso far as concerns the diction it (the\n_Bruce_ passage) approaches even nearer the Chaucerian original.\u201d[138]\nBut where Chaucer speaks of C\u00e6sar conquering \u201cthoccident\u201d and \u201cthe\norient,\u201d Barbour enumerates the countries. Is this similarity of\ndiction? According to Mr. Brown, he is giving \u201csimply an expansion\nof the Chaucerian phrases.\u201d[139] Elsewhere, in such a case, Barbour is\nconvicted of \u201csummarising\u201d or \u201cassimilating,\u201d here of \u201cexpanding.\u201d This\nis Mr. Brown\u2019s \u201cfork\u201d from which no author could escape. In twelve\nlines Barbour comments on C\u00e6sar\u2019s conquests, his imperial position,\nand his death, and in forty-eight Chaucer gives a detailed biography\nintroducing Pompey, of whom Barbour says nothing, and Barbour is\nthereupon charged with following \u201cthe sequence of the narrative\u201d--as if\nhe could avoid doing so! That C\u00e6sar by both poets is styled \u201cEmperor\u201d\ngoes for nothing; that was the medieval way; as also was the statement\nthat he was killed in \u201cthe Capitol,\u201d as Shakespeare, too, believed. But\nthe most striking note of difference remains. Barbour says of C\u00e6sar--\n  \u201cHys eyn with his hand closit he,\n  For to dey with mar honeste.\u201d[140]\nNow Chaucer remarks: \u201cOf honestee yet had he remembrance,\u201d[141] and Mr.\nBrown enrols the word \u201chonestee\u201d among the things \u201cnot to be explained\neither as commonplaces or as mere coincidences.\u201d[142] We see Barbour\u2019s\nidea of his \u201choneste\u201d; this is Chaucer\u2019s:\n  \u201cHis mantel over his hypes casteth he\n  For no man sholde seen his privetee.\u201d[143]\nMr. Brown here seems to have followed C\u00e6sar\u2019s example and \u201cclosit hys\neyn\u201d!\n(_c_) The only point made with regard to the _Arthur_ lines[144] is the\ncalling of Lucius \u201cEmperor,\u201d and regarding this see my note on the\npassage. Geoffrey of Monmouth does the same. That Wyntoun corrects\nHuchown, and not Barbour, in this usage--well, Mr. Brown can make all\nhe can of that. Barbour\u2019s dozen lines on the familiar _Arthur_ story is\ncharged with being \u201can excellent summary of the _Morte Arthure_,\u201d[145] a\npoem of 4,364 lines! No \u201cexpansion\u201d here!\n2. The _Alexander_ allusions in Bks. III., X. With reference to these\nsee Appendix E. But why should Mr. Brown speak of \u201cthe famous grey\npalfrey of Lord Douglas\u201d on the strength of one notice in Bk. II. 118?\nThere is nothing to justify the epithet \u201cfamous\u201d; and _Ferrand_ was no\nmore an unusual name for a \u201cgrey\u201d horse than _Blanchard_ for a white\none. Bishop Lamberton might have had \u201ca grey\u201d as well as Eumynedus.[146]\n[146] See note on passage.\n3. _The Ferumbras Romance._ I have analyzed this passage in my notes\nto Bk. III., 435-462. Mr. Brown contends that the adoption of the\nform _Ferumbras_ for the French _Fierabras_ \u201cpoints to a knowledge\non the part of the Scottish poet\u201d of either the _Syr Ferumbras_ or\nthe _Sowdone of Babylone_, in both of which this form occurs. It is\npossibly an adaptation of the spelling _Fierenbras_, which occurs in\n_The Destruction of Rome_ and also in a fragment of the romance.[147]\nBut there is nothing more remarkable in Barbour\u2019s intrusion of the\n\u201cm\u201d here than in his calling Lubaut or Lybaut, _Lumbard_ in Bk. X.\n324,[148] or Capaneus, _Campaneus_.[149] More significant is the name\n_Lavyne_ for _Balan_, which is the normal form for all the existing\ntexts, French and English, save the _Sowdone_, where we have _Laban_,\n_Lavane_ and _Lavyne_, and _The Destruction of Rome_ (French), which\nhas _Balan_ and _Laban_, the latter of which has given the spelling\nin \u201cv.\u201d Mr. Brown, however, rules out the _Destruction_ for Barbour,\nas being \u201cmerely related to the Charlemagne cycle,\u201d[150] though\nDr. Hausknecht accepts it as the original of the first part of the\n_Sowdone_.[151] Why, then, should Barbour, too, not have known it?\nMr. Brown\u2019s conclusion is that the name, with other material, points\nto the whole passage being based on the _Sowdone_, and the _Sowdone_\nbeing post-Chaucerian--in which opinion he follows, and even goes\nbeyond, Hausknecht--of the beginning of the fifteenth century, after\nBarbour\u2019s death, it obviously follows that the lines cannot have been\nhis work.[152] Against this may be put Hausknecht\u2019s own conclusion,\nto which Mr. Brown makes no reference: \u201cIt is worthy of notice that\nthe account of the Fierabras romance, as given by Barbour, may be\nconsidered, on the whole, as identical with the subject of the French\n_Fierabras_ or the English _Syr Ferumbras_, _but not with the_\n_Sowdan_, as there is no mention made of the combat before Rome, nor\nany trace of what makes up the first part of the _Sowdan_.\u201d[153] A few\nadditional facts will substantiate Hausknecht\u2019s statement.\n[147] E.E.T.S. _The Sowdone of Babylone_, _Introd._, pp. xxxi, xxxii.\n[148] See note.\n[151] As cited, p. xxv.\n[153] P. ix, note. The italics are mine.\nIn the _Sowdone_ the twelve peers are shut up in \u201cEgrymor\u201d; Barbour\ngives \u201cbot eleven.\u201d[154] Mr. Brown says of the _Bruce_ account that,\n\u201cEvery line is traceable in the _Sowdone_.\u201d[155] There is no trace of\nline 452, or of Lavyne\u2019s \u201cflot\u201d in 456; Charlemagne, instead of \u201cbeing\njoyful\u201d at the news that his peers were alive, there bursts out in\nanger against the traitor Ganelon.[156] Conclusive, on Mr. Brown\u2019s own\ncase, is the fact, noted by Hausknecht, that the relics mentioned\nby Barbour \u201cdiffer from all other versions.\u201d[157] It is not \u201coff the\ncroice a gret party\u201d[158] in the _Sowdone_, but simply \u201cthe crosse,\nthe crown, the nailes bente\u201d;[159] and there is no mention of \u201cthe\nsper.\u201d[160] Nothing is said of the cross in the _Fierabras_ or the _Syr\nFerumbras_, and the _Destruction_ has the crown of thorns, the cross,\nthe nails, and the \u201csigne\u201d[161] or shroud. Nor did Barbour invent \u201cthe\nsper,\u201d for it is spoken of in this connection, though not in the final\ndistribution, in the Proven\u00e7al version of the _Fierabras_: \u201c_e del fer\nd\u2019una lansa_,\u201d the spear-head.[162] It would seem, then, that Barbour\nwas using a version of the romance different, in certain particulars,\nfrom any we now possess. At any rate, Mr. Brown has to get round these\nawkward corners before he can transfix Barbour on _Lavyne_.\n[161] Hausknecht, note to line 665.\n[162] _Der Roman von Fierabras, Provensalisch_, p. 5, line 15; Immanuel\nBekker, Berlin, 1829.\n4. _The Tydeus Episode_, Bk. VI. 179-268. It may be granted that\nBarbour here is not, as Skeat supposed, drawing directly on the\n_Thebaid_ of Statius, even in memory. But then no more is Lydgate in\nhis _Story of Thebes_;[163] having used, according to Dr. Koeppel,\nsome French prose epic based on the classical story,[164] now lost,\nor giving in his poem \u201ca transcript from a French rendering of\nStatius.\u201d[165] There was ample material, including even, as Gaston\nParis has suggested, an abridgment of Statius in Latin prose. Mr.\nBrown contends that Barbour\u2019s \u201credactor\u201d borrowed from Lydgate. But\nhere, again, the differences are sufficiently vital to thwart such a\nconclusion. \u201cBetwix ane hye crag and the se\u201d[166] has no equivalent\neither in Statius or Lydgate, as is clear from Mr. Brown\u2019s own\ncitations;[167] nor has the detail that the \u201cgret stane ... throu the\ngret anciente, Wes lowsyt reddy for to fall,\u201d[168] for which Lydgate\nhas:\n  \u201cBeside he saw with water turned down\n  An huge stone, large, round, and square.\u201d[169]\n[165] Gregory Smith, _The Transition Period_, p. 8.\nIn an inductive literary argument differences must be accounted for\nas well as similarities, and any other possible sources must be\nsatisfactorily eliminated. Opinions as to \u201cthe classical parsimony of\nindependent translators\u201d[170] are purely speculative.\n5. _The Hannibal lines_, Bk. III. 207-248.--Here Mr. Brown\u2019s argument\nneeds only to be summarily stated to show its inadequacy. Wyntoun\nborrowed from Barbour in some instances, but not in this; therefore,\nsince there are similarities in the way the same story is told, the\n_Bruce_ lines are drawn from the _Cronykil_.[171] Wyntoun confesses\nto having translated from Orosius, Mr. Brown says through Martinus\nPolonus, and he follows his author closely. Barbour\u2019s narrative is\nbrief and, in several details, faulty, in which he diverges from both\nthe Latin author and his Scots translator.[172] The startling error\nin chronology, especially, \u201cwould not be readily made by one using\nMartinus at first hand,\u201d but with the _Cronikyl_ before him the writer\nwas quite likely to do so![173] The peculiar \u201ctouches\u201d in the _Bruce_\npassage are noted, but unexplained. It is assumed that \u201cThe agreement\nwith Martinus is much too close for it to be considered to be written\nfrom memory;\u201d[174] and \u201cthere is nothing in Martinus that should lead us\nto expect independent translators to ascribe such a victory to God and\nin terms so similar:\n  \u201cBot throw Goddis gret powste.\u201d[175]\n  \u201cBot throw the mycht of Goddis grace.\u201d[176]\n[172] P. 126. See notes on passage.\n[175] _Wyntoun._\nBut the terms are not \u201csimilar,\u201d and both are a medi\u00e6val rendering of\n_divina miseratio_ in Orosius and Polonus. The whole argument in this\nconnection is involved and haphazard. What is there illegitimate in\nthe simple hypothesis that Barbour wrote from a well-stored but not\nperfectly accurate memory, and that Wyntoun preferred the first-hand\nto the second-hand source? So we explain both similarities and\ndifferences. Wyntoun\u2019s lines are a plain following of his Latin author;\nBarbour\u2019s a brief summary, with expansions and comments of his own\nleading up to the moral he wishes to enforce; and in this case Mr.\nBrown cannot point to a single line in common.\n6. _Froissart and the Bruce._--Here Mr. Brown prints his parallels\nin full, and the matter can be safely left to the judgment of the\nunprejudiced reader. It need only be remarked that Froissart (1)\ncalls Douglas William instead of James; (2) sends the heart to the\nHoly Sepulchre[177]; (3) makes Bruce choose Douglas; (4) embarks him\nat Montrose; (5) takes him to Sluys; (6) lands him at Seville: while\nBarbour (1) is right as to Douglas; (2) sends the heart against\n\u201cGoddis fayis\u201d; (3) makes the barons choose Douglas; (4) embarks him\nat Berwick; (5) says nothing of Sluys; and (6) lands him at Valentia.\nOf Barbour\u2019s \u201cmotive\u201d lines, of the repentance for blood-spilling and\nthe saving of his sins,[178] Froissart (or Le Bel) has no trace. The two\nnarratives are independent, though, in their trend, alike.\nAPPENDIX G\nLANGUAGE AND ORTHOGRAPHY\nThe language of the _Bruce_ is Northern English, the dialect spoken\nnorth of the Humber. Barbour himself calls it \u201cInglis\u201d (Bk. IV. 253),\nand Scottish writers down to the sixteenth century do the same. The\nname \u201cScots\u201d is therefore a term of pure convenience, signifying\nthe English spoken within the political borders of Scotland, which\ncontinued to be an independent literary medium after the Northern\nEnglish of England had ceased to be such, and had yielded place to the\nstandard dialect of Chaucer and his successors. But the language of the\nAberdeen Barbour is substantially that of the Yorkshire Richard Rolle.\nThe most obvious characteristic of the northern tongue is that in\ndevelopment it was far ahead of its southern contemporary, in so far as\nit had absolutely got rid of inflections, not even retaining the final\n_e_ which casts its shadow over Chaucer. Where the final _e_ occurs\nin the _Bruce_ it is non-significant and unsounded. Like the variable\nspelling, it is the result of the writing of English by scribes\naccustomed to the sounds and orthography of contemporary French, which\nwas rich in final _e\u2019s_[179]--a process which had seriously complicated\nthe straightforward phonetic spelling of Old English. A peculiar\nScots fashion, however, was the representation of the long vowels by\na combination with _y_ or _i_, sometimes in addition to a final _e_,\nwhich came to be regarded as the sign of a long vowel. Thus we have\nsuch groups as _mar_, _mair_, _mayr_: _done_, _doyn_, _doyne_. In these\nand similar cases _y_ is simply an alternative form of _i_; at first it\nwould be written before letters like _m_, _n_, _u_, where _i_, having\nno dot, might be mistaken for a part of the succeeding letter; then in\npractice the two would become interchangeable according to the caprice\nof the writer. In this matter the scribe of C is rather more regular\nthan that of E. Now, such a diphthong as _ai_ was in time reduced to a\nsimple sound, when the _i_ became superfluous, and came to be looked\nupon as a sign of length. With this function it was afterwards, at the\npleasure of the writer, transferred to the company of other long vowels\nwhere there was no original diphthong. Thus we have the long vowel\nsound represented in three ways--simple, with following _i_ (_y_), or\nwith terminal _e_. In cases like _tais_, _gais_, however, the _i_ is\npart of the termination of the present tense of the verb, of which\nBarbour is particularly fond.[180]\n[179] Sounded as yet, like those of M.E., but in time to become silent.\nAnglo-French is Norman-French developed in England; it was closely\nrelated to Old French, familiar to the scribes through the romances.\n[180] Buss, _Anglia IX._, pp. 505-507. _Cf._ also Murray, _Dialect of\nthe Southern Counties_, p. 53.\nBut while Scots--in the sense indicated above--had thus early parted\nwith its inflections, it was, on the other hand, more conservative\nthan the southern dialects in its treatment of the vowel sounds. It\nretained, for example, the Old English _\u0101_, which in Southern English\nwas rounded into broad _o_ (_oa_)--_cf._ _ga_, _stane_ (O.E. or A.S.\n_gan_, _stan_) for _go_, _stone_. In the _Bruce_ (X. 199; XII. 299)\nthe rhyme _more_, _before_ may show the rounding influence of _r_.[181]\nVowels in words of French origin show slight modification. Anglo-French\nnasal _a_ before _m_, _n_ tends to become _au_, whence _daunger_, etc.,\nand _o_ or _u_ to become _ou_ as in _baroun_, _felloun_. _Ai_ and _ei_\nincline to merge in long _e_ as _feble_ (O.F. _faible_), and _sesyt_\n(O.F. _seisir_); but _ai_ may also become _a_--_e.g._, _tratour_ for\nO.F. _traitor_.\nAph\u00e6resis occurs in such shortened forms as _stroy_ (destroy), _semble_\n(assemble), etc.\nThe following peculiarities may be noticed among the consonants:\n_ch_ sometimes = \u201ctch\u201d in middle and end of word--_e.g._, _fech_ =\nfetch (II. 532).\n_h_ is silent in _hoost_, as in all Anglo-French words of Latin origin,\nand sometimes drops out--_e.g._, _ost_ (II. 559, etc., O.F. _ost_),\nalso in _ayris_ (heirs, V. 520).\n_b_ in combination with _m_ is dropped both in pronunciation and\nspelling. _Cf._ _chamyr_ (II. 97), _tumlit_ (IV. 182, etc.). C _Hummyr_\nfor Humber; E _Humbre_ (XV. 538).\n_d_ usually dropped after _n_--_e.g._, _henmast_ = hindmost (XII.\n268, etc.); sometimes intrusive--_e.g._, _suddandly_ (VI. 11), but\n_suddanly_ (VI. 220). In _avantage_, _aventure_ from French the English\n_d_ is intrusive.\n_f_ represents final _ve_ in _pruf_ or _preif_, _leiff_, _driff_,\n_knaf_, _haf_, etc., retaining the voiced sound (_v_) which it had in\nA.S. between vowels, and _r_ _l_ and vowels.\n_g_ in words of French origin has before _e_, _i_, the English sound =\n_da(j)_, which was also then the French one--_e.g._, _liege_, _jugis_.\n_l_ as indicating merely a long vowel is unsounded in _walknyt_ (VI.\n296), _walk_ (wake, VII. 179, etc.). So we have also _falt_ (VI. 345,\netc.) and _fawt_ (III. 298); _realte_ and _reawte_, etc. Skeat holds\nthat the _l_ in the first case represents but a way of writing the\nfirst _k_, so that the words should be _wakk_, etc., but this does not\ncover the second case.[182]\n[182] S.T.S., I. lxxxix., and Glossary.\n_m_ and _n_ are often interchanged, as in _confort_, _manteme_, etc.\n_ng_ becomes _n_ before _th_ as _lenth_, _strenth_, etc. _Cf._ also\nGrammar. The nasal _ng_ may take the place of the liquid _n_, as in\n_ryng_ (I. 78, etc.) for \u201creign\u201d (Fr. _regner_). The French nasal\n_nce_ is represented by _ng_ or _nch_--_e.g._, _Vallang_ (II. 201) or\n_Vallanch_ (V. 472) for \u201cValence.\u201d\n_r._ Metathesis of _r_ is very characteristic of the Northern\ndialect--_e.g._, _fryst_ (first), _brist_ (burst, A.S. _berstan_),\n_tursit_ (O.F. _trusser_), etc.\n_s_ is changed to _sch_ in _schir_, _isch_ (issue), etc.; but on the\nother side we have _sall_, _suld_ (shall, should) and _Inglis_.\n_z_ has in _Fiz_ the Anglo-French sound _ts_, as in _rats_.\nAPPENDIX H\nGRAMMAR\nNOUNS\n_Singular--Possessive Case._--1. The inflected genitive or possessive\nis formed by adding _ys_ or _is_; MS. E, on the whole, shows a\npreference for the former. Sometimes the final consonant is doubled.\n_Cf._ _a manis hand_ (VII. 580), to _mannys fude_ (X. 189).\n2. Nouns denoting relationship are uninflected, as in Anglo-Saxon:\n_Mordreyt his sistir son_ (I. 557). _Till his brothiris pes_ (XI. 652)\nis an exception found in both MSS. For _And sperit of his brotheris\nfair_ (XVI. 21) in C, E has _brodyr_.\nNOTE.--_Wode-syde_ (E _woddis sid_, IX. 139), _sonne-rising_, _hous\nend_ (VII. 163), all common combinations. Editors, however, usually\nread the termination of the last as _housis_, though it seems to fall\nunder the same category.\n_Plural._--1. The plural also is in _ys_ or _is_, more seldom _es_,\nrepresenting A.S. _as_. It \u201cformed a distinct syllable in monosyllables\nand words accented on the final syllable.\u201d[183] The latter part of the\nstatement is not, however, uniformly true. _Cf._ _battalis_ (XI. 122),\n_bischoppes and prelatis_ (XX. 294), etc., which are dissyllables.\n2. Simple _s_ occurs only after _r_ and _y_ (_i_)--_galays_,\n_werriours_, etc.--but _spurys_, _baneris_, _towris_ also occur. _Feys_\n(I. 58) and _fays_ (I. 223) are to be read as two syllables.\n3. Final _f_ (_ff_) is generally changed to _v_, as _theif_, _thevis_;\nbut _wif_ preserves the _f_ throughout, as _wifis_, _wiffys_, etc. (E,\nhowever, in XII. 246, has _wyvis_); and _lif_ has _lyvis_ (XI. 590), or\n_livis_ and _lyffis_ (X. 106), or _liffis_ (IV. 137).\n4. Words ending in _er_, _ir_, _yr_, _yn_, _ill_ for the most part\nreject the final vowel before the ending of the plural: _dochtrys_,\n_lettres_ or _lettrys_, _wapnys_, etc. Where the vowel is retained, it\nis silent, as in _schulderis_ (IX. 356), _letteris_ (XVII. 31, 39), etc.\nNOTE.--_Burges_ in XVI. 80, XVII. 236, is clearly unaltered in the\nplural, and this would seem to apply also to _marras_ (VIII. 35),\n_hous_ (VIII. 514, etc.), and _mos_ (VIII. 173), which are usually read\nas three and two syllables respectively. _Cf._ on _Singular_ (2).\n5. Of strong plurals, besides _men_ and its compounds, _ky_ and\n_brethir_ by change of vowel (_Umlaut_), we have _eyn(e)_ (A.S.\n_eagan_), with singular _e_ or _ey_ (VI. 523), _oxin_ or _oxyne_ (X.\n381, 388), _schoyne_ (II. 510). These (with _hosen_ and _fan_ (_faes_))\nare the only plurals in _n_ preserved in Northern English.\n6. Some old neuters (A.S.) take no inflection in the plural: _deir_,\n_hors_, etc.; _hous_ has _hous_ and _housis_ (X. 60, etc.), but _cf._\non (4) (note); _thing_ has _thing_ (XI. 27, etc.) and _thingis_. _Cf._\nalso _gudis_ and _gude_ (XVII. 517, 521). One form is in _er_ or _ir_,\n_childer_ (XII. 246) or _childir_ (XVII. 515), A.S. _cildru_.\n7. Nouns indicating time, space, quantity, weight, and number are\nunchanged in the plural: _fifty yheir_ (in I. 522 occurs _ten yheris_,\nquite an exceptional case), _tuelf moneth_, _six and fourty wyntir_\n(A.S. plural also _winter_), _twa myle_, _tuenty thousand pund_, etc.\nFor _paris_ in C (XIII. 463), E reads _payr_. In XII. 234 C has _thre\ngret avantage_, where E gives _avantagis_, but reads _vasselagis_ (!)\nto rhyme.\n8. Only _men_ suffers inflection in the plural possessive: _the Inglis\nmenis fewte_ (VIII. 19), _of othir mennis landis_ (XI. 148). In\n_till Scottis men possessioune_ (XVII. 202) we may have, as Henschel\nsuggests,[184] a piece of \u201cscribal carelessness;\u201d but Hampole\nundoubtedly uses this as a valid form:\n  \u201cSal dede _men_ banes be set togyder\n  Thurgh messes, and rightwis _men_ prayers.\u201d\n[183] Murray, _Dialect of the Southern Counties_, p. 153.\n[184] _Darstellung der Flexionslehre in John Barbour\u2019s Bruce_, p. 12.\nPROPER NOUNS.\nIn general, these follow the common nouns in their forms, but note:\n1. Two names ending in _s_ have no inflection for the genitive: _King\nAdrastus men_ (II. 529), _Thomas prophecy_ (II. 86). This occurs also\nin Chaucer.\n2. _Douglas_ has both flectionless and inflected forms: _the Douglas\nmen_ (X. 398), _the Lord Douglassis men_ (XX. 481).\n3. Possessive or genitive formed by _his_: _Hannyball his mekill mycht_\n(III. 232). _Cf._ also VI. 435, 446. Originally, as here, confined to\nproper names. A special example is in the reading of C (XVII. 940):\n_Berwyk his toune_; E _Berwykis_.\nADJECTIVES.\n1. There is no distinction in the _Bruce_ between strong and weak\nadjectives, the latter in Chaucer being indicated by a final _e_, and\nused after the definite article, demonstrative and possessive pronouns,\netc., nor is the plural similarly distinguished from the singular. In\nall these cases the Scots adjective is invariable; the final _e_, which\noften occurs, is of no grammatical significance. There is no difference\nbetween _the gud Erll_ (X. 686) and _the gude Erll_ (XX. 603), while\nthe plural is _gud werriours_ (XX. 416).\n2. The only example of inflection is the form _aller_, genitive plural\n(_er_ = _-ra_, A.S. _eal-ra_). It occurs once: _throuch thar aller hale\nassent_ (I. 137).\n3. The comparative and superlative are formed by adding _ar_ or _er_\n(seldom _ir_) and _est_ or _ast_. In words of two and more syllables\n_mar_ (_mair_) and _mast_ (_maist_) also occur. The same rule applies\nto adverbs. The final consonant of a monosyllable may be doubled:\n_thikkest_ (VIII. 81), but also _thikast_ (XVII. 156).\n4. Change of vowel (_Umlaut_) appears in two cases--_sterkar_ (E\n_starkar_) (XV. 491) and _eldest_ (I. 51, IV. 71). _Ill_ or _evill_\nis the Northern form for _bad_, compared with _wer_ or _war_, _werst_\n(III. 192). _Mor_, for _mar_, occurs twice to rhyme with _befor_ (X.\n199, XII. 299). _Er_ gives _erar_.\n5. After the comparative comes usually _than_, which is always used by\nRolle, but there are four examples of _na_--_wes starkar fer na he_\nNUMERALS.\n1. _Ane_ before a consonant sometimes becomes _a_: _in a nycht and a\nday_ (III. 429). _The tane_ and _the ta_ are compounds of this numeral,\nwith the old neuter _thaet_ (_thet_) of the definite article, really\n_thet-ane_, _thet-a_. The former is a substantive, the latter an\nadjective: _the tane suld be kyng_ (VI. 186), _the ta part_ (III. 239).\nSimilarly _the tothir_ = _thet othir_ (I. 7, etc.), which is throughout\nused for the ordinal \u201cthe second,\u201d as _formast_ is sometimes used\nfor \u201cthe first\u201d: _Fule-hardyment the formast is, And the tothir is\ncowardis_ (VI. 337, 338).\n2. Note _thresum_, _fiffsum_, _sex sum_, where \u201csum denotes\nconjunction\u201d (Jamieson\u2019s _Dictionary_), three, etc., together; _half\ndeill_ (A.S. _d\u00e6l_, a part); _twa part_ = two parts; _yneuch_, singular\n(usually adverb), used for quantity, and _ynew_ (_enew_), plural, for\nnumber. _Cf._ XX. 337, and I. 558.\nN.B.--For demonstrative, etc., adjectives, see also Pronouns,\nDemonstrative, etc. Note _sam(m)yn_ (same) as adjective and adverb (V.\n72, XII. 49, etc.). Distinguish _ilk(e)_ = same (A.S. _ylc_) from the\ndistributive _ilk_ (A.S. _ \u00e6le_) = each. Others are _sik_ (_syk_),\n_swilc_, etc.\nPRONOUNS.\n_Personal._--1. In MS. E besides _I_ is found the strong form _Ik_\nor _Ic_ (A.S. _Ic_). The latter is entirely wanting in C, which has\neverywhere _I_.\n2. The third person feminine is _scho_ (A.S. _s\u0113o_), once spelled\n_sche_ (XIII. 635), a Southern effect, where, however, E has _scho_.\n3. Note the gen. sing. mas. and gen. plur. in _magre his_, in spite of\nhim, and _magre thairis_, in spite of them.\n_Possessive._--1. The genitive cases of the personal pronouns are most\noften adjectives. Before words beginning with a vowel they are _mine_,\n_thine_; before words beginning with a consonant they become _my_,\n_thi_; words beginning with _h_ may have either form.\n2. The forms used absolutely are _myn_, _his_, _ours_, _yhouris_,\n_thaires_: _That suld be myn_ (V. 223), etc.\n_Reflexive._--1. The personal pronouns serve as reflexives: _I will me\nspied_ (XI. 638); _And went hyr hame_ (V. 177).\n2. There is also the form in _self_, more seldom _selvyn_, _selvin_.\nWhen the subject is a personal pronoun this may drop out: _that himself\nsuld wele Kepe the entre_ (XI. 445).\n3. _Self_ is both singular and plural: _That thai mycht help thameself_\n_Demonstrative._--1. The Northern plural of _this_ is _thir_, which\nsupplanted _thas_ as _thise_ did in the Midland. Its origin is\nobscure.[185]\n2. The plural of _that_ is _tha(i)_. Distinguish from _thai_ (they),\n3rd pers. plur.\n3. _Yhon(e)_, more often an adjective, has also a substantive use in\nthree cases only (IV. 502, 506; XIV. 280).\n_Relative and Interrogative._--1. The relative pronoun is _that_ or\n_at_, never _quha_. _At_ is a purely Northern form. _Quhais_ and\n_quham_ occur occasionally as oblique cases. In _quhom_, as in words\nlike _so_, _mor_, etc., there is evidence of Southern influence. _Quha_\nis used as an interrogative. The simple _quhilk_ occurs but once\n(XVIII. 225, see note), where E has a different reading; otherwise it\nis in the form _the quilk that_.\n2. The relative in the oblique cases is often omitted: _the small folk\nthai had thar_ (IX. 261). This is a marked feature of the _Wallace_.\n_Indefinite._--1. _None_ for _nane_ occurs only once (IX. 485); and\nso, too, _ilkone_ for _ilkane_, rhyming with a proper name (XI. 303).\n_Nane_ is used both as substantive and as adjective. As adjective it\ncomes before a word beginning with a vowel. Before consonants and _h_,\n_na_ or _no_ is used. In two cases _no_ precedes a vowel: XIII. 145;\n2. _Othir_, often = \u201ceach other,\u201d as _Thai dang on othir_ (X. 680).\n3. The plural of _man_ has a pronominal use = _one_, German \u201cman\u201d: _as\nmen in the Bibill seys_ (I. 466); _men mycht se_ (X. 678), etc.\nVERBS.\n1. Note the periphrastic form with _gan_ in E (_can_ in a few cases),\n_can_ always in C: _all the land gan occupy_ (I. 184); _all can thai\ncry_ (XII. 200). The past tense of _can_ is _couth_: _thar vittale\nall fast couth fale_ (VIII. 460): whence, by analogy, the false form\n_begouth_ for past of _gan_, itself the past of _ginnen_, to begin.\n2. Weak verbs form their past tense and past participle in _it_ or\n_yt_, the latter being more common in E. In certain cases the vowel\ndrops out, as in _dwelt_. After _r_, _l_ (_ll_), _n_, the ending is\noften in _d_, as _herd_, _ansuerd_, etc.\nNOTE.--_Felt_ for the ordinary _feld_ occurs once, in III. 119. _Cald_,\ntoo, for _callit_, is forced to a rhyme (XIII. 61). The proper past of\n_send_ is _send_.\n3. The present tense indicative is, _I spek_, _thou spekis_, _he\nspekis_, _we spek_, etc. But when the personal pronoun is separated\nfrom the verb, or when the subject is a noun or relative pronoun or\nother form, the ending is in _is_ or _ys_ throughout. _Cf._ _yhow that\ntakis_ (XVI. 592); _yhe that this redis_ (VI. 269); _all men fleis the\ndid_ (IX. 90), etc.\n4. The imperative plural is in _is_ (_ys_): _departis us_ (VI. 543). It\nis more rare without the ending (XI 309; XII. 227, etc). This, however,\nis the rule when the imperative is followed by its pronoun: _luk yhe_\n5. The present participle ends in _and_. Doubling of the consonant may\noccur after a short vowel--_e.g._, _wonnand_ (X. 160).\n6. The verbal noun (so-called) ends in _yng_ or _ing_. In many examples\nthe _g_ is dropped, as the tendency was and is in Scots, and we have a\nform in _yn(e)_. _Cf._ _fechting_ (XII. 119) and _fechtyn_ (III. 241).\nAnd these may rhyme, which shows that in sound the difference was not\napparent (_cf._ IX. 120). Sometimes the particular form depends on the\nMS.--_e.g._, VI. 520, C _supposing_: E _supposyn_. The same thing is\nfound in proper names with a similar termination.\n7. The past participle of strong verbs has ending _yn_ or _in_, seldom\n_en_. _Clymen_ in X. 648, where the correct form, _clummyn_, is given\nin 606, is either really a surviving or intruded infinitive, or has\nbeen assimilated to it.\nN.B.--VII. 524, C _cum_: E _cummyn_; X. 506, C _won_: E _wonnyn_.\n8. The infinitive has dropped all trace of an ending. The _e_ which\nsometimes appears is silent. It is formed by prefixing _to_ or _till_,\nin certain cases with _for_ in addition. For one case we have a reduced\ninfinitive with _at_: _a-do_ (X. 348).\nADVERBS.\n1. _him allane_ is a strengthened form of _him ane_ (VI. 272, 320),\nand is the more frequent of the two; equivalent to German \u201callein\u201d and\nanalogous in construction to the pronoun with _self_. In Early Scots\n_alane_ is attached to the dative, in later and modern Scots to the\npossessive, _his ane_, etc.: the fuller form, from a confusion with\n_lone_, is now _his lane_, etc.\n2. The surviving phrase, _the morn_ (XIV. 478) occurs once for the\nolder _to-morn_. Mr. Gregory Smith says that the former \u201cbegins to\nappear in M. Sc.\u201d (Middle Scots, 1450-1600),[186] and MS. E indeed reads\n_to-morn_ in the passage above.\n3. Note the compounds with _gat_ (a way), _thusgat_, _swagat_, etc.: in\nXIX. 253; C _swagatis_; E _swagat_: also _howgatis_, etc., preserving\nGenitive ending.\n4. The forms _on liff_ (XVIII. 154), _on slepe_ (VII. 192), _on stray_\n(XIII. 195), etc., are peculiarly Northern forms for \u201calive,\u201d \u201casleep,\u201d\netc. _Cf._ also _on fer_, _on flot_.\nPREPOSITIONS.\n1. _Till_ = _to_, the former being a Northern fashion. C frequently\nextends to _on-to_, _on-till_, as in VI. 622, XVII. 29, etc.\n2. Note the verbal preposition _that I of tell_, etc.\n3. _Be_ and _by_ are common to both MSS., C more frequently the latter,\nprobably a Southern influence. Strictly in Scots _be_ alone denotes\nagency; _by_ usually = beyond, as in _by ordinar_, etc.\nCONJUNCTIONS.\n1. The verb _suppos_ is several times used as a conjunction.\n2. _the-quhethir_ = _thohquhether_ = _thohquether_, \u201cnevertheless,\u201d\nunknown to the Southern dialects.[187]\n[186] _Specimens of Middle Scots_, p. xxxviii.\n[187] _Specimens of Early English_, Morris and Skeat, vol. ii.\nGLOSSARY\n    1. Familiar words slightly disguised by spelling are not included.\n    2. C = Cambridge MS. of _The Bruce_; E = Edinburgh MS.; H = Hart\u2019s\n    printed edition; S = Skeat\u2019s edition for Scottish Text Society\n    (S.T.S.); N.E.D. = New English Dictionary; A.S. = Anglo-Saxon;\n    A.F. = Anglo-French; O.F. = Old French; O.N. = Old Norse; N.E.\n    = Northern English; v. = verb; p.t. = past tense; p.p. = past\n    participle; s. = substantive.\n    3. _i_ and _y_ are completely interchangeable. In such cases as\n    _ar_, _air_, _ayr_ (_ere_), consult under first or earlier form.\n    4. Only the more significant or interesting references have been\n    given, or those of single occurrence.\nA, one, a single: _A gatis_, in one way, uniformly, IV. 702\nAbaid, _s._, delay: _v._, waited = abode\nAbais, _v._, to abash, dismay, discourage;\n  _p.p._ Abaysit, dismayed\nAbasing, Abaysyng, etc., _s._, dismay, discouragement\nAbandoune, Abaundoune, give up;\n  make subject, IV. 655, etc.;\n  behave boldly: _at abandoune_, recklessly;\n  _in abandoune_, loosely\nAbovin, _prep._ and _adv._, above (A.S. _\u00e1b\u00fafan_);\n  also Abuf\nAcquyt, _v._, free\nAdo, to do = _at do_ (N.E. infin.), X. 348\nAfald, \u201cone fold,\u201d single, XX. 618\nAffeir, Affer, _s._, bearing, pomp\nAfferis, belongs to, becomes (Anglo-Fr. _afferir_, to belong). See Effeir\nAffermit, confirmed\nAffy, trust\nAgane, Aganis, against\nAir, Ayr, _s._, heir\nAir, Ayr, _adv._, ere, formerly (A.S. _\u01e3r_). See Eir\nAlabast, alabaster\nAlkyn, _adj._, every kind\nAller, _gen. pl._ of all: _thar aller_, of them all, I. 137. See\n_Grammar_\nAll-gat, Allgait, always;\n  every way, XVIII. 451\nAll-weldand, \u201call-wielding,\u201d omnipotent\nAlsone, Alsoyn(e), as soon, very soon\nAls-tit, very soon\nAlsua, also\nAlswith, very quickly\nAmeyssyt, appeased, XVI. 134 (O.F. _amesir_)\nAmonist, _v._, to admonish, exhort, VIII. 348\nAmonestyng, Amonystyng, _s._, advice, exhortation\nAmorus, _adj._, amorous\nAmouris, _s._, love\nAmovis, _v._, moves;\n  _p.p._, Amovyt\nAnamalyt, _p.p._, enamelled, XX. 305\nAnciente, antiquity, VI. 252 (A.F. _ancient\u00e9_)\nAnent, _prep._, near;\n  towards;\n  opposite to, XIX. 512\nAnerly, only, merely, alone\nAngyr, anger, affliction, suffering, I. 235, II. 519;\n  also _adj._, Angry, difficult, unfavourable, V. 70;\n  pained, III. 530;\n  annoying, XVIII. 515\nAnis, Anys, once: _at anys_, at once\nA-pane, for all that, nevertheless;\n  really a mere expletive: \u201cat a pinch\u201d (Skeat)\nApert, _adj._, open: _in apert_, openly, XIX. 217\nAppurvait, provided\nAquynt, acquainted\nAr, Air, Ayr, _adv._, before, formerly (A.S. _\u01e3r_)\nAr, an oar;\n  _pl._ aris\nArbytre, judgment, decision, I. 75 (O.F. _arbitre_ or _arbitrie_)\nArest, _s._ and _v._, arrest, stop\nArettit, _v._, _p.p._, accused, XIX., 20 (O.F. _aretter_, to accuse)\nArsoune, saddle-bow, XVI. 131\nAssay, _v._, \u201cessay,\u201d try, attempt, attack;\n  also _p.t._, underwent, I. 448\nAssege, _s._, siege;\n  also _v._, Assegit, besieged\nAssenyhe, war-cry;\n  also, ensenyhe\nAssentit, \u201cassented,\u201d agreed\nAssignit, _p.p._, assigned\nAssis, assize, court of law, XIX. 55\nAssolyheit, _v._, _p.t._, absolved, set free\nAssonyheit, _p.p._, excused (O.F. _essoigner_)\nAssouerans, _s._, assurance\nAssouerit, _v._, \u201cassured,\u201d give confidence to, encourage, VI. 225;\n  also _intrans._, to have confidence in, rely upon, XI. 309\nAth, Ayth, oath\nAtour, _prep._, over, above\nAtour, _s._, gear, equipment (O.F. _atour_, _ator_, furniture, gear)\nAucht, _v._, ought;\n  _p.p._, possessed, I. 45\nAuchty, eighty\nAulde, old\nAvailyhe, Availl, to be of use\nAvalyhe, in phrase IX. 147, \u201cavail what may avail,\u201d come what will.\nAvaill, _v._, lower\nAvaward, vanguard\nAvenand, handsome, graceful (O.F. _avenant_, well-proportioned)\nAvent, _v._, to give air to, cool, XII. 145\nAventurous, \u201cadventurous,\u201d dangerous, risky\nAverty, shrewd, prudent\nAvis\u00e8, skilful, II. 271, prudent\nAvisment, Avisement, advice, consideration\nAvis, advice, opinion;\n  sound judgment, X. 269\nAwayward, in their going away, XVI. 584\nAwblasteris, arbalisters, crossbow-men, XVII. 236 (E). See Oblesteris\nAwmener, a purse (O.F. _aumosniere_, a bag for alms)\nAwter, altar, II. 33, 34\nAynd, _s._, breath (O.N. _andi_)\nAynding, _s._, breathing\nAy-quhar, everywhere\nAyr, oar;\n  _pl._ Ayris\nAyth, oath\nBacheler, Bachiller, a young knight, not displaying his own banner but\nfollowing that of another\nBaid. See Abaid\nBaill, burning mass (A.S. _b\u01e3l_, great fire)\nBailyheys, bailiffs\nBair, _v._, _p.t._, bore\nBait, Bate, a boat (A.S. _b\u0101t_)\nBaitit, _v._, _p.t._, baited, fed. See Bayt\nBaneour, a banner-bearer\nBanys, bones\nBanyst, _v._, _p.p._, banished\nBanrentis, bannerets, XI. 259: knights bringing vassals under their own\nbanner. _Cf._ Bacheler\nBar, _v._, _p.t._, bore: _bar on hand_, maintained against, hence\ncondemned, excluded, I. 62. See note\nBarblyt, barbed\nBarell-ferraris, vessels for carrying liquid, XV. 39. See note\nBargane, _s._ and _v._, fight, encounter\nBarganyng, _s._, fighting, combat\nBarnage, baronage (O.F. _barnaige_, gathering of barons)\nBarn\u00e8 = barnage (word of two syllables)\nBarras, barriers, outwork (O.F. _barres_; _pl._ of _barre_, a stake)\nBarrit, _p.t._, barred\nBasnet, a helmet of conical shape (O.F. _bacin_, a basin, giving dimin.\n_bacinet_)\nBat(e), boat. See Bait\nBath, both\nBattaillyt, Battalit, furnished with battlements\nBattale, battell, a battalion, division of the army\nBattel-sted, a battlefield, XV. 74\nBauld, _adj._, bold;\n  also _adv._, Bauldly\nBayt, to feed\nBawlmyt, embalmed\nBe, _prep._, by\nBedene, Bedeyn, straightway, quickly;\n  in XV. 108 as an expletive, or with no particular force\nBeforn, _prep._ and _adv._, before\nBegouth, _v._, _p.t._ of began. See _Grammar_.\nBegunnyn, Begonnyn, _v._, _p.p._, begun\nBehaldand, _v._, _pr. p._, beholding\nBehufis, _v. impers._, it behoves: _behufit away_, had to go, VI. 210\nBekand, warming, XIX. 552\nBelif(f), speedily, soon\nBemys, beams\nBenk, bench\nBerdlass, beardless\nBerfrois, a tower, modern _belfry_. See note X. 708\nBerne, a barn\nBerynes, _s._, burial, variant of \u201cburiness\u201d (A.S. _byrignes_, a burial)\nBet, _v._, beat, XIII. 158\nBet, _v._, _p.t._, improved, mended, XIX. 497 (A.S. _betan_, to better,\nrepair)\nBetane, pursued, _p.p._ (Northern) of _betake_, III. 159\nBetaucht. See Beteche\nBetraiss, to betray;\n  _p.p._ Betrasyt, Betresyt\nBeteche, to commit, hand over;\n  _part._, betaucht\nBetyd, _v._;\n  _pr. sub._, happen\nBiggit, built and so, inhabited, XIV. 383\nBikkyr, Bykkir, to skirmish;\n  _pr. part._, Bikkyrring;\n  _p.t._, Bykkerit\nBlenknyt, _v._;\n  _p.t._, blinked, glanced;\n  variant of next form\nBlenkyt, looked to the side, glanced, shone (A.S. _bl\u012bcan_, to shine)\nBodword, a message, XV. 423 (N.E. only)\nBodyn, _p.p._ (obs.), of Bid, bidden, challenged to fight;\n  armed, VII. 103\nBollis, bushels\nBoruch, pledge (A.S. _borh_, a pledge)\nBot, but\nBoune, Bown, Bowne, prepared, ready;\n  _adj._ and _p.p._;\n  _v._, bown, to make ready\nBow-draucht, bow-shot\nBourdand, jesting, humorous, VIII. 383 (O.F. _bourder_, to jest)\nBoyis, fetters, X. 763 (O.F. _boie_, _buie_)\nBrad, Braid, broad\nBra-syd, brae--_i.e._, hill-side\nBrast, _v._, to break, \u201cburst,\u201d XV. 479;\n  _p.t._, Brest, Brist.\n  See _Language_, \u201cr\u201d\nBredis, _v._, expand, spread out, XVI. 68 (A.S. _br\u00e6dan_, to spread)\nBreid, breadth: _on breid_, in breadth (A.S. _br\u00e6du_, breadth)\nBrig, Bryg, _s._, bridge: as _v._, Briggit, bridged\nBrocht, broucht, brought\nBrowdyn, _p.p._, embroidered\nBruk(e), _v._, enjoy\nBrulyheit, broiled, burned\nBrym, shore;\n  originally \u201cthe line which separates the land from the sea\u201d\n      (Max M\u00fcller)\nBryn, to burn. See _Language_, \u201cr\u201d\nBrynstane, brimstone\nBundin, Bundyn, _p.p._, bound\nBurchis, _s. pl._, burghs, towns\nBurd, board: Burdys, Burdis (II. 96, V. 388), the boards of a\ntemporary table\nBurgeonys, leaves, fresh shoots, V. 10\nBuschement, an ambush\nBusk, to prepare oneself, get ready;\n  _past_, buskit\nBut, _prep._, without: _but persaving_, without being seen, XVII. 92\nBynk. See Benk\nByrd, it behoved;\n  _past of reflexive verb_: VI. 316\nByrkis, birches\nByrnys, \u201cbirnies,\u201d shirts of mail\nCald, Cauld, cold\nCall, to drive. See note on X. 227;\n  labour, XIX. 174\nCan, did (_auxiliary_). _Cf._ Gan\nCant, active, brisk\nCar, \u201ccare\u201d in sense of grief, regret\nCariage, Caryage, _s._, baggage\nCarle, Carll, churl, peasant\nCarpand, _v._, _pr. p._, talking\nCarpi(y)ng, _s._, speaking, narrative\nCataill, Catell, property, III. 735, V. 275. See Fe. Chaucer has it in\nthis sense\nCause, Cawse (two syllables), causeway, highroad (O.Nor.F. _caucie_ =\n_chauss\u00e9e_)\nCertis, certainly, I. 21, XVII. 812\nChak-wachis, _s._, \u201ccheck-watches,\u201d inspectors of the guard\nChallans, _s._, challenge\nChallans, _v._, accuse, XIX. 60 (O.F. _chalonger_)\nChalmer, Chamur, Chamyr, Chawmer, chamber. See on _Language_, \u201cm\u201d\nChapyt, _p.p._, escaped\nCharge, business on hand, I. 141\nChargeand, _pr. p._ of charge, load, XVI. 458;\n  _p.p._, chargit, IV. 401, etc.\nCharre (two syllables), _s._, a collection of chariots or waggons\nChasty, _v._, to chasten;\nCheis, Cheys, choose. See Ches\nChekys, gate-posts, X. 229\nChemyr, \u201cChimer,\u201d a loose gown, specially that of a bishop, to which\nthe lawn sleeves are attached, XVI. 580\nChes, _v._, to choose;\n  _p.t._, Chesi(y)t;\n  _p.p._, Chosyn\nChevisance, provision, III. 402 (O.F. _chevir_, to furnish)\nCheyff, in: directly from the Lord Paramount\nChilder, _s. pl._, children. See _Grammar_\nChildyne, _s._--_i.e._, childing, travail with a child\nChos, _s._, choice, III. 264\nClaif, Clafe, Claff, _v._, _p.t._, clove, cleft\nClap, knock, noise, X. 401\nCled, _v._, _p.t._, clad\nCleket, catch, trigger (F. _cliquet_, a catch), X. 401;\nClengit, cleared, emptied\nClergy, learning, IV. 689\nClerkis, men of learning, I. 249\nClething, clothing\nCleuch, a gorge, hollow\nClummyn, _p.p._ of Clym, climb\nCole (two syllables), a buffet. See note on VII. 623\nCom, _s._, coming\nCompering, _s._, comparison, I. 261\nCompositur, arbiter, I. 883\nConabill, _adj._, proper, fitting, III. 290, V. 266 (O.F. _covenable_,\nsuitable)\nConfort, comfort\nConand. See Cunnand\nConsaf, _v._, conceive;\n  _p.p._, consavit, XX. 186\nConteyning, Contynyng = containing, _s._, demeanour, behaviour\nConteyn, _v._, demean or carry oneself;\n  _past_, Contenyt\nContrar, _adj._, contrary;\n  also Contrar, _s._, oppression, I. 461\nContraryit, _v._, _p.t._, countered, opposed\nConvyn, Convyne. See Covyne\nCosynage, relationship, V. 135\nCosyne, cousin, near relative\nCoupillyt, \u201ccoupled,\u201d united\nCouth, (1) could, (2) did _auxiliary_, III. 460, XX. 250;\n  past of _can_.\n  See _Grammar_ (_Verb_)\nCovatis, covetousness\nCover, _v._, to recover;\n  _p.t._, Coverit\nCoveryng, recovery, IX. 113\nCovyne, _s._, counsel, XIII. 122;\n  agreement, mental power, IX. 77;\n  secret design or contrivance;\n  condition, XIII. 219 (O.F. _covine_, _couvine_, _convine_, manner of\nbeing, contrivance)\nCrakkis (\u201ccracks\u201d), explosions;\n  _gynis for crakkis_, engines for explosions, guns, XVII. 250;\n  so also _crakkis of wer_, XIX. 399\nCroice, _s._, cross, III. 461\nCruk, _s._, a \u201ccrook,\u201d a large hook, X. 363\nCrykis, crevices, X. 602, 605 (O.F. _crique_)\nCuke, a cook\nCulter, a coulter, IV. 113\nCummyrsum, \u201ccumbersome,\u201d difficult to cross\nCun, _v._, to know, XIX. 182 (A.S. _cunnan_, to know)\nCunnand, _s._, covenant, agreement\nCunnannes, _s._, cunning, III. 712\nCuntyrnans = Countynans, Contenance, face, manner, IX. 273\nCunyhe, a coign, corner\nCustumabilly, customarily, XV. 236\nDang. See Dyng\nDant\u00e8, Daynte, _s._, pleasure, eagerness, honour, affection\nDaw, of, \u201cof day\u201d--_i.e._, out of life: _doyn out of dawis_,\nkilled, VI. 650\nDawing, Dawyng, _s._, dawning\nDawit, _p.t._, dawned;\n  _p.pt._, Dawyn\nDe, _v._, to die;\n  _p.t._, Deit\nDebowalit, Debowellit, _v._, _p.p._, disembowelled. XX. 285, 570\nDed, Deid, _s._, death;\n  _pl._, Dedis, XVII. 115: _done to ded_, slain\nDedeynyheit, him, _v._, _p.t. impers._, he deigned\nDefawtyt, \u201cdefaulted,\u201d put in fault, I. 182\nDefoull, defile\nDegyse (three syllables), feigned, XIX. 459 (F. _d\u00e9guis\u00e9_, disguised)\nDeill, _s._, part, bit: _nocht a deill_, not a bit\nDelitabill, pleasant\nDeli(y)ver, _adj._, nimble, quick;\n  also _adv._, Deliverly, Delyverly\nDemanyne, to waste, spoil, ill-treat;\n  to rule, manage;\n  to be behaved, to conduct oneself, V. 229: _p.t._, Demane(y)t\n      (O.F. _demener_, to treat, exercise, etc.)\nDempt, doomed\nDemyng, judgment, doom\nDemys, judges, decides (A.S. _d\u0113man_, to judge)\nDen, _v._, to dam, XIV. 354\nDepart, to part, depart, VI. 552\nDer, _v._, dare, risk. III. 382\nDeray, disorder, injury (O.F. _desrai_, disorder, harm)\nDerenyhe, _v._, prove, vindicate (O.F. _desraisnier_, to render\n      a reason, defend);\n  _s._, single combat or duel, XIII. 324, 325\nDerff, strong, daring\nDeris, _v._, harms (A.S. _derian_, to harm)\nDet, _s._, debt\nDevis, _v._, narrate;\n  determine, propose, plan (F. _deviser_, speak, decide, etc.);\n  also _noun_, _at all devis_, in every way, IV. 264, etc.;\n  _at thair devis_, to their liking, according to their plan, X. 363\nDevour, duty (O.F. _deveir_)\nDey, _v._, to die;\n  _p.t._, Deyt.\n  See De\nDicht, _v._, dress, prepare (A.S. _dihtan_, to prepare);\n  _p.p._, Dycht\nDigne, worthy\nDik, ditch, entrenchment;\n  as _v._, _Dik thame_, entrench themselves, XVII. 271\nDisclar, _v._, declare, I. 75\nDiscrif, Discryre, _v._, describe;\n  _p.p._, Discrivit\nDiscure, _v._, discover\nDiscurrouris, \u201cdiscoverers,\u201d scouts, spies\nDisese, _s._, discomfort\nDisherys, Dysherysys, _v._, disinherit\nDispari(y)t, _v._, _p.p._, in despair\nDispend, _v._, to spend\nDispending, _s._, what they might spend--_i.e._, money--VIII. 509\nDispitous, _adj._, spiteful, cruel;\n  also _adv._, spitefully, severely, angrily\nDisponis, _v._, disposes\nDispulyheit, _p.p._, despoiled\nDissaf, _v._, deceive\nDissat, _s._, deceit\nDistrenyhit, compelled\nDistrowbilling, _s._, disturbance, annoyance, V. 216\nDittit, closed up (A.S., _dyttan_, to close up)\nDo, thrive, succeed, II. 128\nDochtrys, daughters, I. 200\nDongen, Dungin. See Dyng\nDosnyt, Doysnyt, stunned, dazed\nDour, determined, stubborn, severe\nDowtyne, _s._, doubting, XIV. 230\nDoyne, _p.p._ of do, done\nDre, Drey, _v._, endure (A.S. _dr\u00ebogan_, to suffer)\nDreid, _s._, dread, fear: _but drede_, doubtless, IV. 277;\n  _withouten dreid_, without doubt, V. 579\nDreuch, Drewch, drew, dragged\nDrif, Dryf, Dryve, _v._, to drive;\n  continue, X. 699;\n  Drafe, Drivin\nDrouery, Drowry, love. See note on VIII. 492\nDule, sadness, grief (O.F. _duel_, _dueil_, sorrow, suffering)\nDulfull, \u201cdoleful,\u201d sad\nDusche, a heavy blow\nDuschit, fell heavily, XVII. 693\nDyng, _v._, strike;\n  _past_, Dang;\n  _p.p._, Dungin, Doungyn\nDynnyt, made a sound, XVI. 131\nDyspitit, _v._, _p.t._, treated spitefully, hated, IV. 596\nE, Ey, _s._, eye. See Eyn\nEffer, Effeir(e), Effere (also Affeir), _s._, bearing, demeanour,\n  stature, XX. 515;\n  equipment, belongings, XI. 196;\n  business, X. 305 (O.F. _afaire_, thing, business, etc.)\nEfferis. See Afferis\nEffray, fear;\n  also Effraying\nEffrait, Effrayit, _p.p._, terrified;\n  also _adv._, Effrayitly\nEft, again, VI. 378\nEftir, _adv._, afterwards;\n  _prep._, after;\n  also Eftirward, Efterwartis\nEftsonis, soon after\nEgging, _s._, urging, pressing\nEild, Elde, _s._, age\nEir, Er(e), _adv._, \u201cere,\u201d before\nEisfull, easy, V. 70\nEk, _v._, add to\nEk, _adv._, also (A.S. _\u0113ac_)\nEld-fadir, grandfather\nEldris, Eldrys, elders, forefathers\nElys, eels, II. 577\nEmang, among\nEmbandownyt, _v._, _p.p._, subjected. See Abandoune\nEnchawfyt, _v._, _p.p._, heated, incensed\nEnchesoun(e), Enchesone, occasion, reason, cause (O.F. _enchaison_;\nLat. _occasionem_)\nEnclynit, _v._, _p.t._, inclined\nEndentur, _s._, indenture\nEndlang, _prep._ and _adv._, along;\n  forward, XIX. 356: _endlang furth_, right along forward, XVI. 548\nEneuch, enough\nEnew, _adj. pl._, enough\nEnfors, _s._, force, XVII. 448\nEnforsaly, Enforcely, forcibly\nEnforsit, \u201cenforced,\u201d strengthened\nEngreif, Engreiff, grieve, annoy\nEngynour, engineer, XVII. 434, 663\nEnkrely, Encrely, especially;\n  really, III. 529;\n  earnestly, heartily\nEnpres, Enpris, Empris, enterprise;\n  price, value, X. 507\nEnsample, Ensampill, etc., _s._, example\nEnselyt, _v._, _p.t._, sealed\nEns(s)enyhe, war-cry (O.F. _enseigne_, banner, war-cry)\nEntencioune, intention, X. 527\nEntentif, attentive;\n  also _adv._, Ententily\nEntremas, or Entremess, something served between the courses of a banquet\n(O.F. _entrem\u00e8s_ = _entremets_)\nEnveronyt, environed, surrounded\nErar, _adv._, sooner, rather\nErd, earth: _at erd_, on the ground\nErding, Erdyng, _s._, burial\nErdit, _v._, _p.p._, buried\nErnystfully, earnestly, seriously, VIII. 144\nErynes, fear, II. 295\nEs, Eys, ease, I. 228: _male es_, _mail eis_, disease, XX. 73, 74.\nSee Male-ess\nEscheiff, XIX. 778. See Escheve\nEschele, Eschell, a squadron, company (O.F. _eschele_)\nEscheve, _v._, to achieve;\n  _past_, Eschevyt;\n  _p.p._, Eschevit\nEschewe, _v._, to eschew, avoid\nEspyne, a long boat, XVII. 719 (O.N. _espingr_)\nEt(e), _v._, to eat;\n  Ete, Eyt, Etyn, VII. 169, 170\nEtlyng, Etling, aim, endeavour, intention\nEverilk, every\nExorcisaciones, exorcisings, IV. 750\nEym(e), uncle (A.S. _\u0113am_);\n  Emy\u2019s, uncle\u2019s\nEyn(e), eyes;\n  _pl._ of E, Ey\nEyth, easy, XVII. 454 (A.S. _\u012bethe_)\nFa, Fay, a foe (A.S. _f\u0101h_);\n  _pl._, Fais, Fayis;\n  also Famen, foemen\nFailyhe, _v._, to fail, give way, faint, lose\nFair, _s._, manner, XI. 256;\n  condition, success, XVI. 21;\n  journey\nFalding, _s._, falling, change\nFaldyn, fallen, XI. 547. See note\nFall-brig, \u201cfall-bridge,\u201d drawbridge, XVII. 419\nFallow, _s._, fellow, companion\nFallow, _v._, to follow\nFalset, Falsat, Falsade, falsehood\nFand, _v._, _p.t._, found\nFanding. See Faynd\nFantiss, Fayntice, faintness of heart;\n  Fantyss, deceit, XVII. 51\nFar, _v._, to fare, go;\n  _p.p._, Farn, Faryne;\n  _s._, \u2018fare,\u2019 circumstance, pomp;\n  effort, XVII. 400;\n  good cheer, XIX. 730;\n  _adv._, fairly, becomingly\nFarand, Farrand, handsome, fit, II. 514, XI. 95\nFardele, a bundle\nFarlyit, _v._, _p.t._, wondered. See Ferly\nFarsis, _v._, stuffs (F. _farcir_, to stuff)\nFassoun, Fassownys (_pl._), fashion, way\nFast, _adv._, earnestly, zealously, I. 42;\n  strongly, vigorously, XIII. 129\nFaucht, Fawcht, fought\nFawt, Faute, fault\nFay, faith, fealty: _at a fay_, \u201cat one faith\u201d--_i.e._, subject to\nthe same lord\nFaynd, _v._ (Scots form of Fand, obsolete verb), try, tempt;\n  _past_, Fayndit;\n  _p.p._, Fayndit (A.S. _fandian_, to try, prove);\n  also _s._, Faynding, \u201ctempting of Providence\u201d (Skeat), III. 268.\nFe, Fee, cattle;\n  property, XIII. 725 (A.S. _feoh_, cattle, goods);\n  Chaucer has \u201ccatel\u201d (cattle) in this sense of wealth;\n  _of fee_, by fief, in feudal ownership, XI. 456;\n  _pl._, here Feys, I. 58\nFeble, _v._, to become feeble, II. 384\nFeblis, _v._, to enfeeble;\n  _p.p._, Feblist\nFechand, fetching, III. 428. See _Language_, etc.\nFecht, to fight\nFechting, Fechtyne, _s._, fighting\nFechting-sted, _s._, place of fighting\nFeill, Fele, Feyll, _adj._, many (A.S. _fele_)\nFeir, Fer, _adj._, unhurt: _haill and feir_, safe and sound\nFeir, Fere, _s._, companion (A.S. _g\u0113fera_, a travelling companion)\nFell, _v._, pertained, XVII. 176;\n  befell, happened\nFelloun(e), Feloune, \u201cterrible,\u201d cruel, wicked;\n  also _adv._, Fellounly, etc.\nFelly, _adv._, cruelly, severely, exceedingly;\n  also Fellely\nFelouny, _s._, cruelly, fierceness, harm\nFendis, fiends, IV. 224\nFens, defence, XX. 384\nFenyhe, _v._, to feign;\n  also _s._, Fenyheyng, feigning, I. 74\nFer, _adv._, far: _fer out the mair_, very much the more, VI. 666;\n  _on fer_, afar;\n  _Fer-furth_, far forward, XIX. 376\nFerd, fourth\nFerd, _v._, _p.t._, fared. See Far\nFerlifull, wonderful\nFerly, _s._, a wonder\nFerly, _adj._, wonderful (A.S. _f\u01e3rl\u012bc_, \u201cfear-like,\u201d strange);\n  also _adv._\nFerm, _adj._, firm;\n  _adv._, Fermly\nFerrer, Ferrest, _adj._, farther, farthest, XIX. 537, 530\nFerryit, farrowed\nFersly, fiercely\nFesnyng, Festnyng, _s._, fastening, compact, XX. 57;\n  confinement, XV. 309\nFetrys, fetters\nFewte, fealty, service\nFey, dying, doomed, XV. 45 (Icel. _feigr_, doomed to die)\nFeys, fiefs, I. 58\nFicht. See Fecht. Fichtyne = Fechting\nFlaggatis, faggots\nFlaikes, hurdles, XIX. 742*. See footnote\nFlang, _v._, _p.t._, flung\nFlatlyngis, flat, XII. 59\nFlaw, flew;\n  _p.t._ of Fle\nFlawmand, \u201cflaming,\u201d fluttering brightly, XI. 192\nFlechand, cajoling\nFletand, Fleting, floating\nFleying, _s._, \u201cfleeing,\u201d flight, XIX. 459\nFleyit, _p.p._, frightened, scared\nFlicht, Flycht, flight\nFlote, a fleet (_cf._ A.S. _flota_, a ship);\n  _on flot_, afloat, XIV. 359\nFlure, floor, V. 400\nFluss, pool, XIII. 20\nFlyt, float, III. 420\nFor, _prep._, against, XIV. 115\nForbeft, quite beaten, XVII. 793;\n  Beft (N.E.) means \u201cto strike, to beat\u201d;\n  \u201cFor\u201d is intensive\nForby, by\nFordid, \u201cdid for,\u201d spoiled\nForfalt, forfeited, XIII. 499\nForfayr, go to ruin;\n  _past subj._, Forfure, go wrong, fail, X. 529 (A.S. _forfaran_)\nForgane, \u201cfore-gainst,\u201d opposite to, XVI. 555\nForlorn, quite lost, X. 246\nForly, _v._, violate, I. 199\nFormast, _adv._, foremost\nForouch, For(r)outh, For(r)ow, _prep._, \u201cfor with,\u201d before\nForout, Forowt, without\nForouten, Foroutyn, Forowtyn, _prep._, without, besides (A.S. _for\u016btan_)\nForouth. See Forouch\nForow, Forrow, before\nForsicht, Forsycht, _s._, foresight\nForsuk, avoided, turned from, XIV. 315\nForspokyn, _v._, _p.p._, agreed upon\nForswat, _v._, _p.p._, covered with sweat, VII. 2\nForsy(e), strong\nForthi, therefore (A.S. _forth\u012b_)\nForthirmar, _adv._, farther\nFortravalit, _v._, _p.p._, exhausted by labour\nForwounderit, _v._, _p.p._, greatly surprised, VI. 10\nFoundyn, _v._, _p.p._, found\nFoysoun(e), Fusioune, abundance, great number (O.F. _foison_, plenty)\nFra, from\nFrakly, eagerly, VII. 166 (A.S. _frac_, bold)\nFranchis, liberty, XI. 268 (O.F. _franchise_, freedom)\nFra-thine, from that time forward\nFray, _s._, fear, XV. 255\nFraying, clanking, clashing, X. 653 (O.F. _freiier_, to rub)\nFrely, noble, III. 578. See note (A.S. _fr\u0113olic_, free-handed, noble)\nFrer, a friar, XVIII. 300\nFrest, delay (Icel. _frest_, delay)\nFreyast, freest\nFreyndsome, friendly\nFroggis, frocks, X. 375\nFroytis, fruits, X. 191\nFrusch(e), _s._, rush, crash, charge;\n  _v._, to crush in or break violently (O.F. _fruissier_, _froissier_,\n      to break)\nFudyr, \u201cfodder,\u201d a load, specially a waggon-load, as here, X. 198\n(A.S. _f\u014dther_, a load)\nFule-hardyment, _s._, fool-hardiness, VI. 337, 340\nFundyng, benumbment with cold (O.F. _emfondre_).\nFundyn, Fundin, _v._, _p.p._, found, provided for\nFunyheit, \u201cfoined,\u201d fenced\nFur(e), _p.t._ of Fare, fared, went on his way;\n  behaved, II. 503\nFurrit, furred\nFusioune. See Foysoun\nFut-breid, _s._, foot\u2019s-breadth, XI. 365\nFute, person. III. 578. See note\nFut(e)-hate, \u201cfoot-hot,\u201d with all speed\nFyschit, _v._, _p.p._, fixed, resolved, XX. 178\nGa, go;\n  _p.p._, Gane, gayn\nGabbing, _s._, lie, deceit (A.S. _gabban_, to lie, jest);\n  _p.p._, Gabbit, IV. 290\nGaddering, Gaderyng, _s._, gathering;\n  as _v._, _p.t._, Gad(d)eret\nGadwand, goad or whip, X. 232. (A.S. _g\u0101d_)\nGaf(f), Gaiff, gave\nGalay, _v._, reel, II. 422\nGam(m)yn, game, play (A.S. _gamen_, sport)\nGan, _v._ = _p.t._ of _ginnen_, used as an auxiliary, did. _Cf._ Can\nGang, go;\n  walk, in phrase _gang no ryd_, IV. 193;\n  _pr.p._, Gangand\nGarris. See Ger\nGast, ghost, XIX. 214\nGat, way: _a gatis_, in one way, IV. 702\nGayne-cumming, \u201cagainst-coming,\u201d attack, II. 450\nGayne-geving, \u201cagain-giving,\u201d restoration, I. 115\nGeddis, pikes (the fish) (O.N. _gedda_)\nGer, _v._, to cause;\n  _p.t._, Gert\nGestis, joists, beams, XVII. 597. See note\nGhyle, guile, I. 172\nGif(f), Gyff, _conj._, if: _bot gif_, unless\nGladschip, gladness (A.S. _glaedscipe_)\nGle, Glew, glee;\n  also game or business, affair in _yheid the gle_, I. 90, etc\nGlemand, gleaming\nGliffnyt, _v._, _p.t._, looked quickly up\nGlowand, glowing\nGottyn, Gottin, _p.p._, got\nGovernale, government, skill in governing\nGraith, ready;\n  also _adv._, Graithly, Grathly, directly, speedily (O.N. _greithr_,\n      ready)\nGranting, confession, XIX. 45\nGranys, groans\nGrathit, _v._, _p.t._ and _p.p._, made ready\nGravyn, _v._, _p.p._, buried, IV. 309\nGret(e), to weep (A.S. _gr\u0113tan_);\n  also _s._, Greting, weeping\nGretumly, greatly, extremely\nGrevis, _s._, groves, V. 13\nGrewit thame, _v._, _p.t._, _impers._, it made them shudder. See Grow\nGrow, to quake with terror, to shake;\n  _p.t._, Growit, Grewit\nGruching, grudging, XVI. 19;\n  Gruchys, _v._, objects, II. 123\nGrund, \u201cground,\u201d land, XX. 325. See note\nGrundyn, _p.p._, ground\nGude, _s._, property, XVII. 105;\n  _pl._, Gudis\nGyit, _p.p._, guided;\n  still _Sc._ in \u201cguy-rope,\u201d guiding-rope (O.F. _guier_, to guide)\nGyn, _s._, device, stratagem;\n  Gyne, engine, XVII. 682, 691;\n  Gynnys, _pl._, contrivance, some sort of net or trap, II. 576\n      (O.F. _engin_, from Lat. _ingenium_)\nGynour, _s._, engineer. See above\nGyrd, _s._, a sharp stroke, blow;\n  also _pr. p._, Gyrdand, rushing forward, II. 417\nGyrnand, growling, speaking angrily, IV. 322;\n  Skeat says \u201cgrinning,\u201d of which it is a variant by metathesis of _r_,\n      but also with a different shade of meaning; it is an ordinary\n      Scots word in sense given\nGyrs, _s._, grass (A.S. _gers_)\nGyrth, sanctuary\nHachit, _s._, hatchet\nHaill, Hale, Halle, _adj._, whole, sound: _all haill_, wholly;\n  also = _adv._, Halely, Halyly, Haly\nHailsyt, Halsit, saluted, II. 153\nHaldaris, _s._, holders\nHalf-deill, half-part, half, XIV. 188, 497\nHals, neck\nHalsing, salutation, VII. 117\nHaltand, _pr. p._, \u201chalting,\u201d lame\nHaly, holy (A.S. _h\u0101lig_)\nHamly, _adj._ and _adv._, homely, kindly, in a friendly way\nHansell, _s._, a present at the commencement, V. 120\nHardis, _s._, \u201chards,\u201d or bundles of flax-fibres\nHardnyt, _v._, _p.t._, emboldened, urged on, XII. 500\nHarnas, armour (O.F. _harnois_, with dialectal form _harnas_)\nHarnys, brains\nHat, _v._, _p.t._, was named;\n  _p.p._, Hattyn (A.S., _h\u0101tan_, to be called);\nHat, Hate, Het, _adj._, hot;\n  also _adv._, Hat, hotly\nHawbrekis, hauberks\nHawbryschownys, habergeons\nHawch, _s._, haugh, low-land, XVI. 336\nHawtane, proud, I. 196 (O.F. _haltain_, high)\nHaym(e), home\nHe, Hee, Hey, _adj._, high;\n  also _adv._, loud (A.S. _h\u0113h_)\nHecht, to promise;\n  to be named (A.S. _heht_, _pret._ of _h\u0101tan_;\n  used as present, N.E. See Hat)\nHede-soyme, the rope attaching the yoke to the waggon, X. 180\nHeill, _v._, cover;\n  _p.t._ and _p.p._, Helit, Helyt, covered, hid (A.S. _helan_, to cover)\nHeirschip, harrying, wasting (A.S. _hergian_, to ravage with an\narmy, _here_)\nHelde, _v._, to incline;\n  _pr. p._, Heldand, inclining, V. 153\nHeling, _s._, covering\nHelmys, helmets\nHely, _adv._, highly, loudly\nHendir, behind, past. _Cf._ Hendirmar, Henmast\nHer, master (Skeat, reading doubtful), IX. 640\nHerbery, Herbry, _s._, lodging (A.S. _herebeorga_, shelter for an army)\nHerbery _v. reflex_, to \u201charbour\u201d themselves, take lodging;\n  _p.t._ Herberyd, Herbryit\nHerbreouris, men sent on to secure lodgings\nHerd, _adj._ and _adv._, hard\nHerrodis, heraulds (O.F. _heraut_)\nHertit, heartened, encouraged, XVI. 662\nHevede, _s._, head, V. 11 (A.S. _h\u0113afod_)\nHeych, _adj._, high;\n  _s._, Heycht, Hicht, a height: _into the hicht_, openly, V. 487\nHeyt, _p.p._, raised \u201chigh,\u201d exalted\nHicht, _s._, a promise\nHicht, _v._ See Hecht or Heych\nHiddillis, Hyddillis, a hiding-place (_sing._), VI. 382 (A.S.\n_hydels_, a den)\nHidwys, _adj._, hideous;\n  _adv._, Hydwisly\nHing, Hyng, to hang\nHint, Hynt, seized, took (A.S. _hentan_, to seize)\nHo, _s._, delay, XX. *429. See note\nHobland, tossing about, IV. 447\nHobleris, light horsemen--_i.e._, riders on unarmoured\nhorses--(Anglo-Fr. _hobeleor--our_, derivative of _hobin_.\nSee next)\nHobynis, light horses not strong enough to wear armour (O.F. _hobin_,\n_hobi_, apparently of English origin)\nHoll, _adj._, hollow, deep, VIII. 176\nHoll, _adj._, whole, VI. 78\nHow-gatis, how. See Gat\nHowis, holes, XI. 153\nHowis, \u201choes,\u201d picks on long poles for warlike purposes, XVII. 344\n(F. _houe_, a hoe)\nHoyn, _s._, delay\nHude, a hood; _pl._ Hudis, XIX.\nHufe, remain, lie in wait;\n  _pr. p._, Hufand, Huvande\nHumely, Humylly, humbly\nHuntand, _pr. p._, hunting\nHusband, a small farmer\nHuvande. See Hufe\nHy, _s._, haste;\n  _v. reflex_, to hasten (A.S. _higian_, to hie)\nHyde, skin, III. 584. II. 511\nHye, _adj._, high;\n  _adv._, loudly;\n  _v._, to heighten\nHyne, _s._, a hind, lad, XII. 460\nHyrcheoune, hedgehog (O.F. _heri\u00e7on_, a hedgehog)\nIc, I\nIk, _adv._, eke;\n  also III. 326. See Ek\nIlk, Ilka, same, each. See _Grammar_ for distinction\nIlkan(e), Ilkone, everyone, each one\nInew, _adj._, enough. See Enew\nInewch, enough\nInfair, a house-warming, XVI. 340\nInforcely, _adv._, with great force\nInforsit, _v._, _p.t._, \u201cenforced,\u201d strengthened, IV. 65\nIngrevand, _pr. p._, \u201cengrieving,\u201d annoying\nIn-myd, _prep._, amid\nInnouth, _prep._, within\nIn-sundir, _adv._, asunder\nIntermelle, mixed up, confusedly, XIV. 215\nIn-till, _prep._, in, into\nIntwyn, asunder, VIII. 175\nIsch, _v._, to issue;\n  _p.t._, Ischyt\nIwiss, _adv._, certainly, truly, XVI. 154 (A.S. _gewis_, certain)\nJolely, handsomely, well\nJoly, handsome, good; gay, high-spirited, VIII. 446 (F. _joli_)\nJournee, a day\u2019s work, a battle or feat of arms (_Fr._)\nJowele, jewel, XVIII. 360\nJuntly, close up, XVII. 689\nJusting, _s._, jousting, XIX. 520\nKarlis, \u201cchurls,\u201d fellows (O.N. _karl_, a man)\nKen, _v._, to know, recognize, perceive;\n  instruct, direct, show;\n  _pres._, Kennys, IV. 748;\n  _p.t._, Kend;\n  _p.p._, Kend\nKendlyt, _v._, _p.p._, kindled\nKep, Keip, _s._, heed: _takand na kep_, taking no heed, I. 212\nKers, Carse, low land bordering a river\nKest, _v._, _p.t._, cast\nKinrik, Kynrik, kingdom\nKnaf, Knave, a boy: _knaiff child_, a male child\nKnawyng, _s._, knowledge\nKy, _pl._ of cow (A.S. _c\u016b_, _c\u0233_)\nKyndly, _adj._, of nature, IV. 721, etc.\nKyne, _s._, kind: _na kyn(e)_, of no kind\nKynrik, kingdom, royal power\nKyrnaill, _s._, a battlement (O.F. _crenelle_)\nKyt, a wooden vessel or pail\nLadis, _s._, loads\nLafe, Laif(f), Layff, Lave, the rest, the remainder (A.S. _l\u0101f_)\nLandar (E., Lavender), Layndar, a laundress\nLand-brist, surf\nLang, long. _Cf._ Langar\nLansit, Lansyt, bounded, dashed forward (O.F. _lancier_, throw forward;\n  the O.Nor.F. form _lancher_ has been adopted as \u201cLaunch\u201d)\nLans, _s._, rush, leap, X. 414\nLap, _v._, _p.t._, leapt\nLardener, a larder. V. 410\nLarg(e), liberal (O.F. _large_)\nLarges, bounty, liberty: _at his larges_, to the full, VII. 378\nLasair, Lasare, Laser, Laseir, leisure\nLat, _s._, let, hindrance, XII. 516\nLat, _v._, let\nLat, Layt, _adj._, late\nLate, _s._, manner, behaviour, VII. 127 (O.N. _l\u00e6te_, manners)\nLauchand, laughing\nLaute, Lawte, Leawte, loyalty, truth (O.F. _leaute_)\nLaw, Lawch, low: _compar._, Lawer\nLawchtane, dull coloured, dark (Gaelic _lachdunn_ = Irish _lachtna_,\nLawit, _v._, lowered\nLayd-men, _s._, \u201cload-men,\u201d the men in charge of the pack-horses,\nVIII. 466\nLechis, doctors\nLechyng, _s._, healing\nLeddir, a ladder\nLege, full, free: _in lege poust\u00e8_, \u201cin health and full possession of\none\u2019s faculties\u201d (N.E.D.), V. 165\nLeif, _v._ and _s._, leave: _but leif_, without leave, XVII. 863\nLeis, _v._, lose;\n  _p.t._ and _p.p._, Lesit (A.S. _l\u0113osan_, to lose)\nLeit, think, consider (A.S. _l\u01e3tan_)\nLeit, _v._, let, XVII. 850. See Lat\nLele, Leile, Leyle, _adj._, leal, faithful;\n  also _adv._, Lely, Lelely, Lelyly\nLendit. See Leynd\nLenteryne, Lent, the spring\nLenye, \u201clean\u201d\nLesing. _s._, lying (A.S. _l\u0113asung_, falsehood)\nLesit, Lessit, Lesyt, _v._, lost\nLest, List, _imper. v._, it pleases, VII. 314 (A.S. _lystan_, to please)\nLet, Letting, _s._, hindrance;\n  _adv._ Letless, without hindrance XVI. 568\nLet, _v._, to hinder, allay, prevent;\n  _p.t._, Letit, Lettyt\nLeve, to leave, to remain\nLevir, rather\nLevit, Levit: _war levit of_, had taken their leave of, XX. 577\nLeyme, flame, XI. 191 (A.S. _l\u0113oma_, a ray of light)\nLeynd, to remain, wait\nLeysch, leash\nLibbard, leopard\nLicht, Lycht, light\nLichtit, _v._, _p.t._, alighted\nLift, _s._, sky, XVI. 692 (A.S. _lyft_, air)\nLik, _v._, to please\nLisnyt, _v._, _p.t._, listened\nLosengeour, a traitor, IV. 108 (O.F., _losengier_, a flatterer,\na traitor)\nLovit, _v._, _p.t._ and _p.p._, praised;\n  and _s._, Loving, praise\nLow, flame\nLownyt, sheltered, XV. 276;\n  _v._, Lown, to become calm, to shelter (N.E. and Scots)\nLowp, _v._, to leap\nLows, _v._, to loose;\n  _p.p._, Lowsyt\nLowtit, Lowtyt, bowed before or to\nLuff, _s._ and _v._, love\nLufre, \u201clivery,\u201d gift (O.F. _livr\u00e9e_; Anglo-Fr. _liver\u00e9_)\nLurdane, _s._, rascal (O.F. _lourdin_, a heavy [_lourd_], _i.e._,\nstupid fellow)\nLusumly, \u201clovesomely,\u201d pleasantly\nLychtyt, _v._, _p.t._ and _p.p._, lightened\nLyknyt, _v._, _p.p._, likened, compared\nLyng, a line\nLynyng, linen, XIII. 422\nLypnyng, _s._, trust\nMa, _v._, to make;\n  _pres._, Mais, Mays\nMa, May, _adj._, more. _Comp._ Ma(i)r, Ma([i.])st\nMagre, _s._, ill-will, XVII. 60 (O.F. _mal gr\u00e8_, ill-will);\n  also as _prep._, in spite of: _magre his_, in spite of him;\n  _magre thairis_, in spite of them\nMaill-eiss, Male-ess, disease (F. _mal aise_)\nMaistri, _s._, \u201cmastery,\u201d strength\nMaistris, arts, XIX. 182\nMan, _v._, must, VII. 137;\n  also Mon\nManauce, Mannasyng, _s._, \u201cmenace,\u201d threatening\nManausyt, Mannausit, _v._, _p.t._, menaced\nMandment, commandment\nManhede, Manheid, \u201cmanhood,\u201d valour\nMankynd, _s._, manliness, IV. 530\nManrent, homage\nManteme, Ma(y)nteym, maintain\nMarcheand, _pr. p._, \u201cmarching with,\u201d bordering. See next\nMarchis, marches, borders (A.S. _mearc_, a boundary)\nMarras, morass\nMartirdome, slaughter\nMartymes, Martinmas (Nov. 11)\nMas, _s._, _plur._ maces\nMastrice, mastery, superiority;\n  \u201cmasterly\u201d skill, VI. 566 (O.F. _maistrise_)\nMastry, \u201cmastery,\u201d skill;\n  force, VII. 354 (O.F. _maistrie_, skill)\nMate, dull, dispirited (O.F. _mat_, dull)\nMaturite, _s._, deliberation XI, 583\nMaucht, might\nMavite, wickedness, guile (O.F. _mauvitie_ for _malvaisti\u00e9_)\nMawch, kinsman, especially, as here, by marriage, XV. 274 (A.S. _maeg_)\nMayn(e), _s._, \u201cmoan,\u201d lamentation\nMekill, much, large (A.S. _micel_)\nMelland, _v._, _pr. p._, mixing (O.F. _meller_, to mix);\n  _p.p._, Mellit\nMelle (two syllables), a mixture, whence, a battle, etc.\nMellyng, Mellyne, _s._, encounter;\n  mixture, V. 406\nMenand, _v._, moaning (A.S. _m\u01e3nan_);\n  _p.t._ Menit, Menyt\nMengit, _v._, _p.t._, mixed (A.S. _mengian_)\nMenyhe, Mengne, host, company\nMenounys, \u201cminnows,\u201d small fish\nMensk, honour, dignity (O.N. _mennska_, humanity)\nMenskfully, honourably\nMenyng, _s._, lamentation\nMenyng, _s._, remembrance, IV. 326. See Meyn\nMenys, think, XII. 269 (A.S. _m\u01e3nan_, to think on). See Meyn\nMerdale, camp-followers, IX. 249\nMerk-schot, XII. 33. See note\nMesour, Mesur, _s._, \u201cmeasure,\u201d moderation: _our mesur_, beyond measure;\n  _at all mesure_, in every proportion, X. 281\nMesurabill, _adj._, moderate\nMeyn, _v._, to think of, be mindful of;\n  mention, X. 736\nMeyne, _v._, to moan, lament, XV. 237\nMisteir, Mister, trade, craft (O.F. _mestier_; F. _m\u00e9tier_)\nMister, Myster, need (as above);\n  also _v._, Mysteir, be necessary, XVII. 215;\n  _adj._, needful\nMocht, Moucht, _v._, might\nMody, _adj._ See Mude, Mudy\nMon, _v._, must\nMone, to remember, bear in mind (O.N. _muna_, to remember)\nMony, many\nMonyst, admonished, XII. 379\nMot, _v._, may be, IV. 26\nMow, a heap of corn, IV. 117\nMowence, mutation, change, I. 134 (O.F. _muance_)\nMubill, \u201cmovable\u201d property, V. 275 (F. _meuble_, furniture)\nMude, mood, XX. 203;\n  courage, XIX. 622 (A.S. _m\u014dd_);\n  _adj._, Mudy\nMurnyn(g), _s._, mourning\nMuryt, blocked up, IV. 164 (F. _mur_, a wall)\nMut, make mention, XIII. 60\nMycht, _s._, might: _at thar mychtis_, as much as they could, III. 190;\n  _that all mychtis may_, that is able to do all things, III. 366\nMydlike, _adv._, moderately, III. 71\nMydwart, _s._, midway, III. 682\nMyrk, Merk, dark;\n  _s._, Myrknes, darkness\nMyschieff, misfortune, danger, loss;\n  evil fate, XIX. 71 (O.F. _meschief_)\nMystrowing, suspicion;\n  _v._, Mystrowit, suspected, X. 327\nMyt, _s._, \u201cmite,\u201d a bit\nNa, _adj._, no;\n  _conj._, nor: _na thay war_, but they were, V. 372;\n  _na (ne) war_, were it not\nNakit, _adj._, naked, bare, XIII. 459;\n  generally, however = without armour on\nNakyn, of no kind: _nakyn wis_, in no wise\nNamly, especially\nNanys, For the, for the nonce, X. 58\nNave, fist;\n  _pl._, Nevis, Nevys\nNavyn, _s._, shipping, III. 393\nNedlyngis, _adj._, necessarily\nNeid-way, _adv._, of necessity\nNeist, Neyst, nearest, next\nNeuth, _prep._, beneath\nNevo, nephew\nNewlyngis, _adv._, newly\nNigramansy, _s._, necromancy, IV. 747\nNoblay, nobility\nNocht, not\nNocht-for-the, _adv._, nevertheless\nNouthir, _conj._, neither;\nNovelreis, novelties, XIX. 394\nNoy, annoy, hurt (O.F. _nuire_, to injure)\nNoyn(e), noon\nNoyus, disagreeable, XIX. 742\nNynt, ninth\nNysste, \u201cnicety,\u201d folly\nNychtbur, Nychtbour, _s._, neighbour\nNygramansour, necromancer, IV. 242\nNyt, _v._, _p.t._, denied, I. 52 (O.F. _noier_, _neier_, to deny)\nObeiss, to obey;\n  _pr. p._ as _adj._, Obeysand\nOblesteris, \u201carblasteris,\u201d crossbow-men, XVII. 236\nOccisioune, slaughter, XIV. 220\nOcht, aught, III. 282\nOff lyve, alive, I. 293\nOf-new, anew\nOftsis, often (\u201coftsithes,\u201d oft-times, A.S. _s\u012bth_, a time)\nOftymis, _adv._, oft-times\nOn-ane, anon, immediately\nOny, _adj._, any\nOost, Ost, host, army\nOtow, _prep._, beyond\nOucht, Owcht, _adv._, at all;\n  very, XV. 428\nOuirmair, Owyr-mar, farther away\nOur, _prep._, over\nOur, Owyr, _adv._, too, very;\n  over, across;\n  also in compounds: _e.g._, _Our-drawyn_, etc.\nOurdriff, \u201cdrive over,\u201d survive\nOur-ga, \u201cgo over,\u201d overcome\nOur-hy, _v._, \u201chie or hasten over,\u201d overtake\nOurta(k), overtake;\n  manage, VIII. 190;\n  cover, XI. 125;\n  _p.p._ _Ourtane_, \u201cdone for,\u201d condemned, XIX. 55\nOurthwort, _adv._, \u201coverthwart,\u201d beyond on each side\nOurtummyllit, \u201cover-tumbled,\u201d upset\nOutane, Outtak, Outaken, Outakin, besides, except\nOut-our, _prep._, across, beyond, over\nOutraying, _s._, harm, injury, XVIII. 182\nOwk, week (still an Aberdeenshire word)\nOwth, _prep._ and _adv._, above, outside;\n  beyond, XIV. 352.\nOysis, _v._, uses, are used;\n  _p.t._ and _p.p._, Oysit (O.F. _user_, to be in the habit);\n  Oys, _s._, use\nPailyhownys, Palyheonis, etc., pavilions, tents\nPanch, _s._, paunch\nPar, for (O.F. _par_): _e.g._, _par cheryte_, for charity\nParage, rank, lineage, I. 102, 276\nParamouris, _adv._, as a mistress\nPaske (in comps), Pasche, Easter\nPautener, _adj._, low, rascally (O.F. _pautonier_, vagabond)\nPeill, a fort with stockade and ditch. O.F. _pel_; Late Lat. _pelum_\n(acc.), a stake, X. 137\nPeir, _v._, to equal, match\nPennystane, a flat stone used as a quoit, XIII. 581 (E and H, see note)\nPercas, _adv._, by chance (O.F. _per cas_)\nPerde = _par dieu_ (F.), an expletive, truly, etc. See next\nPerfay, \u201cby my faith,\u201d truly (O.F. _per fei_, by my faith)\nPerfornyst, performed, XII. 61 (O.F. _parformir_)\nPerquer, by heart, thoroughly (O.F. _per quer_ (cuer), by heart)\nPeth, path, pass\nPetwisly, Pitwysly, piteously\nPik, _s._, pitch, XVII. 611\nPlaner, full, I. 624\nPlay, _s._, pleasure, V. 73;\n  tricks, XIX. 364\nPlenyhe, _v._, to complain\nPlewch, plough\nPollis, pools, XII. 395, 404\nPortrait, _v._, _p.p._, painted, X. 743;\n  formed, shaped, X. 281\nPouerale, \u201cpoor-folk,\u201d camp-followers (O.F. _pouraille_, poor folk)\nPoust\u00e8, Powst\u00e8, power;\n  for _lege poust\u00e8_, see Lege\nPoynt, _s._, moment, opportunity;\n  feat of arms, in _poynt of weir_, XVI. 492, and alone, XVI. 499;\n  _at poynt_, in good condition, favourable, III. 702;\n  _in sic poynt_, in such array, XII. 93;\n  _into sic point_, at such a \u201cpoint\u201d or crisis, IV. 331\nPray, _v._, to prey;\n  also _s._, with _plur._ Prayis\nPreif, _v._, to prove;\n  _p.t._, Previt\nPresand, _s._, present: _in_ or _intill_ presand, as a present\nPrek, Prik, _v._, prick, wound, spur; Prikand, riding\nPrevate, _s._, \u201cprivity,\u201d privacy, secrecy; secret design, X. 161\nPris, Prys, _v._, to prize, esteem, praise\nProplexite, _s._, perplexity\nPryme, prime (six o\u2019clock), the first of the \u201ccanonical hours\u201d\nPundelan, hero, warrior\nPunsoune, a dagger\nPunyhe, a skirmish\nPupill, people\nPurchas, _v._, to get, procure (O.F. _porchacier_, _pourchacier_,\nto follow, to procure)\nPurchas, _s._, effort;\n  contrivance, plot, XIX. 12\nPurvians, \u201cpurveyance,\u201d provisions, IV. 397\nPusoune, _s._, poison\nPut againe, push back, repulse\nPyne, pain, suffering, distress (A.S. _pin_, pining, suffering)\nQueyr, choir, XX. 293\nQuhar, where;\n  also in compounds, _Quharfor_, _Quhar-throuch_, etc.\nQuhedirand, whizzing or roaring. XVII. 684\nQuheill, _s._, wheel\nQuhestling, Quhistlyng, _s._, \u201cwhistling,\u201d baying (of a dog), VI. 94, 87\nQuhet, _s._, wheat, V. 398\nQuheyn(e), _adj._, \u201cwheen,\u201d few;\n  also Quhoyn;\n  _comp._ Quhenar\nQuhilum, \u201cwhilom,\u201d once\nQuhyne, whence, VII. 240\nQuod, _v._, \u201cquoth,\u201d said, XVIII. 57\nQuyntis, _s._, \u201cquaint\u201d devices or decorations on the armour or on\nflags, XI. 194; XIII. 183\nQuytly, securely, X. 548;\n  freely, completely\nQuyrbolle, leather hardened by heating, etc., XII. 22.\n  See note\nRad, _adj._, frightened, afraid\nRadness, fear\nRaid, _v._, _p.t._, rode\nRair, Rar, _v._, to roar\nRais, Rase, _s._, \u201crace,\u201d strong current\nRais, _v._, _p.t._, rose\nRaith, Rath, soon\nRakit, _v._, _p.t._, moved with speed (A.S. _racian_)\nRandoun, _s._, onrush, force (O.F. _randon_, force)\nRangale, Rangald, Rangall, rabble\nRange: _on range_ \u201cin rank,\u201d in \u201cIndian file,\u201d X. 379\nRangit, _v._, _p.p._, ranged, ranked, XI. 431\nRanyt, _v._, _p.t._, rained\nRath, _adv._, soon\nRatret, Retret, retreat\nRaucht, _v._, _p.t._, reached, dealt.\n  See Reik\nRaw, _s._, row\nRealt\u00e8, Reawt\u00e8, royalty, kingdom\nRebaldaill, Rybbaldaill, rabble;\n  also Rebaldis, rogues\nRebelland, _pr. p._, as _adj._, \u201crebelling,\u201d rebellious\nRebours, at, in great dislike\nReboytit, Rebutyt, repulsed;\n  also Reboyting, _s._, repulse (A.F. _reboter_: O.F. _rebouter_)\nReconsalit, _v._, _pp._, reconciled\nRecour, recovery, II. 543\nRecryand, recreant, cowardly\nRed(e), Reid, _s._, counsel;\n  _tane to red_, come to the conclusion, taken the advice, XII. 389,\nXVII. 267 (A.S. _r\u01e3d_, counsel)\nRed(e), _v._, to advise\nRedyit, _v._, _p.t._, got ready, IX. 171\nRefe, Reve, _v._, to take away;\n  _p.t._, Reft;\n  _p.p._, Revede, reft, V. 12\nRefrenyhe, _v._, to refrain\nRegnyt, reigned, XIII. 698\nReif, _s._, plunder (A.S. _r\u0113af_)\nReik, _v._, reach, XVII. 419;\n  _p.t._, Raucht\nReik, Reyk, _s._, smoke\nReleif, _s._, payment on taking possession of a property, XII. 320\nReleyit, _p.p._, provided with a fresh supply, IV. 456\nRelit, Relyt, _v._, _p.t._ reeled\nRely, _v._, to rally;\n  _p.t._, Releyt;\n  _p.p._, Releit\nRenconfort, _v._, to encourage\nRengye, Renyhe, Reynye, rein\nRenk, \u201crink,\u201d space, II. 365. See note\nRenyit, _v._, _p.p._, denied (O.F. _renier_, to deny)\nRenyhe, Reynye, _s._, rein\nRepair, _s._, dwelling, haunt, place of meeting or retreat\nRepreif, _s._, reproof\nReprief, _v._, to reprove\nRerit, _v._, _p.t._, reared\nRescours, rescue (O.F. _rescos_, _rescousse_, succour)\nReset, refuge (O.F. _recet_, place of refuge);\n  also _v._, _p.p._, Resettit, received\nRevede. See Reve\nRewis, streets (F. _rue_)\nRiall, Ryoll, _adj._, royal;\n  _s._, Rialt\u00e8, royalty, royal power\nRichtwisness, righteousness, _adj._, Rychtwis;\n  _adv._, Rychtiously\nRif, _v._, rive\nRik, kingdom (A.S. _r\u012bce_, a kingdom, sovereignty)\nRocht, Roucht, _v._, _p.t._ See Raucht\nRod, _s._, road, path\nRoucht, _v._, _p.t._, I should not reck or care, VII. 24 (A.S.\n_r\u0113can_, _r\u014dhte_)\nRoutit, snored, V. 632\nRownand, Rowning, _pr. p._, whispering, XII. 360;\n  as _s._, Rownyng, XII. 368\nRowt, Rout, _s._, a blow;\n  also Rowt, _s._, a company, troop\nRoydly, Ruydly, rudely, fiercely\nRude-evyn, _s._, Eve of the Exaltation of the Rood or Cross, XVII. 634\nRusche, to rush, drive back, overthrow, repulse;\n  also Rus, XII. 527;\n  _p.t._, Ruschit, Rouschit\nRybbaldy, _s._, dissipation, I. 341\nRyde, _adj._, severe, XII. 557\nRyg, ridge\nRymmyll, _s._, blow\nRyng, _v._, to reign. See on _Language_\nRyoll, _adj._, royal, XIII. 30\nRyot, _v._, in _ryot to_, made \u201criot\u201d in, ravaged\nRyth, _adv._, \u201cright,\u201d utterly, I. 194\nSa, so\nSa yhe, say ye, VII. 258\nSad, steadfast, XII. 134. See next\nSadly, firmly, compactly, steadfastly, XIII. 374, 494, XVII. 576\n(Mid. E. sad = firm, etc., as in Chaucer)\nSair, Sayr, sorely: _by sair_, pay for dearly, XVIII. 514\nSakless, innocent\nSalit, _v._, _p.t._, sailed;\n  _pr. p._, Saland\nSall, shall\nSals, sauce, III. 540\nSalt, _s._, assault;\n  also Sawt\nSalusit, saluted, IV. 509\nSam(m)yn, _adv._, together\nSam(m)yn, _adj._, same\nSanct, _s._, saint;\n  _v._, _p.p._, sainted\nSanyt. See Sayn\nSar, Sayr, sorely\nSarraly, close together;\n  also _adj._ and _adv._, Sarray, close, closely\nSary, sorry\nSaucht, _v._, _p.p._, reconciled, X. 300 (_cf._ A.S. _saht_, peace)\nSauf, Sawff, _v._, to save\nSaufly, safely\nSauft\u00e8, Savit\u00e8, safety\nSavourit, scented, XVI. 70\nSawin, _v._, _p.p._, sown, IV. 685\nSawt, _s._, assault: also Salt\nSayn, _v._, _s._, bless;\n  _p.t._, Sanyt (O.F. _seignier_, to bless with the sign of the cross;\nLat. _signare_)\nSaynd, a message, V. 196 (A.S. _sand_, a sending)\nScaffatis, scaffolds\nScaill, _s._, a scattered company, men in loose order\nScale, Scaill, _v._, to scatter, separate;\n  _p.t._ Scalit;\n  _p.p._ Scalit;\n  also Skalyt\nScarsly, scarcely\nScath, _s._, harm: also _v._, to harm\nScathfull, Scathless, harmfull, unharmed\nSchar, Schair, Schare, cut, carved;\n  _p.t._ of Scher\nSchavalduris, vagrants, V. 205. See note\nSchaw, _v._, show;\n  _p.t._ Schew, X. 161, or Schawit\nSchaw, _s._, thicket, grove\nSchawdest, _adj._, _super._, shallowest, IX. 354\nSched, clove, divided\nSchent, _v._, _p.p._, shamed\nScher, _v._, to shear, cut up\nSchiltrum, a close-packed body of men: so in E;\n  C has _childrome_ (A.S. _scild_, a shield, _truma_, a troop)\nSchipfar, _s._, a journey in a ship\nSchir, _s._, sir\nSchire, _adj._, bright;\n  also _adv._, Schyre (A.S. _sc\u012br_, bright)\nScho, _pron._, she\nSchoir, Schore, _adj._, sheer, steep\nSchonand, shunning, V. 201\nSchop, _v._, prepare;\n  more usual Schap, XVI. 573\nSchore, _adj._, \u201csheer,\u201d steep\nSchoyne, \u201cshoon,\u201d shoes, II. 510\nSchoyr, loud threats (_cf._ Withoutin outher bray, or bost, or\n_schore_.--_King Hart_)\nSchup(e), \u201cshaped,\u201d purposed, attempted;\n  _p.t._ of Schap\nSchynand, _v._, _pr. p._, shining\nScowking, _s._, \u201cskulking,\u201d cowardice\nScowryt, _v._, _p.p._, scoured\nScrymmyng, _s._, skirmishing, XIX. 521 (O.F. _escrimer_, to fence)\nSe, _v._, to see, watch over\nSegis, seats (F. _siege_, a seat): astrological term as \u201cmansions\u201d\nSeik, _adj._, sick\nSeir, Ser, various, separate\nSekir, safe, sure, firm, steadfast\nSekirly, Sekyrly, certainly\nSekirnis, security, certainty\nSekkis, _s._, sacks\nSembland, \u201csemblance,\u201d show\nSemble, _s._, assembly, body of men, II. 380\nSen, since\nSend, _v._, _p.t._ of Send;\n  _p.p._, Send, Sent\nSent, _s._, scent\nSentens, meaning, IV. 260\nSenyhory, Senyhoury, sovereignty, lordship, rule\nSermonyng, _s._, speech, explanation, IV. 278\nSesand, _v._, _pr. p._, seizing\nSesing, _s._, possession, VI. 496\nSetis, snares, III. 479\nSeyle, _s._, good, I. 303 (A.S. _s\u01e3l_). _Cf._ _adj._ _Sely_ (_silly_)\n(A.S. _s\u01e3lig_)\nSchawis, _v._, shows\nShraf, _v._, _p.t._, shrived, XI. 377\nSib, related, kin\nSib-man, relative\nSic, Sik, such\nSich, _v._, to sigh\nSith, Syth, times, unaltered _plur_;\n  also Sis, Sythis (A.S. _s\u012bth_, a time).\n  See _Grammar_\nSkaith, scath, hurt, injury. See Scath\nSkalyt. See Scalit\nSkill, reason\nSkunnyrrit, _v._, _p.t._, avoided in dislike\nSla, _v._, slay;\n  _pr. p._, Slayand\nSlaid, _v._, slid\nSlak, _s._, a hollow\nSle, sly, crafty, skilled. _Cf._ Slear, Sleast;\n  _adv._, Slely\nSleuch, _v._, _p.t._, slew\nSleuth, slot, track (O.N. _sloth_, a track)\nSlew, _v._, _p.t._, struck in _slew fyre_ (A.S. _slean_, to strike)\nSlike, Slyk, mud, slime. For first Skeat gives \u201cslick,\u201d rapidly (?),\nSlop, a gap, opening;\n  _pl._, Sloppis.\n  _Cf._ _slaps and stiles_ in \u201cTam o\u2019 Shanter\u201d\nSmat, _v._, _p.t._, smote\nSnell, biting, sharp, severe (A.S. _snell_, quick, sharp)\nSnuk(e), a promontory, I. 188 IV 556\nSocht, Soucht, _v._, _p.t._, sought\nSolacious, _adj._, pleasant, X. 290\nSomdeill, _adv._, somewhat, to some extent\nSop, _s._, a sup, a hasty meal\nSop, _s._, a close body of men;\n  _pl._ Soppis, heaps\nSouthren, southern\nSowing, _s._, pricking, piercing, XVI. 628\nSoym, trace of a cart. See Hede-soyme\nSoyn(e), Sone, Soune, _adv._, soon\nSpar, _v._, faster, bar;\n  _p.t._, Sparit, Sperit, Spyryt, etc.\nSpayn, span, grasp\nSpering, Speryng, _s._, asking, information;\n  also _v._, Sperit, inquired (A.S. _spirian_)\nSpoulyheing, _s._, spoiling\nSprent, _v._, _p.t._, sprang, XII. 49\nSpryngaldis, shooting-machines, XVII. 247. See note\nSpulyheit, _v._, _p.p._, spoiled\nSquyary, a body of \u201csquyares\u201d or esquires\nStablist, _v._, _p.t._, \u201cestablished,\u201d settled\nStad, \u201cbested,\u201d hard pressed\nStaffing, _s._, thrusting, pushing, XVII. 785\nStaff-slyngis, slings on sticks, XVII. 344. See note\nStaill, a fixed position, XVII. 97\nStandand, _v._, _pr. p._, standing\nStane, _s._, stone;\n  _pl._, Stanis\nStay, _adj._, steep\nSted(e), Steid, \u201cstead,\u201d place (A.S. _stede_)\nSteir, _v._, stir, IX. 382 (A.S. _styrian_): _on steir_, a-stir\nSteir, Ster(e), _s._, a rudder (A.S. _ste\u014dr_, steering, rudder)\nSteir, Steyr, _v._, to \u201csteer,\u201d direct, govern\nStekis, _v._, closes\nStekit, _v._, _p.t._, stuck, stabbed\nStemmand, steering, straight, V. 25\nStent, _v._, to pitch, set up;\n  _p.t._, Stentit\nSterand, \u201cstirring,\u201d prancing, XI. 129\nStern, a star;\n  _pl._, Sternis, Steris\nStert, _v._, to start;\n  _p.t._, stert\nStertling, _s._, restless motion. (_Cf._ fische wantounly\n_stertland_.--_Complaynt of Scotlande_)\nStew, mist, vapour, XI. 614\nStint, _v._, stop, X. 716;\n  _s._, Stinting, stopping\nStith, Styth, \u201cstiff,\u201d strong, hardy (A.S. _st\u012bth_, strong);\n  also _adv._, Stithly\nStoking, thrusting, XVII. 785 (F. _estoquer_, to thrust)\nStole, \u201cstool,\u201d seat\nStonay, _v._, to astonish, terrify, defeat;\n  _p.t._ and _p.p._, Stonayit\nStot, drive back\nStound, _s._, time, while\nStour, _s._, conflict, battle (A.F. _estur_)\nStowpand, _v._, _pr. p._, stooping, VIII. 297\nStraif, _v._, _p.t._, strove\nStraucht, Strawcht, _adj._, straight;\n   also _adv._\nStraucht, _v._, _p.t._, stretched out;\n  also _p.p._\nStrecour, _s._, a young hound, VI. 487\nStrekit, _v._, _p.t._, and _p.p._, stretched, extended: _strekit weill_,\nclearly defined, XX. 317\nStrenyheit, _p.p._, constrained\nStrikand, _pr. p._, \u201cstriking\u201d leading, VI. 238;\n  _p.p._ Strikin, fought\nStrowit, _p.p._, strewn\nStroy, _v._, destroy\nSture, sturdy, strong (A.S. _st\u014dr_, great)\nSua, Swa(y), so\nSuagat, Swagat, so, in such a manner\nSuccudry, pride, presumption (O.F. _sorcuiderie_)\nSudjorne, _s._ and _v._, sojourn\nSuelt, died, IV. 311 (A.S. _sweltan_, to die)\nSuet, life-blood, life, XIII. 32\nSuld, should\nSum, as _suffix_, altogether, in all: e.g., _fiff-sum_, five in all;\n_six-sum_, etc.\nSumdeill, Sumdele, _adv._, somewhat, to some extent\nSumkyn, _adv._, of some kind. _Cf._ Nakyn\nSummer, the bearing or principal beam;\n  same word as next, XVII. 696\nSummer, a sumpter-horse, XIX. 746 (O.F. _sommier_)\nSuppowale, support, reinforcement, XVI. iii, 139\nSur-noune, surname, XVII. 152\nSuth, _adj._, true;\n  _s._, truth\nSuthfast, _adj._, true;\n  _s._, Suthfastnes;\n  _adv._, Suthley\nSwa. See Sua.\nSwak, a blow, V. 643\nSwappit, drew quickly, threw, cast\nSwar, _v._, _p.t._, swore;\n  also Swoir\nSwat, _s._, sweat\nSwonand, swooning, XVII. 648\nSwilk, Swylk, such\nSwith, Swyth, quickly, soon: _als swith_, as quickly as possible\nSwoir, _v._, _p.t._, swore;\n  also Swar\nSwome, _v._, to swim, III. 431\nSychand, _pr. p._, sighing\nSykis, streams in a muddy bottom, XI. 300. See note\nSyn(e), _adv._, afterwards, then, next, at last\nSyndir, Syndri, _adj._, sundry, various, separate;\n  _adv._, Syndrely\nSythyn, _adv._, afterwards\nSyttyn, _v._, _p.p._, sat\nTa, _v._, take;\n  _p.p._, Tan(e), Tayne;\n  _pr. p._, Takand\nTa; _the ta_ = _thet a_, the one (see _Grammar_);\n  also _the tane_ = thet-ane\nTaill, payment by an heir on succeeding to an estate, XII. 320\nTais, _v._, takes\nTailyhe, agreement, XX. 134;\n  _v._, Talit (E. Tailyheit), agreed upon, XIX. 188\nTaknyng, Takynnyng, sign, token, evidence (A.S. _t\u0101cnung_, a sign)\nTakyn, a token, sign, signal (A.S. _t\u0101cn_, a token)\nTald, _v._, _p.t._, Told\nTale, number, XI. 5 (A.S. _tal_, number)\nTalent, _s._, desire: so also in Chaucer, B. 1137\nTane the, the one. See Ta\nTasit, drew back, V. 623. See note\nTaskar, a thresher (A.S. _therscan_, to thresh)\nTastit, _v._, tested, tried\nTaucht, _v._, _p.t._, gave\nTauld, _v._, _p.t._, told\nTe, _v._, to tie, XV. 282\nTell, count (A.S. _tellan_)\nTend, tenth\nTene, Teyne, anger, vexation, II. 377: _for propyr tene_ in his personal\nvexation (A.S. _t\u0113ona_, injury, insult)\nTent, care, heed\nTer, tar, XVII. 611\nTha(y), those. See _Grammar_\nThak, thatch\nThan, _adv._, then;\nThar, _impers. v._, it needs, it is necessary, VIII. 257, XII. 300;\n  _p.t._, Thurt\nThar, _adv._, there;\n  and in compounds, Thareftir, Thar-fra, therefrom;\n  Thartill, thereto;\n  Thar-throuch, thereby\nTharup, \u201cup there\u201d\nThe-quhethir, however, and yet, nevertheless. See _Grammar_ (_Conj_).\nThine, thence;\n  _fra thine_, from thence, V. 190;\n  Thine-furth, thenceforth, XVII. 722\nThir, these. See _Grammar_ (_Pron._)\nThocht, _conj._, though\nThole, Thoill, _v._, to suffer, endure;\n  _p.t._, Tholyt;\n  _p.p._, Tholit (A.S. _tholian_, to suffer)\nThouch(t), though\nThowlesnes, heedlessness, I. 333\nThra, eager (O.N. _thr\u0101r_, stubborn)\nThrang, _s._ \u201cthrong,\u201d crowd, press;\n  difficulty, distress, X. 117, XV. 353\nThraw, a little time (A.S. _thr\u0101g_, a space of time)\nThrawing, _s._, throwing\nThrellis, \u201cthralls,\u201d slaves;\n  also Thryll;\n  Threldome, _s._, thraldom\nThretty, thirty\nThrillag(e), Thryllage, thraldom;\n  also Thrildome, Thryldome\nThrillit, pierced (A.S. _thirlian_, to pierce)\nThring, Thryng, _v._, to throng;\n  _pr. p._, Thringand (A.S. _thringan_, to press, crowd)\nThristill, a throstle, thrush\nThristing, _s._, thrusting, XIII. 156\nThroppill, the windpipe, the throat\nThrouch, Throw;\n  _prep._, through\nThrowand, _pr. p._, writhing, XV. 230\nThurt. See Thar\nThyrland, piercing, making holes in, II. 540;\n  _pr. p._ of Thrillit\nTid, Tyd, time (A.S. _t\u012bd_)\nTill, _prep._, to\nTill-hewyn, _p.p._, scarred, cut in different directions, XX. 367;\n  _p.t._, Till-hewyt, clove, cut down, II. 381\nTit, Tyt, _adv._, soon, quickly;\n  _comp._ Titar, Tyttar\nTit, Tyt, _v._, snatch, pull, V. 603, XVI. 132\nTithand, Tithing, _s._, tidings, news\nTo-fruschyt, _v._, _p.p._, crushed, broken in pieces (A.S. _to_, in two;\nO.F. _froissier_, to break)\nTo-ga, fled\nTo-morn, to-morrow\nTop-castellis, top-castles or fighting-tops of a war-ship\nTo-stonay, to astound thoroughly. (\u201cTo\u201d is intensive = Ger. _Zu_)\nTothir in _the tothir_, second. See _Grammar_\nTournys, _v._, turns\nTo-waverand, wandering in different directions\nTowme, a tomb\nToym, Tume, leisure, V. 642 (Icel. _t\u014dm_, emptiness, leisure). See note\nTrammys, war-engines, structures of wood, XVII. 245\nTrane, Traine, Trayn, stratagem, plot\nTranonting, Tranontyne _s._, stratagem, specially, apparently, a forced\n  _v._, Tranontit, XVIII. 360\nTrappit, furnished with trappings, armoured (of horses)\nTrast, Traist, _adj._, trusty;\n  secure, XIV. 466;\n  _comp._, Trastar;\n  _v._, Trast, Trastit;\n  _adv._, Trastly, Traistly, trustfully, securely, confidently;\n  _comp._ Trastlyar;\n  also Trast, _subs._, appointment, XVII. 36\nTravaill, _v._, to travel, work hard, _pr. p._;\n  also Travale, trouble, interfere with, VI. 602\nTravaill, Travell, _s._, a difficult journey, IV. 48;\n  labour, hardship;\n  _pl._, Travalys: also Travailyhe\nTravaland, toiling, travelling;\n  _p.t._, Travalit, troubled, harassed, etc.\nTray, _s._, vexation, XVIII. 233 (A.S. _trega_)\nTrayne, _v._, draw, entice, XIX. 354\nTretis, _s._, a treaty;\n  proposes to treat, X. 125\nTreuth, _s._, troth, trust;\n  _gaf treuth_, believed, IV. 223\nTrew, _v._, trust, believe\nTrewis, Trowis, _s._, truce;\n  also as _plur._, XIX. 200, 203\nTreyn, _adj._, wooden\nTrist, \u201ctryst,\u201d place of meeting;\n  _set trist_, appointed, VII. 235\nTropellis, troops, small bodies (O.F. _tropel_, _dimin._ of\n_trope_ = troupeau, a troop)\nTrow, _v._, believe;\n  Trowit, Trowit\nTrumpe, to sound the trumpet;\n  _pr. p._, Trumpand;\n  _p.t._, Trumpit, XIX. 429.\n  See note\nTrumpe, _v._, to sound on a trumpet;\n  _pr. p._, Trumpand\nTrumpit, _p.p._, deceived, XIX. 712 (?) (F. _tromper_, to deceive)\nTrunsioune, a truncheon, staff of office\nTrymbill, _v._, to tremble, II. 295;\n  _pr. subj._, Trymmyll, XII. 268\nTulyheit, _v._, _p.t._, harassed, IV. 152\nTume, leisure, XVII. 735. See Toym.\nTummyll, _v._, tumble: _p.t._, Tumlit, pulled down\nTurs, _v._, truss, pack up (O.F. _torser_); Tursit, Tursit\nTutlyng, tooting on a horn, XIX. 604\nTwa(y), two\nTwist, a twig, a small branch, VII. 188\nTwyn, _adj._, twain, IV. 691\nTyd, _v._, to betide, happen\nTymbrys, crests (F. _timbre_)\nTyne, _v._, to lose;\n  _p.t._, Tynt (Icel. _tyna_, to lose)\nTynsale, loss, harm\nTysday, Tuesday\nTyt. See Tit\nUmbecast, _v._, to consider, think over\nUmbeset, _v._, beset\nUmbestount, _adv._, sometimes, VII. 398\n  (A.S. _ymbe_, about; _stund_, a time)\nUmbethink, Umbethoucht, bethink, bethought\nUmquhill, sometimes (A.S. _hw\u012bl_, a time)\nUnabasitly, boldly\nUnbondyn, _v._, _p.p._, unbound\nUnder-ta(k), _v._, undertake;\n  _p.p._, Undertane\nUnfair, Unfayr, unfortunate, evil\nUnseill, _s._, misfortune (A.S. _uns\u01e3l_)\nUnwittandly, unwisely\nUnwemmyt. See Wem\nUpcom, _s._, way up;\n  also Upgang\nUre, _s._, fate, luck, \u201cespecially \u2018good luck\u2019\u201d (Skeat) (O.F. _eur.\nCf._ _bonheur_)\nUtelauys, outlaws\nUtouth, outside, II. 299\nValayis, _s._, valleys;\n  _pl._, of Val\u00e8\nVanys, veins\nVaslage, Vassalage, prowess, valour (such as was expected from a vassal)\nVath, _s._, danger (O.N. _v\u0101thi_)\nVaward, vanguard\nVencus, Vencust, _v._, vanquish, vanquished\nVere, spring\nVerty. See Averty\nVeschall, \u201cvessels\u201d; _i.e._, plate, XI. 117 (F. _vaisselle_)\nViage, _s._, voyage\nVittelleris, Vittelouris, _s._, \u201cvictualers,\u201d foragers\nVolageous, \u201cflighty,\u201d dashing, unsettled, VIII. 445, X. 553\nVyre, a bolt for a crossbow\nVyre, cast, XVII. 704 (O.F. _virer_)\nWa, Way, _s._, woe;\n  _adj._, sad, sorry\nWach, Wauch, _v._, watch, guard\nWafand, waving\nWageouris, _s._, \u201cwaged soldiers,\u201d mercenaries, XI. 48\nWaik, weak. _Cf._ Waykar\nWald, _s._, wold\nWald, _v._, would\nWalk, _v._, to wake, watch;\n  _p.t._, Walknyt.\n  See _Language_, \u201cl\u201d\nWalkyn, _v._, to awake. See _Language_, \u201cl\u201d\nWallyt, _p.p._, walled\nWalopyt, galloped, II. 440\nWan(e), _v._, _p.t._ of won\nWane, Wayne, quantity, XVI. 454\nWapnys, _s._, weapons\nWappyt, _v._, _p.t._, struck, knocked, XVII. 691\nWar, _s._, ware, merchandise, XIX. 194\nWar, _adj._, aware;\nWar, _adv._, worse, XIII. 219\nWar, _v._, were\nWarisoune, Warysoun, _s._, reward\nWarn, _v._, to refuse, IV. 392;\n  _p.t._, Warnyt, opposed;\n  warned (A.S. _wyrnan_, to refuse)\nWarnist, _v._, _p.t._ and _p.p._, stored, provided with;\n  _s._, Warnasyng, Warnysyng (O.F. _warnir_; F. _garnier_, to provide)\nWarnisoun, garrison\nWarpyt, _v._, threw (A.S. _weorpan_, to throw)\nWarrand, Warand(e), _s._, refuge, place of safety, protection;\n  _v._, Warand, to protect\nWarrar, _adj._, _comp._ more aware, V. 546\nWarra(y), _v._, to war against;\n  _pr. p._, Warrayand, warring upon, making war\nWarraying, _s._, \u201cwarring,\u201d warfare\nWaryit, cursed (A.S. _wergian_, to curse)\nWassand, weasand, throat, VII. 584\nWat, _adj._, wet\nWatyt, _v._ _p.t_, \u201cwaited,\u201d lay in wait for, I. 202\nWat(e), _v._, wot, know\nWauch. See Wach\nWaverand, _v._, _pr. p._, wandering about\nWayn, Weyn, \u201cweening,\u201d thought, purpose\nWayndist, gave way, swerved, recoiled (O.F. _wandir_, _gandir_, to turn\naside, escape)\nWe, \u201cwee,\u201d a small space or short time\nWecht, _s._, weight\nWeddir, \u201cwether,\u201d sheep\nWeid, dress;\n  armour, XVI. 580;\n  _pl._ Wedis (A.S. _w\u00e6d_, clothing)\nWeill, Weile, Wele, Weyle, _adv._, well very\nWeir, _s._, war\nWeir, _s._, doubt;\n  _but weir_, without doubt\nWeld, _v._, \u201cwield\u201d;\n  _pr. p._, Weldand, ruling, guiding\nWeltir, _v._, upset, XI. 25;\n  _pr. p._, Weltrand, rolling. III. 719;\n  _p.t._, Weltryt, rolled\nWem, stain, scar (A.S. _wam_);\n  _v._, _p.p._, Wemmyt, scarred, XX. 368\nWend, _v._, to go;\n  _p.t._, Went\nWend, _v._, \u201cweened,\u201d thought, expected;\n  _p.t._, Wenit\nWene, Weyne, _s._, supposition;\n  _but we(y)ne_, without doubt (A.S. _wen_)\nWenyng, \u201cweening,\u201d supposing, foretelling, IV. 765\nWer, _adj._, worse; also War\nWer(e), _v._, to defend, XVI. 594\nWer, Weyr, _s._, doubt: _but wer_, without doubt.\n  See Weir\nWerd, We(i)rdis, fate, destiny, and _pl._\nWicht, _adj._, strong, brave, active\nWikkid, _adj._, poor, cruel;\n  _s._, Wikkidness, timidity, weakness, XII. 280;\n  Wikidly, severely, XVII. 809\nWill, _adj._, wild, astray, VII. 2 (see note): _will of red--of wane_,\nat a loss\nWis, _adj._, \u201cwise,\u201d way (A.S. _w\u012bs_)\nWissill, mutually destroy, XII. 580\nWith, Wyth, _prep._, against, I. 520;\nWithsay, _v._, gainsay, oppose, I. 210\nWith-thi, _conj._, on condition that\nWittely, _adv._, wisely\nWittering, Witting, _s._, knowledge, information\nWitterly, Wittirly, for certain\nWitty, _adj._, wise, prudent\nWlispyt, _v._, lisped (Old Low Germ. _wlispen_)\nWod, Woud, _s._, wood\nWone, _v._, _p.p._, wont, accustomed\nWonnand, _v._, _pr. p._, dwelling;\n  _p.t._, Wounyt (A.S. _wunian_, to dwell)\nWonnyn, _v._, _p.p._, won\nWonnyng, _s._, dwelling\nWorschip, _s._, valour\nWorth (Worthis), Worthit, _v._, becomes, became;\n  _p.p._, _Worthyn_: _hym worthit neid_, it became necessary for him,\n  _wo worth_, woe be to, I. 515\nWorthyhede, honour\nWoude, \u201cwud,\u201d mad, XVII. 106 (A.S. _w\u014dd_);\n  also Wood, XX. 483\nWoude, _v._, _p.t._, waded (A.S. _wadan_, _wod_)\nWouk, _v._, _p.t._, kept watch (A.S. _wacan_, _woc_, to watch, watched)\nWoux, Wox(e), _v._, _p.t._, waxed, grew\nWrate, Wrat, Wrayt, _v._, wrote\nWre(y)th, Wreythyt, _v._, became enraged, enraged;\n  _p.p._, Wrethit, XVII. 45\nWrichtis, wrights, workmen\nWrocht, Wroucht, _v._, _p.t._, wrought\nWyndland, _pr. p._, rolling, tumbling over one another, XVII. 721.\n  \u201cWindle-straws\u201d in Scots = dog\u2019s grass\nWysk, _s._, whisk, a quick blow.\nY, Yh. See also under I.\nYare(e), Yha(i)r, _adj._, ready; also _adv._\nYheld, Yhald, Yholdyn, _v._, yield, yielded\nYharn(e), Yharnit, _v._, yearn, yearned for\nYharne, _adv._, diligently\nYheid, Yhed, Yhude, _v._, went (A.S. _\u0113ode_)\nYheit, Yheyt, yet\nYhemar, a keeper, groom\nYhemsall, Yhemsell, Yheymseill, _s._, care (Icel. _geimsla_,\nguardianship)\nYheyme, Yhemyt, _v._, guard, take care of (A.S. _g\u0233man_, to watch over)\nYhet, Yhate, _s._, gate (A.S. _geat_)\nYhoill-evyn, \u201cYule-even,\u201d Christmas Eve\nYhon(e), _adj._, yon;\n  _adv._, Yhongat, in that way, in such a way\nYhouthheid, _s._, youth\nYneuch, _adj._ as _indef. pron._, enough, XIV. 235, 364\nYnkirly Ynkurly, _adv._, specially, particularly. See Enkrely\nYsche, _v._ See Isch\nYsching, _s._, \u201cissuing,\u201d sally\nYsche, _s._, \u201cissue,\u201d way out;\n  sally;\n  outlet, XIV. 354\nYscheill. See Eschele\nYthand, _adj._, diligent, constant, tenacious, also _adv._, Ythandly\nLIST OF PRINCIPAL WORKS IN REFERENCES\nR. S. = Rolls Series. R. C. = Record Commission.\n_Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland_, vol. i.\n_Alexander, The Buik of_: Bannatyne Club.\n_Anglia: Band IX._ (Article, _Sind die von Horstmann herausgegbenen\nschottischen Legenden ein Werk Barberes_, P. Buss).\n_Annals--Fragment_ (Irish) in _Chartularies of St. Mary\u2019s Abbey_, vol.\nii.\n_Annales Hiberni\u00e6_, or _Annals of Ireland_, frequently cited as\n_Annals_ in _Chartularies of St. Mary\u2019s Abbey_, vol. ii.\n_Annales Londonienses_ in _Chronicles of Edward I. and Edward II._,\nvol. ii.\n_Annales Paulini_ in _Chronicles of Edward I._, etc., vol. ii.\n_Annals of Four Masters._ Dublin, 1856.\n_Annals of St. Mary\u2019s Abbey_ in _Chartularies of_, etc., vol. ii.\n_Arch\u00e6ologia Scotica_, vol. ii.\nBAIN, JOSEPH: _Calendar of Documents Relating to Scotland_, vols. ii.,\niii., iv.\nBAKER, GEOFFREY, of Swinbroke: _Chronicon Angli\u00e6_ (_circa_ 1400). Ed.\nGiles, 1847.\nBROWN, J. T. T.: _The Wallace and The Bruce Restudied_. Bonn, 1900.\n_Buke of the Howlat, The_, in _Scottish Alliterative Poems_. S. T. S.\nCAPGRAVE, JOHN: _The Chronicle of England_ (_floruit_ 1393-1464). R. S.\n_Cambridge History of English Literature, The_, vol. ii., 1908.\n_Chartularies of St. Mary\u2019s Abbey, Dublin._ R. S.\nCHAUCER: _Globe Edition_.\n_Chronicles of the Reigns of Edward I. and Edward II._ R. S.\n_Clonmacnoise, Annals of._ Dublin, 1896.\n_Englische Studien_, vol. x. (Article, _Die Fragmente von Barbour\u2019s\nTrojanerkrieg_, E. Koeppel).\n_English Historical Review_, vols. xiii., xiv., xix.\n_Exchequer Rolls of Scotland_, vols. i., ii.\n_Flores Historiarum_, vol. iii. R. S.\n_F\u0153dera_, vols. ii., iii. Ed. Rymer. 1704-1735.\nFORDUN, JOHANNIS DE: _Gesta Annalia_. Ed. Skene (_Historians of\nScotland_).\nFRASER, SIR WILLIAM: _The Douglas Book_.\n  FROISSART, JEAN: _Chroniques_. Ed. Lettenhove, 1863.\n        \u201e      \u201e   _Chronicles_. Translated by Johnes, 1857.\nGEOFFREY OF MONMOUTH: _History of the Kings of Britain_. Ed. Giles,\n_Geste Hystoriale of the Destruction of Troy._ E. E. T. S.\n_Gesta Edwardi de Carnarvon in Chronicles of Edward I._, etc., vol. ii.\n_Gesta Edwardi Tertii in Chronicles of Edward I._, etc., vol. ii.\nHAILES, LORD: _Annals of Scotland_. Ed. 1797.\nHEMINGBURGH, WALTERI DE: _Chronicon_. (contemporary). English\nHistorical Society.\nHENSCHEL, F. H.: _Darstellung der Flexionslehre in Barbour\u2019s Bruce_.\nLeipsig, 1886.\nHERMANN, ALBERT: _Untersuchungen \u00fcber das Schottische Alexanderbuch._\nHalle, 1893.\n_Historical Letters and Papers from the Northern Registers._ R. S.\n_Historical and Municipal Documents of Ireland._ R. S.\nINNES, COSMO: _The Brus_ (Spalding Club).\nJAMIESON, JOHN: _The Bruce; The Wallace._ Glasgow, 1869.\nKNIGHTON, HENRICI: _Chronicon_. R. S. (For the first two Edwards draws\nlargely on Hemingburgh: of independent importance for Edward III.)\n_Lanercost, Chronicon de._ Maitland Club.\nLE BEL, JEAN. _Chronique_, vol. i. Brussels, 1863 (as _Les Vrayes\nChroniques_); also for the _Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 de l\u2019histoire de France_, 1904-5.\n(The work covers 1326-1360. It is substantially the source of Froissart\nwithin those dates.)\n_Legends of the Saints and Troy Fragments._ Ed. Horstmann. Heilbronn,\n_Loch C\u00e9, Annals of._ London, 1871.\nMARIANA, JOHN DE: G_eneral History of Spain._ Translated by Stevens.\nLondon, 1699.\nMAXWELL, SIR HERBERT: _Robert the Bruce_. (Heroes of the Nations.)\nMAXWELL, SIR HERBERT: _History of the House of Douglas_.\nMORRIS, J. E.: _The Welsh Wars of Edward I_.\n_Morte Arthure._ Ed. M. M. Banks. 1900.\nMURIMUTH, ADAM DE: _Continuatio Chronicorum_, R. S. (died 1347).\nMURRAY, J. H.: _Dialect of the Southern Counties of Scotland._\nNEILSON, GEORGE: _John Barbour, Poet and Translator_. London, 1900.\n(Also articles in _Scottish Antiquary_.)\n_Old Statistical Account_, vols. iv., xviii.\nOMAN, C. W. C.: _A History of the Art of War_, 1898.\nPALGRAVE, SIR FRANCIS: _Documents and Records illustrating the History\nof Scotland_. R. C.\n_Parliamentary Writs and Writs of Military Summons_, vols. i., ii. R. C.\n_Patent Rolls, Calendar of_: Edwards I., II., III. R. S.\n_Registrum Magni Sigilli_, vol. i.\nREGEL, ERNST: _Phonetic Peculiarities of Barbour\u2019s Bruce_. Gesa, 1877.\nRISHANGER, WILLIAM: _Gesta Edwardi Primi_ (own work); _Chronicle_,\n1272-1306 (compilation). R. S.\n_Rotuli Scoti\u00e6_, vol. i.\n  ROUND, J. H.: _The Commune of London_ (article Bannockburn).\n       \u201e    _Feudal England_.\n       \u201e    _Studies in the Peerage_.\nSALTOUN, LORD: _The Frasers of Philorth_.\n_Scalacronica_: Sir Thomas Gray (_circa_ 1356). Maitland Club\n_Scotichronicon._ Ed. Goodall, 1759.\n_Scottish Antiquary, The_, vols. xi., xii.\n_Scots Peerage, The._ Ed. Sir J. B. Paul.\nSKEAT, PROFESSOR: _The Bruce_, 2 vols. S. T. S.\n_Sowdone of Babylone, The._ Ed. Hansknecht. E. E. T. S.\nSTEVENSON, JOSEPH: _Illustrations of Scottish History_. Maitland Club.\nSTEVENSON, JOSEPH: _Historical Documents of Scotland_. Register House,\nTRIVET, NICHOLAS: _Annales_. English Historical Society. (Contemporary\nof Edward I.; uses and abridges Hemingburgh.)\nTROKELOWE, JOHANNIS DE: _Chronica et Annales_. R. S. (Not before 1330;\nprime authority on Edward II.)\n_Ulster, Annals of._ R. S.\nWALSINGHAM, THOMAS: _Historia Anglicana_, vol. i. R. S. (Late\nfourteenth and early fifteenth centuries.)\nWRIGHT, THOMAS: _Political Songs of England._ Camden Society.\nTHE END\nBILLING AND SONS, LTD., PRINTERS, GUILDFORD\nTranscriber's Note\nPage headers have been reformatted as sidenotes.\nA half-title page has been removed from the front of the book.\nThe following apparent errors have been corrected:\np. xvi (note) \"xv-xxv\" changed to \"xv-xxv.\"\np. 5 \"rewate.\" changed to \"rewate.'\"\np. 46 The footnote marker 399 was printed as 99.\np. 90 (note) \"_Is_ from C.\" changed to \"Is from C.\"\np. 105 The footnote marker 325 was printed as 25.\np. 115 \"  Of me\" changed to \"\"Of me\"\np. 119 \"forrow us. quhill\" changed to \"forrow us, quhill\"\np. 122 \"\"Sa yhe suthly?\"\" changed to \"'Sa yhe suthly?'\"\np. 122 \"Yhour men\" changed to \"'Yhour men\"\np. 145 \"c uth ta\" changed to \"couth ta\"\np. 145 \"E Jedworthis\" changed to \"_Jedworthis_\"\np. 168 \"'Yheit may\" changed to \"\"Yheit may\"\np. 179 \"chere,'\" changed to \"chere,\"\"\np. 187 \"dnrst nocht\" changed to \"durst nocht\"\np. 194 (note) \"93. E has\" changed to \"94. E has\"\np. 209 \"agane,\" changed to \"agane,'\"\np. 210 (note) \"H. _a gray_\" changed to \"H _a gray_\"\np. 217 (note) \"E. _That_\" changed to \"E _That_\"\np. 220 (note) \"Cf.\" changed to \"_Cf._\"\np. 235 \"\"His brydill\" changed to \"His brydill\"\np. 261 \"And', in\" changed to \"And, in\"\np. 261 \"o! Lumbardy\" changed to \"of Lumbardy\"\np. 263 The letter \"n\" in \"And schot\" was inverted\np. 280 The letter \"n\" in \"and yhumanry\" was inverted\np. 324 \"Me think\" changed to \"\"Me think\"\np. 326 \"ilkane \"\" changed to \"ilkane.\"\"\np. 333 (note) \"H. _few_\" changed to \"H _few_\"\np. 335 (note) \"(S.\" changed to \"(S).\"\np. 344 (note) \"_eirded_\" changed to \"_eirded_.\"\np. 345 \"hailll\" changed to \"haill\"\np. 347 \"_Attack by the English Archers._\" changed to \"_Attack by\nthe English Archers_\"\np. 351 (note) \"Cf.\" changed to \"_Cf._\"\np. 353 (note) \"H as E\" changed to \"H as E.\"\np. 355 \"battale.\" changed to \"battale.'\"\np. 370 (note) \"weere.\" changed to \"weere.\"\"\np. 370 \"fall.'\" changed to \"fall.\"\np. 372 (note) \"els die\"\" changed to \"els die.\"\"\np. 387 \"_Introd._, ii\" changed to \"_Introd._, ii.\"\np. 387 \"F.I.C.\" changed to \"F.i.c.\"\np. 390 \"Bk. XIII.\" changed to \"_Bk._ XIII.\"\np. 395 \"Holshausen\" changed to \"Holthausen\"\np. 395 The notes to lines 479 and 482 were printed out of order\np. 396 \"_dat_\" changed to \"_dat._\"\np. 398 \"Alexander. III.\" changed to \"Alexander III.\"\npp. 399, 400 \"_Appendix_ F, III\" changed to \"_Appendix_ F, iii\"\np. 400 \"see Appendix\" changed to \"see _Appendix_\"\np. 402 \"(_Bain._, ii.\" changed to \"(_Bain_, ii.\"\np. 403 \"359); Cristina\" changed to \"(359); Cristina\"\np. 412 \"589 _his baneour._\" changed to \"588 _his baneour.</i?\"\np. 417 \"116 _And als frendis._\" changed to \"117 _And als frendis._\"\np. 420 \"the left\" changed to \"be left\"\np. 422 \"at St. Andrew s\" changed to \"at St. Andrews \"\np. 423 \"154 _Wilyhame Bunnok._\" changed to \"153 _Wilyhame Bunnok._\"\np. 424 \"_Bk._ ix.\" changed to \"(_Bk._ ix.\"\np. 426 \"710 _Lap fra a berfrois._\" changed to \"708 _Lap fra a\nberfrois._\"\np. 431 \"_Scotchronicon_\" changed to \"_Scotichronicon_\"\np. 434 \"547 _war past._\" changed to \"548 _war past._\"\np. 437 \"300 _enveronyt._\" changed to \"302 _enveronyt._\"\np. 439 \"themelves\" changed to \"themselves\"\np. 446 \"471 _Wilyhame Vepownt._\" changed to \"472 _Wilyhame Vepownt._\"\np. 448 \"735 _our-raid all Northumbirland._\" changed to \"736 _our-raid\nall Northumbirland._\"\np. 449 \"in Ireland\" changed to \"in Ireland\"\"\np. 449 \"_Maii_\" changed to \"_Maii._\"\np. 454 \"af the Lacys\" changed to \"of the Lacys\"\np. 455 \"55 _Quha mast_\" changed to \"56 _Quha mast_\"\np. 457 \"schiltrome,\"\" changed to \"\"schiltrome,\"\"\np. 459 \"Bk. xiv.\" changed to \"_Bk._ xiv.\"\np. 459 \"and note)\" changed to \"and note).\"\np. 460 \"Bk. XI.\" changed to \"_Bk._ XI.\"\np. 461 \"205 note)\" changed to \"(205 note)\"\np. 461 \"in Barbour.\u201d\" changed to \"in Barbour.\"\np. 462 \"577 _Willyhame Syncler._\" changed to \"575 _Willyhame Syncler._\"\np. 466 \"p. lxxxii\" changed to \"p. lxxxii.\"\np. 468 \"500 _he wald nocht sa soyne assale._\" changed to \"501 _he wald\nnocht sa soyne assale._\"\np. 470 \"_in_ _Morte Arthure_\" changed to \"in _Morte Arthure_\"\np. 472 \"declares thut\" changed to \"declares that\"\np. 472 \"whch had\" changed to \"which had\"\np. 476 \"_ibid._)\" changed to \"_ibid._).\"\np. 478 \"liv\" changed to \"liv.\"\np. 481 \"249 _In England._\" changed to \"248 _In England._\"\np. 481 \"Skene, i.\" changed to \"_Skene_, i.\"\np. 481 \"Fordun, _Gesta Annalia_\" changed to \"_Fordun_, _Gesta Annalia_\"\np. 483 \"lxviii\" changed to \"lxviii.\"\np. 483 \"(? l\u2019aigle)\" changed to \"(? l\u2019aigle)\u201d\"\np. 484 \"Murimuth, p. 53\" changed to \"_Murimuth_, p. 53\"\np. 484 \"Knighton, i.\" changed to \"_Knighton_, i.\"\np. 485 \"Every day\" changed to \"\"Every day\"\np. 485 \"_Scala_ apparently\" changed to \"_Scala._ apparently\"\np. 485 \"519-20 _ilk day justyng of Wer._\" changed to \"520-1 _ilk day\njustyng of Wer._\"\np. 488 \"everything'\" changed to \"everything\"\"\np. 489 \"129 _Maid hym manrent and fewte._\" changed to \"*129 _Maid hym\nmanrent and fewte._\"\np. 489 \"130 _Till Cardross went._\" changed to \"151 _Till Cardross\nwent._\"\np. 493 \"421-32 _Bot ere they joyned, etc._\" changed to \"*421-32 _Bot\nere they joyned, etc._\"\np. 493 \"Appendix D\" changed to \"_Appendix_ D\"\np. 506 \"printer's\"\" changed to \"printer's.\"\"\np. 509 \"versions.\" changed to \"versions.\"\"\np. 514 \"(4) note)\" changed to \"(4) (note)\"\np. 519 \"s = substantive\" changed to \"s. = substantive\"\np. 520 \"XIX. 512.\" changed to \"XIX. 512\"\np. 520 \"accused XIX.,\" changed to \"accused, XIX.,\"\np. 521 \"Banyst, _v._\" changed to \"Banyst, _v._,\"\np. 521 \" _p.t._ barred\" changed to \" _p.t._, barred\"\np. 522 \"a pledge\" changed to \"a pledge)\"\np. 523 \"IX. IX. 77\" changed to \"IX. 77\"\np. 525 \"Eldrys elders\" changed to \"Eldrys, elders\"\np. 526 \"Feble, _b._\" changed to \"Feble, _v._\"\np. 529 \"contrivance some\" changed to \"contrivance some\"\np. 529 \"called\" changed to \"called)\"\np. 533 \"See Neyn\" changed to \"See Meyn\"\np. 533 \"_adj_, no\" changed to \"_adj._, no\"\np. 534 \"\"over-tumbled,'\" changed to \"\"over-tumbled,\"\"\np. 535 \"_v._ to prey\" changed to \"_v._, to prey\"\np. 537 \"_c.f_\" changed to \"_cf._\"\np. 541 The entry for \"Trunsioune\" was printed out of alphabetical order\np. 545 \"ii. iii., iv.\" changed to \"ii., iii., iv.\"\np. 546 \"I, II., III.\" changed to \"I., II., III.\"\nInconsistent spellings throughout the book, and inconsistent\npunctuation in the LIST OF PRINCIPAL WORKS IN REFERENCES have been left\nas printed. There are numerous discrepancies in spelling between the\ntext and the endnotes.\nThe following possible errors have not been changed:\np. 149 Than, wit yhe weill his, men wes wa!\np. 194 of fechtaris with hym thar.\np. 271 the note to line 338 may refer to line *338\np. 345  all Cokdaill.\np. 360 sic perplexite.\np. 395 _auserlessene busse._\np. 432 analagous\np. 452 \"Scottish enemies\u201d\" has no opening quotation mark\np. 485 \"(\u00c0 faire\" has no closing bracket\np. 541 There are two entries for \"Trumpe\"\nEnd of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Bruce, by John Barbour\n*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE BRUCE ***\n***** This file should be named 44292-0.txt or 44292-0.zip *****\nThis and all associated files of various formats will be found in:\nProduced by Henry Flower and the Online Distributed\nproduced from images generously made available by The\nInternet Archive)\nUpdated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions\nwill be renamed.\nCreating the works from public domain print editions means that no\none owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation\n(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without\npermission and without paying copyright royalties.  Special rules,\nset forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to\ncopying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to\nprotect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark.  Project\nGutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you\ncharge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission.  If you\ndo not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the\nrules is very easy.  You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose\nsuch as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and\nresearch.  They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do\npractically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks.  Redistribution is\nsubject to the trademark license, especially commercial\nredistribution.\n*** START: FULL LICENSE ***\nTHE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE\nPLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK\nTo protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free\ndistribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work\n(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase \"Project\nGutenberg\"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project\nGutenberg-tm License available with this file or online at\n  www.gutenberg.org/license.\nSection 1.  General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm\nelectronic works\n1.A.  By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm\nelectronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to\nand accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property\n(trademark/copyright) agreement.  If you do not agree to abide by all\nthe terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy\nall copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession.\nIf you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project\nGutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the\nterms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or\nentity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.\n1.B.  \"Project Gutenberg\" is a registered trademark.  It may only be\nused on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who\nagree to be bound by the terms of this agreement.  There are a few\nthings that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works\neven without complying with the full terms of this agreement.  See\nparagraph 1.C below.  There are a lot of things you can do with Project\nGutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement\nand help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic\nworks.  See paragraph 1.E below.\n1.C.  The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation (\"the Foundation\"\nor PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project\nGutenberg-tm electronic works.  Nearly all the individual works in the\ncollection are in the public domain in the United States.  If an\nindividual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are\nlocated in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from\ncopying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative\nworks based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg\nare removed.  Of course, we hope that you will support the Project\nGutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by\nfreely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of\nthis agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with\nthe work.  You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by\nkeeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project\nGutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others.\n1.D.  The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern\nwhat you can do with this work.  Copyright laws in most countries are in\na constant state of change.  If you are outside the United States, check\nthe laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement\nbefore downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or\ncreating derivative works based on this work or any other Project\nGutenberg-tm work.  The Foundation makes no representations concerning\nthe copyright status of any work in any country outside the United\nStates.\n1.E.  Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:\n1.E.1.  The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate\naccess to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently\nwhenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the\nphrase \"Project Gutenberg\" appears, or with which the phrase \"Project\nGutenberg\" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed,\ncopied or distributed:\nThis eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with\nalmost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or\nre-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included\nwith this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org\n1.E.2.  If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived\nfrom the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is\nposted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied\nand distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees\nor charges.  If you are redistributing or providing access to a work\nwith the phrase \"Project Gutenberg\" associated with or appearing on the\nwork, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1\nthrough 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the\nProject Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or\n1.E.3.  If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted\nwith the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution\nmust comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional\nterms imposed by the copyright holder.  Additional terms will be linked\nto the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the\npermission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work.\n1.E.4.  Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm\nLicense terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this\nwork or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm.\n1.E.5.  Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this\nelectronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without\nprominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with\nactive links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project\nGutenberg-tm License.\n1.E.6.  You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,\ncompressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any\nword processing or hypertext form.  However, if you provide access to or\ndistribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than\n\"Plain Vanilla ASCII\" or other format used in the official version\nposted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org),\nyou must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a\ncopy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon\nrequest, of the work in its original \"Plain Vanilla ASCII\" or other\nform.  Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm\nLicense as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.\n1.E.7.  Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,\nperforming, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works\nunless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.\n1.E.8.  You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing\naccess to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided\nthat\n- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from\n     the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method\n     you already use to calculate your applicable taxes.  The fee is\n     owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he\n     has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the\n     Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation.  Royalty payments\n     must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you\n     prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax\n     returns.  Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and\n     sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the\n     address specified in Section 4, \"Information about donations to\n     the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation.\"\n- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies\n     you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he\n     does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm\n     License.  You must require such a user to return or\n     destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium\n     and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of\n     Project Gutenberg-tm works.\n- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any\n     money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the\n     electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days\n     of receipt of the work.\n- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free\n     distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works.\n1.E.9.  If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm\nelectronic work or group of works on different terms than are set\nforth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from\nboth the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael\nHart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark.  Contact the\nFoundation as set forth in Section 3 below.\n1.F.1.  Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable\neffort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread\npublic domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm\ncollection.  Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic\nworks, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain\n\"Defects,\" such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or\ncorrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual\nproperty infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a\ncomputer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by\nyour equipment.\n1.F.2.  LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the \"Right\nof Replacement or Refund\" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project\nGutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project\nGutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project\nGutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all\nliability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal\nfees.  YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT\nLIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE\nPROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3.  YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE\nTRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE\nLIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR\nINCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH\nDAMAGE.\n1.F.3.  LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a\ndefect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can\nreceive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a\nwritten explanation to the person you received the work from.  If you\nreceived the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with\nyour written explanation.  The person or entity that provided you with\nthe defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a\nrefund.  If you received the work electronically, the person or entity\nproviding it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to\nreceive the work electronically in lieu of a refund.  If the second copy\nis also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further\nopportunities to fix the problem.\n1.F.4.  Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth\nin paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS', WITH NO OTHER\nWARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO\nWARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.\n1.F.5.  Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied\nwarranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages.\nIf any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the\nlaw of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be\ninterpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by\nthe applicable state law.  The invalidity or unenforceability of any\nprovision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions.\n1.F.6.  INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the\ntrademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone\nproviding copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance\nwith this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production,\npromotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works,\nharmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees,\nthat arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do\nor cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm\nwork, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any\nProject Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause.\nSection  2.  Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm\nProject Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of\nelectronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers\nincluding obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers.  It exists\nbecause of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from\npeople in all walks of life.\nVolunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the\nassistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's\ngoals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will\nremain freely available for generations to come.  In 2001, the Project\nGutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure\nand permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations.\nTo learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation\nand how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4\nand the Foundation information page at www.gutenberg.org\nSection 3.  Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive\nFoundation\nThe Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit\n501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the\nstate of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal\nRevenue Service.  The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification\nnumber is 64-6221541.  Contributions to the Project Gutenberg\nLiterary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent\npermitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws.\nThe Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S.\nFairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered\nthroughout numerous locations.  Its business office is located at 809\nNorth 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887.  Email\ncontact links and up to date contact information can be found at the\nFoundation's web site and official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact\nFor additional contact information:\n     Dr. Gregory B. Newby\n     Chief Executive and Director\n     gbnewby@pglaf.org\nSection 4.  Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg\nLiterary Archive Foundation\nProject Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide\nspread public support and donations to carry out its mission of\nincreasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be\nfreely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest\narray of equipment including outdated equipment.  Many small donations\n($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt\nstatus with the IRS.\nThe Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating\ncharities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United\nStates.  Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a\nconsiderable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up\nwith these requirements.  We do not solicit donations in locations\nwhere we have not received written confirmation of compliance.  To\nSEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any\nparticular state visit www.gutenberg.org/donate\nWhile we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we\nhave not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition\nagainst accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who\napproach us with offers to donate.\nInternational donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make\nany statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from\noutside the United States.  U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.\nPlease check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation\nmethods and addresses.  Donations are accepted in a number of other\nways including checks, online payments and credit card donations.\nTo donate, please visit:  www.gutenberg.org/donate\nSection 5.  General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic\nworks.\nProfessor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm\nconcept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared\nwith anyone.  For forty years, he produced and distributed Project\nGutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support.\nProject Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed\neditions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S.\nunless a copyright notice is included.  Thus, we do not necessarily\nkeep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition.\nMost people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility:\n     www.gutenberg.org\nThis Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm,\nincluding how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary\nArchive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to\nsubscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.", "source_dataset": "gutenberg", "source_dataset_detailed": "gutenberg -  The Bruce\n"}
]